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Presidential Electronic Mail from the Automated Records Management System (ARMS)
Automated Records Management System (ARMS) Email from the Office of Policy Development (OPD) Bucket
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RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: Bruce Sterling <[email protected]> ( Bruce Sterling <[email protected]> [ UNKNOWN 1)
CREATION DATE/TIME: 9-MAR-1999 18:16:50.00
SUBJECT: Welcome to the Viridian List
TO: [email protected] ( [[email protected] [ UNKNOWN 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: [email protected] ( [email protected] [ UNKNOWN 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: [email protected] ( [email protected] [ UNKNOWN 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Thomas A. Kalil ( CN=Thomas A. Kalil/OU=OPD/O=EOP [ OPD ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: [email protected] ( [email protected] [ UNKNOWN 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: [email protected] ( [email protected] [ UNKNOWN ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: [email protected] ([email protected] [ UNKNOWN 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: [email protected] ([email protected] [ UNKNOWN 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: [email protected] ( [email protected] [ UNKNOWN 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TEXT:
Subject: Viridian Note 00001
From: [email protected] (Bruce Sterling)
Key concepts: Viridian movement; Viridian design;
Greenhouse Effect; historical analogy; Belle Epoque;
futurism; postmodernity and its successors; Year 2000;
culture industry; principles of industrial cultural
design; Viridian Mailing List
Attention Conservation Notice: You have just received a
lengthy, unsought lecture. It is the very first mailout
in an extensive series of Internet list activities that
will be emanating from this site. If you do not find this
text of compelling interest and relevance, then you do not
belong on the Viridian Mailing List. If at any time you
send email asking to be removed, we pledge that your
address will be deleted from our list immediately. You
will not be troubled further -- or at least, you won't be
troubled *directly.*
Sources: an original composition for the New Minds
Lecture/Performance Series
Links: http://www.bespoke.org/viridian
http://www.well.com/conf/mirrorshades
http://www.newminds.org
Bruce Sterling
[email protected]
Ideological Freeware -- Distribute At Will
October 14, 1998
Yerba Buena Center for the Arts
San Francisco
"Viridian Design"
Hello. Good to see all of you tonight. Thanks for
taking the trouble to show up. Tonight I'm going to do
something that I've never done before. I'm going to do
something that I've struggled against doing for twenty
years.
Tonight, I'm going to prophesy.
I've always very much wanted to prophesy. Of
course, I know how dangerous and foolish this is. I
realize what a sparkling career temptation this always is
for us science fiction writers. Because there you are,
you see.... doing the job at hand, filling up those wire
racks at the chain store, spilling that ink and killing
those trees, keeping the wheels turning in the good old
Baloney Factory. And then you have to spoil it all by
saying something stupid like "Let's found the Fabian
Movement and bring enlightened socialism to the world's
oppressed masses!"
But I can't resist any longer. Because lo the
time is almost nigh. The Millennium is well-nigh upon us,
and since I am ahead of my time, I'm also ahead of the
Millennium. Tonight, you'll be getting a foretaste of
January 2000.
Of course we all know that the 21st century doesn't
officially begin until 2001, but that's just not how
people's heads work. Sometime in the first week of
January 2000, journalists all over the world are going to
recover from their hangovers, and find themselves
confronting blank screens and blank pages. And not just
because of the Y2K problem -- because of a new-idea
deficiency. So the editor yawns and he says to his ace
reporter, "Well, the 20th century's dead now; what comes
next?"
"What do you mean, boss?"
"Well, it's a new millennium now, so we need a hot
story on all the brand new stuff and all the brand new,
original ideas and fads and trends."
"Oh. Well...."
Now a sudden scowl creases the editor's brow. "I
thought you were supposed to be hip, with-it and on the
culture beat, man. Where's the brand new stuff? Where's
the futuristic weirdness and the snappy prognostications
and the enthralling visions of vast possibility?"
"Gosh..."
"Well, what the hell has been going on out there
all this time?"
"Uhm, well, mostly it's been appropriation and
sampling, sir. And subversion of the dominant paradigm.
With lots of, uhm, calling the discourse into question.
We call that postmodernism."
"Look kid, that was last year. That was last
CENTURY. That was last MILLENNIUM, for Christ's sake.
To hell with postmodern, postmodern is over now. The
consumers have a goddamn new millennium on their hands,
they don't want us to tell them that they're POST
something. Everything post is buried now, it's
irrelevant. Go out there and beat the street and find
something brand-new, or you're fired."
You know, ladies and gentleman, that was a little sci-
fi prediction of mine there, but I intend to stand by that
prediction. If that doesn't happen in the first quarter
of the year 2000, I'm gonna eat my spangled hat as a
cyberguru and technopundit. I fully expect to have the
phone ringing off the wall in the first days and weeks of
2000, with anxious journalists desperate for novelty.
And since I can smell this coming from a mile away, I plan
to have a fully developed party line.
I've got a whole year to work seriously on this
project. I am going to move it right on up my agenda.
People are going to demand from me to know what the future
holds, and I am going to be fully briefed and in total
command of my material. I will coolly and meticulously
detail the future for them, in chapter and verse, with
principles, subtexts, and policy recommendations. In the
highest tradition of my futurist craft, I will be often
wrong, but never in doubt. I feel a deep necessity to
meet the need here, I consider this my moral duty.
Although it's a convulsively funny thing to do, I am
totally in earnest about doing this. You see, the way I
figure it, I might as well. I am going to throw away the
scabbard of my sword, raise the black flag and burn my
bridges. That year, 2000, will be the biggest hole in the
status quo since 1977 and 1989. Furthermore, the year
2000 is going to be my personal last hurrah as a brain-
burning futurist prophet. I'm in my forties now. The
years after 2000 -- the decade of the zeros, whatever the
hell we're going to call that -- will be the last time
that I will to be able to say things, things that I know
are true, and that are obvious to me, that sound weird and
inexplicable to the general public.
In ten years, I'll able to compose a public speech
like this; I'll be able to find the podium. But I very
much doubt that I'll scare or amaze anybody. And in
twenty years, people will feel all warm and nostalgic when
I talk. So you see, I have no reason to hold back any
more. It's prophecy or bust.
So now, I want you to all take a deep breath and get
all comfy. I've got you all trapped in here with me, and
we are going to be here for quite a while. I am about to
reveal unto you just a few of the many, many things that I
can foresee, and that you have no inkling of.
So: the future. How to think about it productively.
Well, of course I can't foretell the goddamned future. I
can write and sell a novel set a hundred years from now,
in fact I've done that, but I can't detail the events of
2098. Prediction is impossible, we all know that. What
we don't know is that retrodiction is also impossible.
History is a form of science fiction. The future is
history that hasn't happened yet. History is the
sensibility of one time, assessing another time, that it
cannot possibly know.
And yet there is hope. Because those who know
history get to watch other people repeat it. Once we know
that the future is history, we can predict the present. A
historical analysis of own situation is the vital first
step toward framing the future. Because when we
understand the present, we are stalking the future, we
have sneaked up as close to the future as we can get. The
future is latent here, its seeds are all around us. The
future is already here, it's just not well distributed
yet.
History does not repeat itself, but it does rhyme.
People are people, trouble is trouble, and if you stare
cross-eyed and ignore enough evidence, you can make any
historical situation resemble any other. But I am going
to make a strong argument here -- no, to hell with that,
I am simply going to proclaim unto you -- that our present
historical condition, the fin de siecle, postmodernism,
the New World Order, the 1990s, is best understood by
comparing it to one hundred years ago. The last fin de
siecle, the Belle Epoque, the period from 1890 to the
beginning of the First World War.
Hearken ye unto these manifold signs. Upon my left
hand I bear the past, upon my right, the present.
Pax Britannica -- Pax Americana
Global peace with small nasty wars -- Global peace with
small nasty wars.
Gross class divisions between the aristocracy and the
proletariat -- gross income disparity between the super-
rich and the excluded.
Gilded Age corruption with industries buying Congress
wholesale -- Gilded Age corruption with PACs buying
Congress wholesale.
Robber barons in oil, railroads, stocks and steel --
versus megabanks, software and media moguls and currency
speculators.
Terrifying anarchists with bowling-ball bombs -- scary
terrorists with truck bombs.
It gets stranger. Russia is back. We spent most of the
20th century without any Russia. If you go to Russia, as
I have done on a couple of occasions recently, you see the
period before 1914 as *very* much alive. The dead Czar
and his family have been literally disinterred and given a
Christian, Russian Orthodox burial. The Czarist period
architecture is under extensive restoration, it looks
newer than anything built under the Soviets. Local
artists hearken back to Diaghilev and Mayakovsky and
NeoClassical art. You see, if you disown Communism from
1918 to 1989, there is really no place for a Russian to go
BUT the Belle Epoque. That was the last time in which
they were Russian. This is a superpower we are talking
about, a huge chunk of the earth's land surface, which has
resurfaced from 1914 just like Atlantis.
Times are unhappy in Russia, they are blundering
around in a brain-damaged flashback state, but let's face
it: they're Russians, their life means suffering. The
Belle Epoque wasn't very Belle for the Russians, but the
Belle Epoque is seen a splendid time mostly in retrospect.
People call that epoch beautiful, mostly because it ended
in such an ugly way.
People who were living during the Belle Epoque didn't
think it was beautiful. They considered themselves to be
rather tense and disoriented. Freud's theories were just
coming into worldwide vogue. People complained a lot
about decadence, perversity and neurasthenia.
"Neurasthenia" is an extinct sensibility now. For people
in our period of history, is literally impossible to feel
neurasthenic. A hundred years ago people were half-dead
of this spiritual ailment, and it simply doesn't exist for
us. Isn't that marvelous? It's history at its finest,
really. I suspect that we do have certain parallels.
Maybe our native version of neurasthenia is what Arthur
Kroker calls "spasm," which is that violently oscillating
1990s state when you feel totally hyper and nauseatingly
bored. That gnawing sense that we're on the road to
nowhere at a million miles an hour.
The historically definitive look of the Belle Epoque
was Arts & Crafts design and its cousins, Mission Style,
Jugendstil, Art Nouveau, the Vienna Secession. Arts and
Crafts is hugely popular now, much more so than it was in
its time of origin, when Arts and Crafts was seen as being
alternative, socialist-leftie and very far out. Frank
Lloyd Wright -- a wild man in his own day, a scandal, an
exile, but hugely popular and deeply respected today,
especially his Belle Epoque Prairie House period. Arts
and Crafts, Mission Style, these things have incredible
appeal among 1990s cultural figures one would never expect
to favor them. The widow Cobain for instance, Courtney
Love, puts on her kinderwhore and Versace outfits, and
cavorts appropriately on stage, and then she goes home to
her Arts and Crafts house. Elvira, Mistress of the Dark,
owns a famous Arts and Crafts house. William Gibson --
Dr. William Gibson I mean, he has an honorary doctorate in
design now -- has an 1920s arts and crafts-style house in
Vancouver, where he likes to go out on the porch and read
weapons manuals in his Adirondack chair. The ubiquitous
Goth subculture is very 1990s and also very 1890s, very
Aubrey Beardsley, very decadent and epicene, very Yellow
Book, very Art Nouveau.
Art Nouveau was European craft design, you see, back
when Europe was still functional. Jugendstil and Art
Nouveau emerged from design studios in Vienna, Paris,
Brussels, Munich, Glasgow. For most of the 20th
century, we had a crippled Europe. There was Europe dying
in the trenches, Europe in the Depression, Nazi Holocaust
Europe, Europe in two halves and covered with nuclear
warheads, a continent with the lamps gone out all over it.
But in the late 1990s Europe is back. Incredibly, we even
have a Germany. You can go back to time immemorial and
look for historical periods that have a Germany.
Scarcely any. A Germany that is whole and at peace --
totally unheard of.
The Belle Epoque was a very Techno-progressive age.
One of the reasons Art Nouveau was art nouveau was because
it used new materials, aluminum, glass, weird new forms of
metalwork. No one could miss the importance of radio, or
rather the "wireless telegraph," as they understood that
medium. We use terms that are almost that goofy now -- we
have stuff we call "wireless cable." Plus little radios
and satellite links that we somehow still call telephones.
The early cinema of Melies was basically stage
magic, set in front of a camera. It was a cinema of
special effects. We also have a cinema dominated by
special effects. And of course the Belle Epoque launched
the TITANIC. We also have a TITANIC, our special-effects,
virtualized TITANIC. The first was an Imperial British
flagship of the line, and the second is a flagship
property of the imperial American entertainment industry.
Cameron's TITANIC probably made ten times more money than
the TITANIC would have made if she'd sailed without a
hitch for forty years. We have every reason in the world
to respond with recognition and affection to this TITANIC
movie. It's all about them while also being entirely
about us.
I could multiply parallels like all night, but it
wouldn't push my argument much. If you're a skeptic on
the subject of historical analogy, you can list things
that aren't parallel. For instance, there is no massive
arms race between Germany and Britain now. We don't care
a hang about colonizing Africa, we can't be bothered to do
that. We have a vast indifference as to how many people
get shot in Sarajevo now.
But even these differences can be illuminating.
If you see the differences, perhaps you can get a handle
on them; the differences stand out in relief, they can be
grasped.
For instance, the Belle Epoque had culture. It had
an educated, distinct and privileged class of well-trained
humanistic intellectuals, who were very self-consciously engaged in art and thought. We have something else
entirely, which is a culture industry. A culture industry
is not about art and thought. It's about images and
information. Its primary reason for being is not
inspiration or taste or refinement, but marketable
intellectual property.
We're not used to having a culture industry, and we
don't really think very clearly about it. But it's
clearly a new phenomenon, and it's an exciting prospect
for futurists. It's very difficult to second-guess
cultural development, because you are basically declaring
that you are outsmarting and out-creating every other
intellectual, critic and artist on earth. But outguessing
a culture INDUSTRY, that's a different matter. Anyone can
outsmart a businessman. The woods are full of guys who
make a living claiming they can outsmart businessmen.
They are corporate futurists. I know dozens of these
people. I know their techniques, I know how to think like
they do. And when I think that way about culture -- I see
daylight, it feels good.
In fact, once I had attained this insight, I had an
immediate breakthrough in my own line of business. I've
seen this happen right in front of my eyes. The last time
science fiction had an artistic movement, it was back in
the mid-1980s. The great story of the 1990s in science
fiction was that printed science fiction has become a tie-
in for other media. The most commercially vigorous action
in science fiction today is in acting as a retailing
billboard for action figures and other collectible
spinoffs. Even science fiction movies have become
billboards for the soundtrack, the T shirt, the CD-ROM and
the other ancillary rights. This is the culture industry
at its finest, this rhizome-like exploration of every
possible commercial space.
Science fiction as an art form is diffuse and
gaseous and all over the map, but science fiction as an
industry has always been very ductile. Like pornography,
science fiction is always one of the first genres to show
up in new media, one of the first to exploit any new means
of display and distribution. In a lot of cases, science
fiction is actually ABOUT media, it romanticizes media and
promotes it. For instance, Hugo Gernsback's original
science fiction magazines were really about the romance of
Hugo Gernsback's radio mail-order operation. Science
fiction acts as a kind of conceptual lubricant here.
A fine modern example is an Internet entertainment
property like ULTIMA, the Electronic Arts multiplayer
campaign. ULTIMA is genre-based adventure fantasy, and
yet it isn't. It's about selling the experience of being
a group of people on a computer network, who are
pretending to be a group of people in a simulated fantasy
environment. The busywork with the swords and trolls and
dragons is really absolutely paper-thin here, it's just
one phosphor-dot thick. The real drama in this game is in
defending yourself from human-player assassins, other
people in the game who want to kill your character. The
truest and most intense devotees of ULTIMA are the player-
killers, the assassins.
I've always been aware that the structure of genre
publishing is a historical accident. I was never under
the illusion that science fiction publishing and
distribution was a work of nature and an eternal monument.
On the contrary, I'm painfully aware of the evanescence
of communications. For the past three years, I've been
actively researching this subject, in an effort called
Dead Media Project.
Thanks to this three-year, Internet based, scholarly
matriculation of mine, I am now the world's leading
authority on extinct forms of media. I'm going to write
a book about dead media. I have one more science
fiction novel to complete, and then this is my next big
publication project. I'll be taking off my novelist's
beret, and putting on my pointy, spangled, techno-guru
hat.
This book on dead media comes in two parts. The
first is a forensic catalog, a list of defunct
technologies: magic lanterns, pigeons carrying messages,
signalling mirrors, skywriting, the Apple Newton, and
other similar relics. The second part poses the deeper
problem. I have no doubt that a plain catalog of dead
media would be quite interesting; something like those
very nice specialized collectors books one sees, about the
salt and pepper shakers of Occupied Japan, and so forth.
But fieldwork is not the whole answer; a collection of
facts isn't scholarship, any more than a pile of bricks is
a house. Despite the fact that Dead Media is an
intensely technical subject, I'm not really asking
scientific questions. The questions I want answered
about media are basically literary questions, cultural
questions, questions of sensibility. "What does it mean,
and how does it feel?" This is not an engineering
question, not quantifiable, how many, how much. What
does it mean and how does it feel?
It occurred to me that if I could answer these
questions successfully, I would have changed people's
attitude about media. In fact, I would probably change
the understanding people have about the interrelationship
of technology and society. But this isn't really the
kind of effort one attributes to pop science writers, or
even science fiction writers. This is basically an
attitude one expects from an artist, a designer, an
architect, from the guru of an art movement. This is
what one expects to hear from a figure such as Le
Corbusier, or Andre Breton, or Alexander Rodchenko.
And that's an attractive prospect really, because I
quite like art theory, and I'm especially fond of
designers. Designers, especially industrial designers,
are one of the few classes in society that talk as
strangely and anomalously as good science fiction writers
do. The range of thought and expression you can get out
of designers, the sheer expansiveness of their
professional rhetoric, is absolutely enthralling to me.
Graphic artists and painters and such, they tend to be a
little bipolar, sort of smeared with cadmium yellow and
vaguely inarticulate. But designers have that kind of
bedside-manner glibness that you get out of expensive
architects.
You can go to a designer's meeting, let's say some
teakettle exhibit, and the dialogue sounds something like
this.
"So, uh, nice teakettle you've made there, man."
"Yes, it's all about the mastery of space and
volume. I'm developing a geometry with a strong symbolic
impact."
"Yes I see, mmm-hmmm!" So you move on to the
next designer. "So, uh, very striking teakettle you've
got in the vitrine there."
"Yeah, well, I noticed that no one had used the
unique affordances of lacquered plywood in a teakettle
before."
Move on one more. ""Ma'am, I couldn't help but
admire your teakettle."
"Well," (blink blink) "true beauty arises from the
abject surrender of the object to its innate functional
utility."
The weirdest part is when you're talking to some
Finnish or Japanese guy, and he explains to you that his
teakettle represents the inner recesses of his national
character. The delightful part is that they're all
teakettles. Most of them even work. People can actually
cram a lifetime of aesthetic experience into a household
device for boiling and pouring water. Henry Petroski once
talked for an entire book about a pencil, and half a book
about a paperclip.
But you know, for all the joy I take in studying
this, there's something itchy and unsatisfying about it.
My problem is, I'm not a designer. I'm not hands on. I
design imaginary gizmos sometimes, but what I'm really
interested in is the intimate interplay of technology and
culture. What technology does to culture and vice versa,
that is my theme as an artist.
Then it occurred to me that if I really do understand
history, and if I really do live and work in a culture
industry, then I ought to be able to design a design
movement.
And here is where it all falls into place with a very
loud clatter and thud. I've got means, motive, and
opportunity. You couldn't ask for a better time to start
a design movement than the year 2000. I've got my slate
clean, or I will by that time. I've got my Internet
mailing list chops down, I can easily set up another one.
And the fun part is that I believe I actually CAN design a
design movement. I don't think I can design objects, but
designing the culture sounds very attractive to me.
Here's a chance to begin the century with an art movement
that has been designed from the get-go.
Is he joking, you ask. Is he serious? Why even ask
those questions? They are bad conceptual formulations.
We don't really have the terminology for industrial design
of the culture industry. From our primitive perspective,
this is probably best understood as an act of prophesy.
Now let me explain to you why my 21 st century design
movement is going to be a great technical improvement over
all previous art movements. Let me give you a tour of its
many unique and innovative features.
Number One. Perhaps most importantly, this movement
has a built-in expiration date. The problem with
previous art movements is this unexamined assumption that
they have discovered some eternal cultural truth, and that
they will therefore go on forever. In point of fact, no
matter how much truth they discover, movements never do
last very long. When they run out of steam it is
painfully difficult to extricate yourself from them. I
still get plaintive phone calls from journalists asking me
if cyberpunk is dead yet. And if not, why not. Lately I
even have to put up with guys who claim to be post-
cyberpunk. With my new effort, I will design this
problem right out of the system from the get-go.
Feature Number Two. This is also of vital
importance. My new art movement has a deliverable. It is
going to center its focus and activity around one central
design challenge. My art movement is about the Greenhouse
Effect. Our activities and interests center around
greenhouse gases. Why? Because Malaysia and Indonesia
and Mexico were all on fire this summer, that's why. An
area the size of Europe has been flooded in Asia this
summer, including 300 million people in fifteen countries.
I don't think I have to lecture San Franciscans about the
effects of this year's El Nino. Of course, many people
claim not to be convinced by this so-called climate change
evidence. That is because they are shortsighted
sociopathic morons who don't want to lose any money.
But anyone who can look even a little bit into the
21st century has got to be highly interested in the summer
*after* this bad and evil summer, and the summer after
that one, too. Our society runs on fossil fuel. We have
a substance-abuse problem with carbon dioxide. This is a
seemingly abstract issue now, but it's going to get very,
very much livelier once we start having evacuation camps
and dustbowls and so on. At that point, anyone who isn't
talking about the Greenhouse Effect is going to seem very
twentieth-century and extremely old-fashioned.
So, this is where our movement gets it built-in
expiration date. The date is 2012, a date in the Kyoto
accords, when people are supposed to be engaged in a
serious decline in CO2 emissions. So it's 2012 or
environmental catastrophe, whichever comes first. I'm not
saying there will be no more use for environmental design
issues after a catastrophe; I'm just saying it won't be
the province of an arty avant-garde. They'll control CO2
all right, but it will almost certainly be done by the
military then, or at least at bayonet point.
A genuinely degraded climate doesn't mean that the sky
is falling. It doesn't mean armageddon, or utter
annihilation, or anything half so romantic. It means a
conclusive end to our Belle Epoque, though. Basically, it
means smoke and heat and damp, clinging filth. All our
cultural circumstances will become different then.
Everything we know and cherish about life will suddenly
become antiquated. It will belong to a vanished,
beautiful, innocent era. That will be our Belle Epoque's
version of the Great War, in other words.
So why is this an aesthetic issue? Well, because
it's a severe breach of taste to bake and sweat half to
death in your own trash, that's why. To boil and roast
the entire physical world, just so you can pursue your
cheap addiction to carbon dioxide What a cramp of our
style. It's all very foul and aesthetically regrettable.
I suppose there's some faint possibility that we will
burn all the fossil fuel on earth, and the weather will
calm down or even get much, much nicer. There's also some
chance that we'll all be killed by the sister of the comet
that hit Jupiter. Personally, my mind's made up. I live
in Texas. It was 112 degrees Fahrenheit in Dallas this
summer. That does it for me right there. The longer you
wait to catch on to this, the more foresighted I get.
This is Feature Number Three. We have moral gravity
and sense of urgency. This is not just a talking-shop for
aesthetes, we are actually engaging a pressing design need
for our civilization. This will keep our discussions
from wandering all over the map, engaging in random
theory-surfing, flames and topic drift. It's not about
paradigm demolition. It's about CO2.
So, we have a deliverable, we have a built-in
expiration date, we have a focus what else?
Number Four. We have no physical locale. You don't
have to be in Vienna or New York or the Left Bank of
Paris. It's all done with nets.
Number Five. A real problem with traditional art
movements is that they acquire their enemies at random.
Mostly their enemies emerge from within their own ranks.
Any avant-garde that lacks a designated hate and contempt
figure immediately breaks up into warring schisms.
Successful groups tend to define themselves by the people
they can't stand.
My art movement comes presupplied with powerful,
malignant, threatening enemies, the Global Climate
Coalition. They are perfect villains. They have huge
industrial backing, massive P.R. budgets, and a
headquarters in Washington, things that we don't have, and
will never have, and that we deeply envy. Worse yet, they
have a vested interest in obscuring and distorting the
truth about climate findings. Plus, they carry out
intensive campaigns of personal smear attacks on the
integrity of scientists. This practice is Lysenkoism,
which all serious intellectual workers must hold in
contempt and abhorrence.
Our enemies thus give us a unifying internal principle. We badly need this principle. By necessity,
we are combining highly variegated input from people in
design, art, engineering, networking, computation and
climate science. That's a very eclectic grouping by
20th century standards, but we do have one shining
commonality; none of us can stand evil bastards who
tamper with the integrity of the data.
This makes the GCC perfect punching-bags for us. It
helps a lot that we resemble them so much. You can't get
a good acrid bitterness going unless your enemy shares a
lot of your own characteristics. You see, we're both
global climate coalitions. And we're both very 21st
century organizations: we are a net-based, autonomous,
research-and-design collective, while they are Washington
infowar spooks supplying black spin for megacorporations.
We share a lot of physical characteristics, kind of like
the noble electric eel and the vile, bloodsucking leech.
We intend to find out all about the people of the
GCC. We intend to make public fun of their moms and the
way they dress. So our friends and fellow travellers
needn't worry about sharing every jot and tittle of our
arcane aesthetic doctrines. If you're on the web and
willing to do some oppo research against the GCC, you'll
always receive a hearty welcome from us.
It's obvious by now that we are Greens. What keeps us
from vanishing into the undifferentiated primal newage of
all other Greens? Well, one vital principle, which we can
call Feature Number Six. We have no tolerance whatsoever
for anything spiritual or mystical. This is simply
absolute anathema for us. If it doesn't pass muster over
at the Skeptical Inquirer magazine, we don't want to know
about it. It's not that we're going to pick big public
fights with spiritually motivated Greens and other
illuminated hippie types. This is useless and a waste of
time, like beating up Quakers and the Amish. We're
simply going to serenely ignore them, the way everyone
else does.
Feature Number Seven. Our movement has no street
credibility. We are not hip, underground, bohemian or
alternative in any way. If anyone asks you, tell them you
are engaged in corporate futurism and product development.
Trust me on this one. I have an exquisite understanding
of how this system works, and at the end of the 90s, the
real estate in the underground is priced out of site. Not
*monetarily* of course -- it's priced in reputation
capital, and the interest rates and confiscatory taxes
there are way too high. The product-cycle and shelf
availability times in the underground are absurdly thin.
Forget about the underground, it's not worth it. Give it
back to the young people and let them live there and
breathe there and grow there.
Our movement has no street credibility, and it is
certainly not a youth movement. We're not particularly
interested in young people, or in recruiting young people
to our cause. We think that young people have suffered
enough, and will probably suffer a great deal more for
things that they never did. They should not be required
to be trendy any more, the overhead there is just too
cruel. Young people should be left to enjoy their pirated
MP3 music and their baggy cast-off clothing, and everyone
over 30 should get the hell off their backs.
Which leads to unique feature Number Eight. We are
an avant-garde that is specifically interested in OLD
PEOPLE. If anyone should be galvanized with guilt over
this issue, it's guys who have been driving big ugly cars
and living in leaky mansions for sixty years. Well, your
chickens have come home to roost now, Mr Muscle Car, Mr
Little Deuce Coupe. This is your legacy to the grandkids.
If you have a spark of decency, you should pitch in and
help us. We've got plenty of stuff you can do without
leaving the house or even getting out of your wheelchair.
Besides, we're the first avant-garde that is living in a
society where the median age is rising steadily. The
target audience is old.
Unique feature Number Nine. We love cops and soldiers.
Cops and soldiers are the armed wing of our movement. One
problem with traditional cultural movements is that they
have way too much culture and not enough people with
revolvers. We have a special fondness for environmental
crimes units, anti-poacher units, post-disaster National
Guard units, emergency civil engineers, the Red Cross and
so forth. As for terrorism and vigilante action, we just
find this absurd. These people aren't serious players,
they have no idea how to seize and hold power.
One gets tired of watching cultural movements act as
if they were engaged in something daringly criminal and
semi-licit. The GCC is the group that is engaged in
something daring, criminal and semi-licit. They should
live in dire fear of arrest and prosecution. So we don't
engage in any of this net-radical hacking or
monkeywrenching nonsense. We're far more interested in
things like on-site inspections and legal indictments.
Feature Number Ten. We're futurists. One of the
major problems of the Belle Epoque movements is that they
had no idea what they were getting into with World War
One. You saw artists who should have had more sense
giving up everything to bay for blood and glory. Once
they realized just how ugly it was getting, they got this
stunned, sheeplike look. We will never, ever look like
that. We see our own doom very clearly. We're
interested in the specific, everyday details of our doom.
We're not all intimidated by it, we want to look at it
with coldblooded objectivity and document it. When
society starts coming apart at the seams, we want to
affect the thinking of the guys running the contingency
and the emergency plans.
Feature Number Eleven. All art movements tend to have
favorite drugs. We're also interested in drugs. Our pet
drug is Viagra. This is the first legal, recreational
dope that has swept the entire population in ages. We're
interested in biomedicine and life-extension drugs.
Mostly we're interested in these drugs because they are
the only mind-altering drugs that are well-designed.
Because believe me, when you live longer, your mind gets
permanently altered.
We're also concerned about the problem of short-term
thinking in environmental issues. We want people to live
longer, so that they can comprehend the full extent of
their foolishness, and pay the full personal penalty for
their shortsightedness. This is a minor issue for us, but
it's on the agenda. It ties into our interest in
futurological principles and scenario forecasting.
We think design movements should study culture as if they
knew it was going to change and *keep* changing. And the
best way to understand the future of culture is to invent
it yourself.
Feature Number Twelve. We have a name, and a coherent
look. Art movements that aren't designed in cold blood
have a problem, which is that moron critics name them.
That's how you get stuck with a name like the "Fauves."
We've already got a name. We're Viridian Greens, the
Viridian movement.
That's because we're green, but there's something
electrical and unnatural about our tinge of green. We're
an art movement that looks like a mailing list, an ad
campaign, a design team, an oppo research organization, a
laboratory, and, perhaps most of all, we resemble a small
feudal theocracy ruled with an iron hand by a Pope-
Emperor. We have our own logo -- or we will. We have
our own font and our own typography. And we have an
entire list of favorite Viridian-approved tie-in products:
T-shirts, chrome stickers, socks, solar panels, ultrasonic
sterilizers, and so on We're going to be spending a
lot of time picking bits and pieces out of the background
clutter, and assembling them, and placing our stamp of
ideological approval upon them. The future is already
here. It just hasn't been assembled as a cultural
ensemble.
So much for my organizational principles. They're
excellent principles except for one major problem, the
unlucky Feature Thirteen.
Feature Thirteen is that I am the absolute monarch of
the Viridian Movement. Not only does the buck stop here,
but I am going to be coining and distributing the bucks.
If you would prefer to be the King, you have my blessing;
I have made my design principles public and open, so start
a movement, knock yourself out.
All I ask of you, is don't do one fatal thing. Don't
commit the fatal act of all eager net-based dilettantes.
Don't think that just because you have a really cool
idea, all those eager volunteers will materialize out of
cyberspace to do your organizational work for free.
Editing a list and picking out good ideas from crap is
heavy, killer work. It's like sorting letters, it's
disgruntled postal worker labor. I've been doing this for
three years in Dead Media Project, I know what I'm talking
about. It's not about youthful enthusiasm, it's all about
grim middle-aged persistence. Anyone in a frenzy of
enthusiasm can edit one issue of a fanzine; even Ezra
Pound could manage that much. Scarcely anyone can do
four issues in a row. Everyone in cyberspace has cooler
ideas than WIRED magazine. Nobody else can come out on
time with their facts checked and the proofs read.
So I plan to give it a shot, starting next week.
There's one final thing art movements don't have. Lucky
Feature Fourteen. They don't have a beta pre-release.
That's why I have one. Real zealots ship, you see? Our
first pilot project, our first official rollout, is a
Viridian Manifesto for January 3, 2000. We are going to
collect and filter all the cool ideas we can, we are going
to build a new world on the screen through an act of
vivifying imagination. It's an act of science fictional
world creation, but this time, it's the world we're living
in. The plan is to set the world back on its heels. We
have till January 3. If we can't put that together and
ship, then it's vaporware. It never happened. We'll all
deny everything. No one will ever know.
If you're with me, send email.
Thanks for your attention.
Bruce Sterling [email protected]
Subject: Viridian Note 00002
Key concepts: Viridian List mechanics; attention
economics; reputation capital
Attention Conservation Notice: This Note will explain, in
full detail, the unorthodox format of Viridian Notes. On
the other hand, if you simply skip this, it will make
little difference, since the list's autocratic moderator
is determined to do these things anyway.
From: [email protected] (Bruce Sterling)
Sources: none
Links: http://www.bespoke.org/viridian
http://www.well.com/conf/mirrorshades/viridiandesign.htm
To go further: stay subscribed
Allow me to explain the structure of Viridian Notes
and my basic ideas about future contributions to this
list.
Internet mailing lists, such as this Viridian list,
are a form of publishing in which no money changes hands.
Nevertheless, there are two important forms of para-
economics involved. The first is "reputation economics."
People tend to contribute to Internet exchanges because
there are useful personal benefits in spreading one's
ideas, establishing one's public expertise, and making
one's name known to other interested parties. This
practice has a long and honorable history, and is well
known in the sciences and in academia generally. These
groups were the original source of the Internet and its
publication practices -- along with the military.
The second para-economic aspect is "attention
economics." This one is more problematic, because this is
where the cruelest forms of exploitation take place in the
Internet's noncommercial world. It is easy to cut-and-
paste huge archives of found text and images, and to bomb
one's hapless correspondents with them. The time and
attention of recipients suffers badly, since the work of
distribution can be accomplished in seconds, while parsing
all that text, and finally deciding that it is useless,
can take seemingly forever.
We are intensely interested in the efficient design
of lists and distributed, noncommercial, electronic
networking. These issues will be a major topic of
discussion in the Viridian list. We also intend to try
some experiments within the list itself. We hope they
will lead to improved list performance.
Our first formal innovation is an attempt to steal as
little of your attention as we can. We don't fondly
imagine that every reader will find all posts in this list
to be equally fascinating. We are going to be covering a
lot of ground here, and much of our content will be not
only novel, but frankly weird. Therefore, we will begin
each Viridian Note with a useful set of its key concepts.
With some practice, we hope that you will be able to
reject a Viridian Note, confidently and without a pang,
within two or three seconds.
This effort, however, may not be enough. You may
still find yourself painfully tempted to actually *read*
the Note. We therefore offer a backup safety system, our
unique "Attention Conservation Notice." This will begin
each Note by explaining to you, in some brief detail, why
you should NOT read it.
This has never been done before in print-based
publishing, but in the text-glutted electronic context, we
feel this practice makes a lot of sense. By saving your
attention, we are offering you a considerable value-added
service, which makes our Viridian list considerably
"cheaper" in attention-terms than the other, more
primitive lists you may be reading. They cynically
imagine that you are reading everything they spew; we,
however, know much better, and we are on your side.
Besides, this is honest practice in list moderation. No
piece of text (especially *free* text) can be perfect.
Since the list editor has already taken the trouble to
figure out what's wrong with it, you might as well know,
too.
We will follow the useful design edict to "Look at
the Underside First." We'll start each Note by explaining
the areas in which its design and intention *fails,*
rather than act as attention-hucksters, trumpeting the
work's supposed benefits and demanding that you
concentrate.
With time, we hope to develop a standard set of
"Attention Conservation" disclaimers that will save you
much mental processing time. In future, the following
warnings may see considerable use in this list:
"Highly speculative;" "Beautifully phrased but offers no
evidence to support its claims;" "Of interest mostly to
technical specialists," "Written in postmodernese;"
"Infested with subcultural jargon," "Grimly accurate
assessment, can cause feelings of despair," "Contains violent partisan attacks," "Writer's original language not
English," and so forth. (At least, those disclaimers
would be of huge benefit in most of the lists that we're
reading right now.)
We will try a similar tactic with the issue of
"reputation economics." In academia and the sciences,
steady publication and the practice of citations can lead
to promotion, tenure, awards, membership on committees
that allocate research resources, cool junkets on other
continents, and so on. That is why scientists will
frequently pay to be published, and even engage in the
hideous scutwork of reading unsolicited science papers.
Unfortunately, being autonomous and budget-free, we
Viridians can't offer any academic benefits; not even so
much as a parking space.
But the principle sounds intriguing. So we will try
the following experiment. Whenever you offer useful
commentary, research leads, or behind-the-scenes aid for
this list, you will receive a Viridian medal, a little
decorative chevron
for your log-in name. For every
piece of writing or artwork that you publish on the Viridian list, we
will place a star by your name. And they are
cumulative, as in:
[email protected]^^^^^^* (Buckminster Fuller)
and
[email protected]^*** (Vassily Kandinsky).
These chevrons and stars will allow readers in future to
instantly see that you have been doing real intellectual
labor here, rather than merely lurking, and then dipping
in to fatuously pontificate on other people's efforts.
This parasitic activity constantly takes place in other,
more primitive lists; but the Viridian list has a work-
around. As time goes on, our core contributors will
receive a veritable sleeve-full of chevrons and stars.
Perhaps a formal ranking system of some kind will develop:
with Viridian bishops, archbishops, cardinals, High
Priestesses, and so on. We are open to suggestion.
For those who have won reputation capital in other
contexts that they do not want to risk slumming on the
Internet, we offer our Viridian house-names, "A.
Viridienne" (and, for gender fairness, "A. Viridian").
You can write under these names if you choose, and bypass
the reputation economy entirely. The most generous
contribution is, of course, an anonymous one. Think the
matter over, and you may consider this the best
contribution you can make. It is much easier to affect
people's thinking, than it is to affect people's thinking,
and get the credit for it.
We are all drowning in information here online, but
we have a dire famine of meaning and relevance. Or course
we appreciate people who send us useful material. You will
get a chevron. We will appreciate it much more, if you
can find the time and energy to deliver your own critical
assessment of what you have found. You will star. We know
that it's interesting to you -- for some reason. We want
to know why. And how it makes you feel. Why it fits into
our interests, and what general relevance you feel that it
holds for the future. We are not a news distribution
list. We are engaged in cultural criticism. This is a
creative, speculative, world-building exercise.
Viridian text will be sent out in a format which is
readable on a screen in large, generous, 14-point type.
This is for the direct benefit of middle-aged and elderly
readers.
We will send standard ASCII and avoid enclosures, for
the sake of list subscribers who lack massive bandwidth
and bloated, semifunctional, web-based, email readers.
If you want to pass a Viridian note to a friend or a
list of friends, go ahead.
Whenever possible, we will list the sources of our
data, so as to facilitate fact-checking activities by
journalists, scholars, police officers and other
interested parties.
Whenever possible, Notes will include relevant web
links and other suggestions indicating how this particular
line of inquiry might be usefully pursued.
I hope and believe that the workaday activities of
the Viridian list will be much simpler and more natural
than this elaborate explanation might suggest.
Bruce Sterling ([email protected])
Further Viridian writings available at:
http://www.bespoke.org/viridian
http://www.well.com/user/jonl/viridian.txt.
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: [email protected]@INET@LNGTWY(
[email protected]@INET@LNGTWYJUNKNOWN])
CREATION DATE/TIME:11-MAR-1999 10:02:31.00
SUBJECT: Morning Meeting for 03/11/99
TO: Lael Brainard@eop (Lael Brainard@eop [ OPD
READ:UNKNOWN
TEXT:
MEDLEY GLOBAL ADVISORS
MORNING MEETING
March 11, 1999
Germany: War on the Rhine, part II
ECB: What, me worry?
Latin America: Latin hat trick or hat dance?
China: Repositions no devaluation stance
GERMANY
PUSHING FOR A GERMAN U-TURN
The rumors are flying this morning about resignations from the Schroeder
government, including the Chancellor himself and market bete noir Oskar
Lafontaine. These rumors are part of the expanding War on the Rhine we
first told you about in Monday's Special Report. In fact, information from
across the German elite indicates strongly to us that you should expect to
hear an increasingly critical tone in press reports about the Schroeder
government in the next few weeks. The goal of the campaign is to get rid of
-- or shunt aside -- Lafontaine deputy Heiner Flassbeck, but to do that,
Lafontaine himself must become a target (maybe Ken Starr could just indict
him).
While the press has been bad for Schroeder, it's about to get worse and
stay worse as German business and Central Bank leaders mount a quiet
campaign to make sure the splits in the five-month old government are well
documented. The goal is to undercut the "old Labour" influence on Finance
Minister Lafontaine, and the model is pretty much dictated by the 1993-4
Republican assault on Bill and Hillary Clinton: don't attack the master,
attack the assistant and get the master to disassociate himself from the
assistant to save his own political neck. Just as in the Clinton case, the
German business and Central Banking elite is aided by serious splits within
the Schroeder government itself between new and old labour.
The latest leak this morning about Schroeder losing his temper in yesterday
morning's cabinet meeting and threatening to resign is only a part of the
campaign. Yes he did lose his temper, but resignation was hardly on his
mind. Neither is it in consideration by Lafontaine, as subsequent rumors
had it. Observers note that Lafontaine would never voluntarily take a
political defeat of such a magnitude, as it would "weaken him even more."
Chancellery sources do tell us Schroeder strongly criticized his
government's tax and energy policies as "policies I cannot deliver to the
German people." He turned to Lafontaine specifically to say it is
important the government deliver "the right economic policies." On Tuesday,
Schroeder met for nearly two hours with chief executives of the German
business community, including Allianz and Deutsche Telekom in preparation
for a trip to Asia that aides described as "very positive." Schroeder, a
senior official stated flatly to us, "wants to make it clear that what he
wants is a partnership with business."
The German elite is becoming increasingly concerned that the policies being
promoted by Lafontaine and his State Secretary Heiner Flassbeck will tip
the balance of discussion in European political circles if it goes on for
too long. "It's one thing to have the Swedes or even some of the loony
French running around spouting 70's style socialism," one stalwart noted,
"we can be amused by that. But it's another thing to have the German
government saying these things. It can legitimize the hard left in other
countries." These German officials and business leaders point particularly
to the still important split between French Finance Minister Strauss-Kahn
(The Capitalist Tool) and Madame Aubry ('private sector jobs are not real
jobs, for they can be lost') and to the diminishing influence of Italian
Budget Minister Ciampi within the D'Alema government. Turn around and --
yikes -- we'll have Scala Mobila again. Too much loose talk out of Bonn
could get the colonists thinking unclean thoughts again. If you need
evidence of this look at the European Parliament today pushing forward a
vote, with no amendments offered by the center-right, that the ECB needs to
make monetary policy based on "general conditions." The articles make no
reference to price stability whatsoever, and goes on to urge coordination
of fiscal policies to stimulate growth since the EU budget is not large
enough to make a difference. The directives to the ECB are of course
meaningless in and of themselves, but illustrate the increasing militancy
that the central bankers are concerned about.
Although the press campaign will make things look worse for Germany in the
short run, the anti-old Labour forces hope it will force Schroeder and
Lafontaine to unite in a U-turn of the kind Clinton did in 1995 and
Mitterrand did in 1983 (Blair escaped this fate by coming into office as a
right-of-center leader). As we wrote earlier this week, the key would be to
see Heiner Flassbeck shunted aside either officially or de facto.
THE ECB
OKAY, WE DON'T CARE ABOUT THE EURO LEVEL, BUT WE DO CARE ABOUT THE EURO IN
A HEGELIAN SENSE
French officials and German central bank officials make it abundantly clear
that unless the economics of euroland deteriorate rapidly, rate cuts are
unlikely to be on the agenda anytime soon. The ritual formulation is "yes,
yes, we look at all the evidence fortnightly, but it doesn't change all
that quickly, and the evidence indicates that nothing is wrong with the
European economy that lower interest rates can fix."
The point they make is that all of Europe except Germany and Italy is
cruising along at growth rates above 2.5% and those two core economies
would not be helped by lower rates. German problems are seen --as you have
heard endlessly -- as structural, not credit-related, while the Italian
growth slump is actually blamed on the sudden rush of lower interest rates
that undercut fixed-interest income. By contrast, officials note that in
countries used to high long term interest rates (including France) the
sudden arrival of 4 and 5 percent long-bond yields has produced a boom in
construction and investment as businesses and homeowners rush to take
advantage of these historic low rates before the mirage disappears.
So, with rate cuts blocked for the moment, the euro continues to be the
focus of ECB and NCB officials. We continue to hear from all sides that the
level of the euro is of zero concern to them now. Senior Central Bank
officials understand that there is little they can do about the euro right
now:
First, most of the movement is easily explained by the economic and
interest rate differentials between the US and Europe (but how about the
UK? Is it all rates?) and as one Central Bank official put it, "that's what
floating rates are for."
Second, as another senior central banker says, "we are in a neutral
zone for the euro right now. If you look behind the euro to the deutschmark
and french franc rates you will see that we are at levels where we have
always been silent before and where we are comfortable being silent now."
Third, no one wants to get in the business of picking a "level" that's
"too weak" for the euro. This is particularly true since the euro has been
trending down since its debut. This is as we heard from one very
experienced Central Bank official: "what happens if we pick a figure that's
too low; say 1.05 or even par? Then we give the markets something to shoot
at; something to test. Markets will have to go there, won't they? And then
what if we go through those levels? Then we have a currency that is
officially 'too weak' and people begin to question it as a reliable store
of value. Better to smooth a little on the way down, and let the market
pick its own levels while we concentrate on ensuring the currency is
received as a reliable and smooth functioning newcomer without getting into
a 'too weak' battle we can't really win."
Fourth, directly related to the point above, what would the ECB
authorities do if they set some "too weak" level and the markets challenged
it? Certainly, they aren't going to raise interest rates no matter what
happens (as one official noted, this was one of their most effective
arguments with Lafontaine and Flassbeck against target zones). So that
leaves verbal intervention, which would work for a few weeks. But it would
eventually come down to physical intervention and that is something the
Bundesbank and Banque de France have long believed to be counterproductive
unless supported by shifts in fundamentals. And, to complete the logic, if
the fundamentals do shift, then the currency will begin recovering on its
own anyway.
While those reasons are plenty to keep the ECB from declaring war right now
to support the euro, there must be conditions that would trigger an
emergency push by central bankers to underpin the euro. The answer seems to
be linked directly to long term interest rates in Europe. "As long as the
spread between 10-year interest rates for European and American government
bonds continue to stay wide," one official noted, "we can be certain that
the declining euro reflects the market's judgment on Europe's economy
versus America's economy. We can live with that. But if the European long
rates started to rise sharply toward American rates without a change in
your economy or ours, then we would be worried that the weak euro was
reflecting rising concern about the ECB and the EMU. If that happened we
would have to respond sharply, concretely and quickly." That is not likely.
Despite a steepening yield curve in Europe, the spread of US ten-year rates
over bunds since October has gone from 40 over, to a peak of 140 over in
late February, to 110 now. That's plenty wide to keep even the ECB currency
hawks relaxed.
But there is an increasingly serious sense among senior European central
bankers that the ECB needs to get its rhetoric right on the euro and that
it needs to send the correct message to markets. In other words, while the
euro will rise and it will sink depending on the economic conditions of
Europe versus the US and Japan, some of the senior officials in Frankfurt
and Paris believe ECB members are verging on encouraging a weak euro by
talking about it being a good thing for the euro to be weak. Expect a
campaign in the next few weeks to fine tune that rhetoric, not to push the
euro up, but to smooth the language so it does not appear to be actively
pushing the euro down.
LATIN AMERICA
TRYING TO PLEASE THE MARKETS IN BRAZIL AND MEXICO
What a difference a week can make. Right on cue for the IADB meetings in
Paris, Latin America is providing a bit of hope, or at least realistic
plans to deliver some good news to emerging markets. Ecuador is preparing a
comprehensive economic package to address its current crisis (see our
special report issued yesterday afternoon). Brazil's economic team goes
into its road show of private meetings with bankers later today. And Mexico
is feeling comfortable enough with fiscal and exchange stability -- and the
potential bottoming of oil prices -- to begin to shift its focus to
bringing interest rates down.
Brazilian government supporters in Congress defeated the most pernicious
amendments against the CPMF tax, so the measure can proceed unweakened to
its final vote next week. Domestic investors have begun to shift their
focus from currency to interest rate futures contracts. Local banks stand
ready to take advantage of lower reserve requirements on foreign
liabilities to help corporate borrowers restructure their external debts
and clear the decks for new corporate issues. And key international bankers
have indicated their willingness to support the new Brazilian program even
without much jawboning from the G7 central bankers who will be standing at
Arminio Fraga's side during the coming days. Things are even looking stable
enough for Arminio to have started talking to his I-bankers about the
structure of a $1 billion sovereign bond issue targeted for April.
Mexican crude has risen over $1/bbl this month and the most recent trade
numbers gave a positive surprise. Even if the recovery is not sustained, it
has reduced government expectations that a further expenditure cut will be
required. The government now has flexibility along two dimensions. First,
Mexico can reduce somewhat its desired IMF borrowing. The figure being
discussed is now closer to $5 billion than the previously mooted $7.5
billion. That amount would allow the IMF package to come in under the
government's cap on new debt, obviating the need for congressional
approval. Second, the Central Bank can now look to take advantage of
relative strength in the fiscal and trade accounts to address the high
interest rates that have been dragging the Mexican economy. Top officials
at the Central Bank told us this week that markets will be surprised at the
speed at which inflation and interest rates come down. But markets are
already taking the hint: this week's primary auction of local treasury
bills was vastly oversubscribed sending the 28-day CETES rates down over
200 basis points on the week and 900 basis points over the past seven weeks
of consecutive declines. The target, and indeed rates are being targeted,
is to bring the benchmark one-month bill rate to 20% early in 2Q 1999,
consistent with monthly inflation rates of 0.6-0.8%. If a virtuous cycle
does indeed begin to spin around Latin American markets, this target could
be achieved sooner rather than later.
CHINA
SETTING THE STAGE FOR 2000
China is finding it increasingly difficult to communicate a consistent and
credible position on the RMB. It has no intention to devalue this year, and
Beijing wants to impress this upon foreign investors. China needs continued
FDI to help with its massive investment projects -- of course, the threat
of devaluation in the future undermines that objective. The political costs
in terms of the government's prestige of devaluing the yuan this year would
be too high given all the pledges leaders have made and several significant
anniversary celebrations planned for this year. On the other hand, the
government also wants to ease itself out of the bind it got itself into
with its categorical no devaluation promises. In light of the worsening
economic and social conditions at home, Beijing is casting about for
political cover in the event its current stimulus strategy does not work
and a devaluation in 2000 becomes unavoidable. Tough job, tough sell.
But that is 2,000. Sources in Beijing keep on telling us that right now
leaders there are deeply committed to pursuing a domestically-led growth
strategy. Therefore, the new caveats on its no devaluation pledge should be
seen as repositioning and not as signals of readiness for immediate
devaluation. Policy discussions before the Party Congress in late summer
will seriously revisit the yuan situation. The fate of the yuan will
largely depend on the party's assessment of both internal and external
situations then.
MEDLEY GLOBAL ADVISORS
212-219-9096 - Phone 212-219-9093 - Fax
Copyright Notice: Except for making one printed copy of this or any other
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LLC. Violation of this copyright (which includes forwarding email versions
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RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: Sharon H. Yuan ( CN=Sharon H. Yuan/OU=OPD/O=EOP [ OPD ])
CREATION DATE/TIME:15-MAR-1999 09:33:12.00
SUBJECT: G7 Special Report: Game, Set and Match: Schroeder
TO: Bruce McNamer ( CN=Bruce McNamer/OU=OPD/O=EOP @ EOP [ OPD 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TEXT:
Forwarded by Sharon H. Yuan/OPD/EOP on 03/15/99
09:34 AM
Medley_Global_Advisors @ medleyadvisors.com
03/14/99 11:29:00 PM
Record Type: Record
To: Lael Brainard
cc:
Subject: G7 Special Report: Game, Set and Match: Schroeder
MEDLEY GLOBAL ADVISORS
G7 SPECIAL REPORT
Game, Set and Match: Schroeder
March 14, 1999
Less than 24 hours after seeing off his arch-rival for command of his
government and his party, German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder won the SPD's
endorsement of his candidate for the Finance Ministry, Hans Eichel, as well
as the party's support to name himself as Oskar Lafontaine's successor as
SPD party chairman. In an amazing turn of events, Schroeder has been handed
a golden opportunity to reshape the political and legislative agenda to his
liking. In a way, the federal election results last October only came
through Thursday night: Gerhard Schroeder is now, finally, the
Bundeskanzler. The SPD will never be the same.
Perhaps the first litmus test of his grip on the government policy will be
how he handles the current play in the tax reform bills Lafontaine crashed
through the Bundestag two weeks ago. (The other key policy test will be
staying quiet about ECB interest rates. Central bankers caution, however,
against overly optimistic market hopes for shortening the rate cut
timetable following Lafontaine's departure.)
Tax reform discussions are currently due for a final vote in the Bundesrat
on March 24. German industry has pressed hard for changes, particularly in
the fossil fuel and electricity levy increases and the removal of the tax
deductions for insurance industry reserves. The markets are watching how
the tax bills are handled for evidence of Schroeder's promised pro-business
policy stance.
Schroeder has said already that there will be no change in the current tax
bills. But behind the political curtain much more is going on. Of course,
Schroeder has no choice, senior sources in the government say, but to
assert publicly and to the party that there will be no changes in the tax
reform bills in order to achieve his immediate and most important
objective: to calm the party in the aftermath of the internally popular
Lafontaine's sudden exit. Additionally, there is a cold political
calculation: any changes now to the current legislation would delay the
final vote in the Bundesrat to after April 4, and that is a key date in
Schroeder's desk calendar. Since the SPD lost the Hesse election, the CDU
will succeed departing Hesse Prime Minister Hans Eichel in voting in the
Bundesrat. That means Schroeder has no guarantee he could control the
changes in the tax bills. The CDU would almost certainly use their new
majority to either delay the bills or to demand larger changes than
Schroeder envisages, if for no other reason but to bring him grief from the
left of his own party.
We are reliably told the current strategy being developed inside the
Chancellery is to maintain a public stance of sticking with the current tax
legislation in order to see it through a Bundesrat vote before the fourth
of April, but to assure industry that amendments favorable to their
position will be made in the autumn that would go into effect in fiscal
2000. The basic plan is to rebate to affected industries the difference
between what Lafontaine's Finance Ministry originally calculated their
additional tax burden to be, and the much higher number that these
industries have estimated (and which Lafontaine ultimately conceded to be
closer to the truth). The granting of rebates will not affect the
calculated deficits for this year, since the budget is based on the lower
number. Certainly by the fall, the political strategists argue, Schroeder
will have a firm enough grip on the party machinery to be free to assert
more moderate policies that he firmly believes will create more jobs than
Lafontaine's ill-fated interventionist approach. The new regime has also
told us that they plan to deliver a reduction in the corporate tax rate to
35%, starting in the year 2000. How's that for "business friendly?"
LAFONTAINE'S AUF WIEDERSEHEN
Incidentally, we learned a few more of the details surrounding Oskar's
stunner of an exit from Bonn. He had clashed with Schroeder on two other
policy differences in addition to the tax reform bills. First, Lafontaine
had been admonished by Schroeder who felt Lafontaine was way out of line
when he so publicly reached out to the Party of Democratic Socialism (the
former east German communists). Schroeder had told Lafontaine and the
cabinet that he would only be willing to work with the PDS on a laender,
not a federal level, and would do so discreetly in the way the CDU had.
Secondly, Lafontaine felt betrayed by Schroeder who had approved budgetary
concessions on the EU Cohesion Funds without consulting him on such a
matter that was clearly a Finance Ministry issue. Coming barely days after
the two had thought they had reached an understanding with each other on
working relations, Lafontaine was said to have taken the turn of events
badly. (Agenda 2000 negotiations, by the way, now look even more like a
debacle for the German taxpayers, since the German eagerness for a deal
remains intense, but a new negotiator has to step into Lafontaine's shoes.)
Non-political friends say Lafontaine had been brooding for several days
before his decision, repeatedly recalling the 1990 assassination attempt in
which he was stabbed in the neck. Thursday morning, he typed a letter of
resignation in his office at the Ministry and gave it to Ottmar Schreiner,
the SPD's federal manager, to give to Schroeder. Schreiner did so at noon.
Lafontaine called Peter Struck, the SPD parliamentary whip, to inform him
of his decision, but otherwise told no one else -- not even inside the
Finance Ministry (Heiner Flassbeck, the State Secretary, for instance, was
at an all-day deputies meeting just outside Bonn as host of a G-33 meeting
on the international financial architecture reforms). Lafontaine then
headed for his home in Saarbrucken that afternoon, and has declined to
return calls ever since, even from Schroeder himself.
Schroeder delayed telling anyone else about the letter until 5:30, we are
told, to buy himself some time to think through the implications of
Lafontaine's departure and to decide on how to capitalize on it. But
Chancellery sources confirm Schroeder was positively stunned. During the
afternoon, Schroeder decided on Eichel as Lafontaine's successor and called
to ask Eichel to be at the Chancellery that evening. Schroeder also decided
that he himself would press the party to name him as party chairman.
Sources say that former Chancellor Helmut Schmidt -- who mostly resides in
Hamburg near Schroeder's home power base of Niedersachsen -- had advised
Schroeder that one of his single biggest regrets during his tenure as
Chancellor was that he was not party chairman as well.
By the time he did allow the release of Lafontaine's letter after the
markets had closed in Germany, the Chancellor was confident he had already
set in motion the means by which he could impose his control of the party.
"His single biggest challenge in the next few days and weeks will be to
calm the party," says one political observer. "Nothing will be possible
along the lines of what he has in mind until he is secure within the
party."
MEDLEY GLOBAL ADVISORS
212-219-9096 - Phone 212-219-9093 - Fax
Copyright Notice: Except for making one printed copy of this or any other
materials published by Medley Global Advisors LLC for your personal use,
these materials may not be reproduced, republished, broadcast or otherwise
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LLC. Violation of this copyright (which includes forwarding email versions
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States Federal law. Disclaimer: The publisher shall not be held liable for
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RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: [email protected]@INET@LNGTWY (
[email protected]@INET@LNGTWYJ_UNKNOWN
CREATION DATE/TIME:19-MAR-1999 19:02:54.00
SUBJECT: Weekly Monitor for 03/19/99
TO: Lael Brainard@eop (Lael Brainard@eop OPD
READ:UNKNOWN
TEXT:
MEDLEY GLOBAL ADVISORS
WEEKLY MONITOR
March 19, 1999
PART I: CORE POSITIONS
G-7
UNITED STATES
THE FED -- Economy "balanced," but in a spooky liminal state between
fire and ice, and everyone is a lot confused about what happens next.
There's not the faintest evidence of inflation in the data, despite upward
revisions in 1999 GDP forecast to 2.5-3% growth -- and even those estimates
may prove to be too low. Dream-like conditions remain something to be
enjoyed, but not fully trusted, so it will take signs of real overheating
to get a rate hike out of the Fed. They are at least as worried about
plunging capacity utilization rates as the implications of future commodity
price rises. Even the most hawkish NAIRUists are beginning to believe in a
new age economy where upticks in oil prices are not seen as threats and
even the overvalued stock market can be explained away.
FISCAL POLITICS -- Jeez, battling over how to spend those surpluses is
proving to be as tough as it was to fight over cutting the deficits. To
date, a post-impeachment Prez and revitalized Dems have skewered the
GOPsters, though Domenici and Kasich are endeavoring to come up with
credible budget with much prized tax cuts. But may have blundered yet again
with proposed reductions in limits on public debt. Did someone say
government shutdown?
** DOLLAR -- Still-strong dollar likely to be Bob's legacy to Larry.
EUROPE
ECB -- "YES!!!" Oh sorry, we didn't mean to say that, er, we have no
comment on the departure of that French-speaking bastard up in Bonn. No, we
have to focus on being stoical central bankers, unruffled by the short-term
noise of politics, or even by 35 million unemployed Europeans. The ECB
rhetoric persists that liquidity is ample and growth will magically appear
without any help from a further monetary boost. Nevertheless, the ECB will
ease if the data paves the way with another fall in HICP, or if the German
and Italian slowdown looks to be spreading across Europe, and piss-poor
business confidence drag down what little consumer spending there is. Data
like the appalling Ifo survey go in that direction, and the ECB monthly
report admitted that "confidence needs to be supported," but adds that
industrial confidence is a function of "structural impediments," not
interest rates. That rejoinder can easily change, though, if consumer
confidence wilts.
THE EURO -- The euro is ranging at levels that don't displease anyone.
Plus, if they ever want it to strengthen again we'd be happy to provide a
list of names of other officials who the market wouldn't mind seeing resign
GERMAN POLITICS -- Schroeder sees the demise of his co-chancellor with
barely a fight. But refashioning his SPD-Green coalition as business and
market-friendly will prove to be fraught with difficulties and has barely
begun. Look for continued tensions and a wobbly government soon facing a de
facto vote of confidence in June elections for the European Parliament and
laender election in Bremen.
EU POLITICS -- Prodi still looking like the man for next commission
president. If the guy can get Italy into EMU with its finances, he can
certainly knock the commission into shape. Mass resignation a solid
positive since it means Europeans bureaucrats discover accountability,
while Schroeder and Blair calling the shots in aftermath is a good thing
too.
UK
EMU POLITICS -- The shadow groups are up and running, with the
commission debacle being spun furiously in either direction - Brussels
hopelessly corrupt vs. long overdue housecleaning underway. All makes it
very important for Blair not to appear to be snookered in the Agenda 2000
talks next week. Don't touch my rebate!
BUDGET -- Even the Bank of England came out and said they had no
problem with Brown's budget. Maybe Tory party base rebuilding should start
with their obvious core support among short sterling traders.
JAPAN
BOJ POLICY -- BOJ targeting call money via generous liquidity stance.
Still observing the feedthrough of the recent policy moves into money
supply data, and waiting to see the effect, if any, that the bank
recapitalizations have. Easy policy will continue as evidenced by continued
supply of funds to money market and possible targets of longer dated
instruments. Meanwhile the market waits with dwindling patience for the
official announcement of the next big policy step-- targeting inflation,
bank reserves, little green apples, something, anything! Doves on the
policy board want to move ahead faster but quarrels within the dove camp
have left the initiative with the hawks who pray they have done enough for
now. Basically they're all crossing their digits on market prices for
year-end.
FISCAL POLICY -- FY99 budget passed this week and it is only modestly
stimulative. Miyazawa has already put the kibosh on a supplementary budget
in the Fall, but we shall see. Public works spending to be front-loaded in
the first half (as usual) but actual disbursals likely to be delayed until
second half of FY99 anyway (as usual). MOF not in any position to
accommodate additional spending if it has to pay for the ongoing bank
bailout.
** BANKS -- Speaking of banks, your shares in Long-Term Credit Bank are
officially worthless. Mounting net losses (now Y2 trillion and rising)
leave nothing in the kitty for common shareholders. Even royal
sharehholders are getting flushed. There will be political hell to pay for
the loss of public funds in LTCB. How this is handled will set a precedent
for NCB and other banks to be nationalized at some future date. Banks still
numbered among the living are praying nothing untoward happens between now
and month-end. BOJ is using moral suasion to keep yen/dollar above 115 and
avoid the invocation of the 15% rule.
** DOLLAR/YEN -- Yen strength will be limited to an outside top range at
best through the end of the month because of 15% rule fears. Lots of happy
folks if currency is at 120 or weaker on March 31.
NIKKEI -- Everyone's favorite stock market continues to rally.
Foreigners are buying, egged on by Japanese institutions. Note that June
Nikkei futures are consistently trading at a discount to the cash market.
Our friendly bankers are hedging their cross-holding portfolios while they
can so they don't get burned come the September 30 midterm.
EMERGING MARKETS
BRAZIL
BANKING ON THE BANKS -- Brazil has gotten the credit rollovers it
needed, with banks agreeing to maintain lines at February 28th levels until
August 31. With the kinder and gentler Korea-style plan in place, the
government's funding focus can shift to domestic debt rollovers and an
international bond issue likely in April. Both will be helped by the real's
rebound, and additional technical measures -- along with judicious
intervention -- will be deployed to maintain the currency's direction.
This
week's set of measures aimed at both supply and demand by limiting
participation in the foreign investment fund to force the repatriation of
funds, and by easing dollar demand through a loosening of import financing
requirements.
PLAN DEPENDS ON MONETARY CONTROL NOW -- The main fiscal elements of the
economic stabilization program are in place, although there will be
political pressures against expenditure cuts and some need to tighten to
cover slippages at the state and municipal levels. Success now depends on
bringing interest rates down. The Central Bank is on a virtually
round-the-clock inflation watch, poised to cut rates when monthly price
figures come in below expectations. Further real appreciation advances this
goal.
** HOME FRONT -- The fractious states have been neutralized, for the time
being. Itamar Franco may extend his debt moratorium when its initial 90
days expires. The underlying intent is more anti-government posturing to
make way for the launch of a new party Franco is beginning to talk about.
His efforts aimed at succeeding Cardoso notwithstanding, Franco has been
successfully isolated from the other governors, who are in reconciliation
mode. The focus of internal politicking at the national party level can now
shift to the forthcoming cabinet reshuffle.
RUSSIA
IMF -- Progress is being made in negotiations between Russia and the
Fund, with narrowing of the gap between the two sides on fiscal targets,
tax "reform" and the like. IMF and Russia are still likely to reach
agreement on aid eventually. Negotiations may not be finished until
April, despite Primakov's hopes that he could wrap up the deal when he
visits the US next week. IMF is still looking for leverage over a
government it rabidly distrusts. Ideas include demanding the Russians pay
May's obligations to the IMF, as well as a two month "observation period"
before credits are disbursed. As for disbursement schedule itself -- can
you say "pair off?"
** FOREIGN DEBT -- Eurobond coupon payments are likely to continue through
Q1 1999, but low reserves make the risk of default even on Eurobonds rise
dramatically after that. May looks more and more like a critical month,
with over a billion dollars of MinFin3 bonds likely to turn into expensive
wallpaper. If IMF can make the Russians really pay about $1 billion to the
Fund in May, it could force the Russians into a stark choice between
default on Eurobonds and draconian measures to keep export earnings (i.e.
oil and gas) from seeping out of government coffers. The immediate threat
of forcing changes in Eurobond covenants is receding as IMF backs away,
leaving that nightmare alive only in the Paris Club.
** DOMESTIC POLITICS -- The surprise un-resignation of Prosecutor-General
Skuratov (via a Federation Council vote that was intended as a slap in
Yeltsin's face) illustrates the changing nature of Russian internal power
alignments. Skuratov's Lazarus-like resurrection highlights Yeltsin's
political weakness, the growing assertiveness of the regions (through the
Federation Council); Skuratov is further bad news for the old financial
oligarchs, the Central Bank, and the whiz-rebyata who made up the Kiriyenko
cabinet -- in short, for anyone in a position of power on or around 17 Aug,
1998. Turbulence in Chechnya and bombs in North Ossetia further complicate
"domestic tranquillity."
MEXICO
HIGHER OIL, LOWER RATES -- Oil prices continue to strengthen. If the
latest producer cartel agreement holds, there will be no need for further
expenditure cuts, and Banco de Mexico's prediction that interest rates will
come down is being fulfilled even as we speak. The goal is 20% early in 2Q
1999, consistent with monthly inflation rates during the trimester of
0.6-0.8%. If a virtuous cycle does indeed begin to spin around Latin
American markets, this target could be achieved sooner rather than later.
The bigger problem could be exchange overvaluation as export earnings rise
and capital inflows resume. Early efforts to talk down the peso are already
beginning.
FRATERNIZING WITH THE FUND -- No, Mexico is not getting money from the
new contingency facility - but only because that facility doesn't yet
exist. The government is negotiating quietly with the IMF to borrow enough
to roll over a substantial portion of the debt owed to the Fund. Since the
IMF is relatively pleased with the way things have been going in Mexico, a
loan shouldn't be a problem, particularly if Mexico can get some parallel
financing from the private sector in line with the IMF's new emphasis on
"bailing in." This week's deal to refinance 70% of the credit lines drawn
down from banks last year will improve Mexico's relations with its bankers
and set the stage to meet that bit of conditionality.
PUTTING THE PRI HOUSE IN ORDER -- The challenges for the septuagenarian
PRI come from without and within. The PAN and PRD will each be able to
offer credible alternative presidential candidates in the Y2K election. The
PRI, however, remains deeply divided, as this week's protest letter and
leadership resignations showed. It is unclear whether divisions can be
healed quickly so as to enable the party to build enough support to win the
presidency.
SOUTH KOREA
THE PRIZE WE SOUGHT IS WON -- The won/dollar rate is still above the
1200 level that the government might term a point of concern. The Central
Bank continues to use its state-owned bank proxies to influence the market
at the margin, but had to let the dollar slide from 1230. The BoK will be
looking for additional ways to keep the pressure off if equity investment
inflows continue and the April 1 deregulation of foreign exchange
transactions spurs additional inflows.
POLITICAL DETENTE -- President Kim has decided that implementing
economic reforms might be a little easier with some accommodation to his
coalition partner, not to mention the opposition. DJ sacked chief
policy-maker Kim Won Gil, who had objected to the pension program
championed by coalition partner PM Kim Jong Pil. Meanwhile, the government
and opposition have agreed to cooperate on selected issues that require
national consensus, including inter-Korean relations and a joint economic
panel. The reconciliation could help the government deal with labor
strikes
later this month.
PENINSULAR DETENTE -- Southern President DJ Kim's package-deal approach
to security and economic issues is carrying the day. The US kept explicit
linkage out of this week's statement on the agreement to inspect the
North's suspected nuclear site, but everyone knows the promised food aid
and technical assistance on potato farming is linked. With the nuke issue
settled (for now), the US and Japan can proceed to haggle with the North
about missiles while the South pushes them to normalize relations and
Hyundai (a state unto itself) readies its plans to build an industrial
complex. So much for cash-strapped chaebols.
CHINA
REPOSITIONING ON YUAN -- We believe that China's no deval commitment
will hold far beyond Zhu's visit to the US next month. The possibility of a
deval beyond 1999 has definitely increased, however. Beijing's assessment
of its current stimulus strategy late this summer will determine the fate
of the RMB. In addition to the size of foreign exchange reserves and trade
balances, whether the much-hyped growth can be maintained without help from
exports is becoming increasingly crucial.
BUYING STABILITY -- Less than a week after the NPC session, President
Jiang has already upped the economic ante. He told foreign journalists that
1999 economic growth should be about the same as 1998. That would be almost
1% higher than the forecast Zhu announced before NPC deputies. It is not
that Beijing doesn't understand all the economic problems that can result
from steroid-induced growth, but Beijing sees continued high growth as the
only way to diffuse social and political tension.
INTEREST RATES -- Despite a PBOC spokesman's denial on Wednesday,
there
is clearly room for another rate cut in the near future given the absence
of inflation and China's desperate need to spur consumption. Such a move
could give the depressed stock market a lift, but is not expected to have
much real effect on people's spending habits. High unemployment, the rising
costs of medical bills, and the government's plan to privatize housing all
make people feel that they need to save more.
HK
TUNG IS THE MAN -- Despite all the mishaps Tung has had in HK since the
retrocession, nothing would please Beijing more at this moment than a clear
commitment from the Chief Executive that he will serve a second term.
Beijing officials feel that Tung is their most trusted man in HK. This is
good news for stability in the territory, but it also means that HK will
continue to bend over backwards to read Beijing's mind. HK's famed
adaptability continues to suffer.
NO DE-PEGGING -- HKMA has no plans to change HK's currency board
system. Ongoing studies are designed only to improve the system. After all,
the decision not to let the peg go has been made in Beijing so far and has
been more political than economic. Unless there is clear and present
danger
to the peg, and a strong consensus emerging from the HKMA studies, there is
unlikely to be a change in the political bias. In the long-run, however,
much could depend on what Beijing does to the yuan in 2000.
** RATE CUTS -- The government clearly wants another cut to boost the
economy, but the banking cartel continues to drag its feet. The ball is now
in HKAB's court. There is room and a lot of pressure for another rate cut
in the near future -- it seems to be just a matter of when and not if.
TAIWAN
TMD -- With President Clinton reversing himself this week and Congress
set to pass a supportive resolution, the missile defense system
increasingly looks like a done deal. While the system is at least several
years from being built, the debate over whether the US should extend it to
Taiwan could further heat up. This issue will certainly be on the top of
Zhu's agenda when he visits the US early next month.
INDONESIA
** HABIBIE'S HOUR -- President Habibie continues to amaze not only his
severest critics but even his own inner circle with the success of his
two-steps-forward, one-step-back economic plan. The bank recapitalization
and liquidation scheme announced last weekend that shuttered 38 banks was
the high point so far, and won him praise -- and more money from the IMF
and other IFIs. With the election season heating up, Habibie's successes
give his Golkar Party a platform to campaign on, but going forward, the
President has a difficult path to navigate as every mis-step and miscue
will become campaign fodder for the opposition.
MALAYSIA
GOOD GRIP -- Coming off a successful win in the Sabah state election,
PM Mahathir will embark on a country-wide tour next week to lay the
foundations for upcoming national elections. He plans to explain the UMNO
party's economic program, though the market will get better clues from Bank
Negara's annual report to be released at the end of the month. Politically,
while the increasing number of vocal opposition parties is becoming a
growing concern, Mahathir has to contend with people's wrath over the
government's ineptitude in handling the recent "pig flu" which has left
over fifty Malaysians dead. But these are but ripples in Malaysia's route
to recovery. Mahathir still has relatively smooth political waters in which
to sail.
VENEZUELA
** MORE PERON THAN MENEM -- The military character of the new
administration has not, as yet, raised concerns that unorthodox solutions
to the country's economic problems are on the way. Venezuela's external
creditors comforted themselves when Mr. Chavez came to power advocating an
external debt rescheduling with a comparison to Mr. Menem in Argentina,
who, once elected, did a volte-face on his populist past, successfully
adopting orthodox structural adjustment measures and market-oriented
reforms. This is unlikely to be the case with Mr. Chavez, who seems very
likely to keep many of his campaign promises including a clean sweep of
past political practices, a new legislature, a new consititution and
perhaps a rescheduling of external obligations.
BREAKING THROUGH INERTIA -- Despite the sharply deteriorating state of
the Venezuelan economy, inaction has been the rule. However, a "Plan" is
now being formulated, announcement of which is scheduled for late next
week. Officials assure us they want to be "market friendly" but know that
they are sitting on a social time bomb. Meanwhile, in public the government
continues to rule out any adjustment of foreign exchange rate policy -- of
course denying that the bolivar is significantly "overvalued". After all,
reserves are only down 6.4% for the year so far. Officials are "firmly
dedicated" to reducing inflation, but sharp recent drops in local interest
rates suggest that ending the deepening recession may be a more important
goal. The proposed fiscal target of cutting last year's deficit (8% of GDP)
in half will be made easier by the recent and expected bounces in oil
prices and by some surprise moves on long delayed privatizations.
ECUADOR
LESS HERE THAN MEETS THE EYE -- After more than a week of violent
protest, the embattled President Mahuad and the recalcitrant, factionalized
Congress reached a compromise. Under the compromise, the President
reportedly would lift the state of emergency and rescind a large part of
the increase in fuel prices announced a week earlier in return for the
promise of legislative support for passage of the remaining elements of the
fiscal package from seven political parties (and two independent
congressman). These compromise partners account for 70 of the 121 seats in
Congress. Unfortunately, the "coalition" agreement was showing signs of
falling apart before it was completed, and the assumptions used for
projecting the additional revenues generated by the new measures are
tenuous at best. One of the seven signatories, the leftist party, Izquierda
Democratica, has already stated they intend to oppose the legislation,
endangering the fragile majority so recently obtained.
MULTILATERAL MUDDLE -- Multilateral lenders who were poised to support
Ecuador with ready funds just a week earlier are sitting firmly on the
sidelines. The last minute deletion of plans to deal with the banking
system's serious problems put off the IFIs, and they will remain sidelined
until the political compromise produces results. In addition to a clean up
of the financial system, legislative passage and implementation of serious
fiscal reform have become preconditions for financial support.
Unfortunately, the latest compromise package, even if fully implemented, is
already being dismissed as inadequate. Nevertheless, reinforcements to the
IMF team are scheduled to arrive today to assess the new package, despite
little confidence that political cohesion can be maintained for long or
that any reversal of government mismanagement and inefficiency will occur.
PART II: MEDIUM-TERM VIEW
What If The World Healed?
Here's a terrible thought. What if the ring of world crisis came to an end?
The danger of that is greater than you might think.
On the domestic front, Republicans have quieted down and Ken Starr has
taken the final step into absurdity by investigating himself (Goddamn it,
I'm going to indict someone and make it stick say, I'm looking a little
suspect; wonder how I'd look in shackles?), President Clinton is feeling
good enough to hold an actual press conference, and Monica is knocking them
dead in Deutschland. The Dow's knocking at 10,000 and the Fed doesn't think
it's a bubble. The economy's growing at 4% and there's no inflation and
there's a new report out saying that our national savings rate, correctly
calculated, is about 6% rather than minus 2%.
On the national security front, those Serbs are still giving diplomacy a
(well-earned) bad name (hint: when your bluff is called, you have to
deliver), but everywhere else the bad guys are turning into softies. Boris
Yeltsin's weekly hospital trips leave the world unfazed with Primakov and
the KGB back in charge. North Korea has agreed to a potato(e) for nukes
program and we've been assured that nuclear reactors are harder to move
than germ warfare vials. Iran's new president is winging around the west,
making the Pope look like a stay-at-home kind of guy, and the Revolutionary
Guard has invited the hostages back for a twenty year reunion. China is
warming up to enter the capitalist love fest inside the World Trade
Organization and has just agreed to formal visits between Beijing and
Taiwan.
Even on the international economic front the disaster fires are burning
less brightly than in years. The IMF is trying its best to get a country to
default on eurobond payments and can't find any takers. Pakistan says no,
we want to pay what we owe (although rumors that it has threatened to nuke
IMF headquarters unless Camdessus backs off have been denied); Ukraine is
so terrified by the IMF idea that it pre-paid some of its debt this week
(and threatened to sell nukes to renegade countries unless Camdessus backs
off) -- even lowly Romania has vowed to struggle on trying to scrape
together a few leu hoping that someone notices how hard they're trying and
gives them some Brownie points (lacking nukes, Romania has threatened to
use DNA cloning techniques to bring back the Ceaucescus unless Camdessus
backs off).
The Latin American crisis looks like it could be over before we could get a
good disaster story out of the region. Brazil has survived devaluation and
local government rebellions. Its currency is now strengthening, money is
flowing in from American and European banks and it could start cutting
interest rates by next month. And even during the worst of the Brazilian
crisis the rest of the world barely noticed. Unlike last fall markets
didn't fall, hedge funds didn't explode and Bob Rubin got some sleep at
night.
Looking beyond Brazil, the recent agreement between OPEC and non-OPEC
countries to cut production has bumped up oil prices with salutory effects
all around. Venezuela has been bailed out and Mexico has enough money for
the Zedillo government to pay back debt early and cut interest rates. The
Saudi royal family is looking good again and even Russia looks set to see
some hard currency revenue return. The Russian stock market is on a roll.
But Russian stocks are punks compared to the long-suffering Japanese stock
market where prices are up 20% this month alone. Compare this to the Dow
which has eeked out a mere 8.5% rise for the whole year to date. Prime
Minister Obuchi's government is whipping the banks into shape, forcing the
top heavy industrial companies into throwing the window people into the
street (messy, but it does provide clean-up work) and the result is growing
consumer confidence and the first signs of optimism. Hell, Obuchi's
approval rating is sitting at an all-time record of 28%.
Even Europe is getting into the swing of things. Oskar (Laffy) Lafontaine
has exited stage left from the German government, and the entire European
Commission is fleeing Brussels in a hail of brickbats as the parliamentary
corruption report finally revealed the cesspool that is Eurocracy. The
combined effect of those resignations has cleared the way for UK Prime
Minister Tony Blair and his new best friend, German Chancellor Gerhard
Schroeder to drag Europe kicking and screaming into the late 20th century.
Blair and Schroeder call their plan "the third way" between raw capitalism
and stultifying socialism. However, it's more accurate to call it
Capitalism 2.1.
In fact, the only bad news is for the professional hand-wringers and
CNN/MSNBC pundits. If the world's not collapsing, what will there be to
talk about? Losing Monica was bad enough, but losing disaster would be,
well, a disaster.
MEDLEY GLOBAL ADVISORS
212-219-9096 - Phone 212-219-9093 - Fax
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any inaccuracy or omission contained in this publication.
Copyright 1999, Medley Global Advisors, LLC
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SUBJECT: BCR Conference! --CREATING ALLIANCES FOR ECONOMIC JUSTICE
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TEXT:
This is a message from MIMI ABRAMOVITZ and the The Bertha Capen Reynolds
Society Conference Planning Committee:
ANNOUNCING!
Bertha Capen Reynolds Society National Conference
GET UP/STAND UP: CREATING ALLIANCES FOR ECONOMIC JUSTICE
June 25-27, 1999--Smith College School for Social Work
Northampton, MA. For more information please call Jerry Sachs at
413-585-7973 or email Fred Newdom [email protected]
>PLEASE HELP PUBLICIZE THIS IMPORTANT CONFERENCE FOR SOCIAL ACTIVISTS.
>IF YOU CAN DISTRIBUTE THIS INFOMRATION BY EMAIL TO INDVIDUALS, GROUPS,
>LISTSERVS AND WEB SITES AS WELL AS BY WORD OF MOUTH, ANNOUNCEMENTS AT
>MEETINGS, CLASSES, ETC THAT WOULD BE GREATED APPRECIATED. FEEL FREE TO
>COPY THIS ANNOUNCEMENT AND POST IT IN APPROPTHE FOLLOWING LISTS ALL THE
>WORKSHPS BY TITLE AND SPEAKERS AS WELL AS OTHER FEATURES OF THE CONFERENCE.
V
>The Bertha Capen Reynolds Society is an organization of workers in
>social welfare committed to economic and political justice, peace and
>alliance with movements for fundamental change in existing class, racial and
>gender hierarchies. It is named after Bertha Capen Reynolds (1885-1978), an
>eminent author, educator, practitioner, trade unionist and social activist
>whose lifework linked concerns for individual and social change.
V
>Every year, the BCRS holds a conference aimed at bringing together a
>diverse group of activists, social workers, students and academics to
>discuss, strategize and renew ourselves.
>
>This year the conference will focus on how to build alliances for economic
>justice. It is clear that various social justice movements all have an
>important contribution to make in building "one big movement." Our work is
>to identify what we have in common, to find ways to work together despite
>our differences, and to develop an inclusive vision to guide us in the work
>ahead. This conference will provide us with the opportunity to think
>together, talk together, act together and enjoy each other.
>
>BCRS CONFERENCE SCHEDULE
>Friday, June 25 Friday AM 9:00-10:15 Beginnings:
>
Greetings from Smith College School for Social Work
>
Poet Linda Carney;
>
Fred Newdom: Creating Alliances for Economic Justice & the Role of Soc
ial
>Welfare Work and Workers
>
>FRIIDAY MORNING 10:30 -12:00 Foundations Workshops: These short workshops
>introduce the major assumptions, facts, and approaches that will help
>conference participants have a comparable base of information that will
>allow us to work together more productively. Our assumption is that
>everyone needs to be introduced to some of the content and methods that
>will resonate throughout the conference. We urge participants to attend the
>workshop about which they know the least.
>
>1. FACING ECONONIC REALITIES: Joel Blau, SUNY at Stony Brook; Rosemarie
>Freeland, Welfare Rights organizer, Greenfield, MA. Reviewing and
>understanding the basic assumptions about the wealth, job and income
>structures that influence our strategies and alliances.
>
>2. POPULAR EDUCATION AND POLITICAL ACTION Anna Megyesi, American Friends
>Service Committee, Northampton, MA. The basics of popular education and why
>it is important to find new ways to learn and to teach as we try to make
>change. Exploring the assumptions and politics behind popular education
>methods.
>
>3. POLITICS THAT OPPRESS US: WELFARE & IMMIGRATION REFORMS: Mary
>Sutherland, ARISE for Social Justice, Springfield, MA; Cheri Honkala,
>Kensington Welfare Rights Union, Philadelphia; Tyler Moran, Immigrants and
>Refugees Association, Boston. This session will cover the basics of what we
>know now about how federal and state policies are hurting people - a place
>to learn and get basic questions answered.
V
>4.MORE POLICIES THAT OPPRESS US: THE MENTAL HEALTH MANAGED CARE ANTI-SYSTEM
> Debbie Levine, Boston. The basics of what we know about how the managed
>care system is making both autonomy and appropriate treatment for people
>with mental illnesses difficult to achieve, and is dramatically changing
>the nature of work within the system.
V
.FACING THE WORLD AS A RADICAL IN SOCIAL WELFARE: Members of the Journal
>of Progressive Human Services Collective including Marcia Cohen and Diane
>Stokle, Portland, ME Developing a deeply felt radical practice within the
>social welfare systems. Ways to bring our politics into the workplace and
>still respect and learn from the people we work with.
>
>6.IF THERE'S ONE THING WE DID RIGHT, IT WAS THE DAY WE STARTED TO FIGHT:
>Organizing Strategies and Options for Today: Willie Baptist, Kensington
>Welfare Rights Union, Philadelphia; Rick Wilson, West Virginia Economic
>Justice Project, American Friends Service Committee, Huntington, WV.
>Ways to think about organizing in these times. What works to allow low
income
>people to gain power and lead alliances? What works to radicalize the
>non-poor so they stay in the struggle?
>
>7.BEYOND REACTING: ALTERNATIGE VISIONS OF WHAT WE REALL WANT Ann Withorn,
>UMass/Boston; Teresa Funicello, author of The Tyranny of Kindness. People
>have been thinking about better ways even in the midst of defeat and fight
>backs. We'll introduce the basic strategies that are out there for
>radically changing the systems that oppress: basic income, living wage, and
>socialism today.
>
>8.DIVERSITY AS A RESOURCE FOR CONNECTIONS Lisa Werkmeister-Rozas and
>Preston Smith, Mount Holyoke College, S. Hadley, MA and David Bell, UMass/
>Amherst. Folks have been doing diversity and anti-racism work for years
>now. Some of the lessons we have learned that should help us organize and
>work together.
>
.TALKING UNION: THE ISSUES AND STYLE OF UNION POLITICS Dale Melcher,
>UMass Labor Center, Amherst; Jason Pramas, Workers" Center, Boston, Brenda
>Stokley, President, Social Service Employees District Council 1707,
>AFSCME/AFL-CIO, New York. As we work more with unions again, many non-labor
>activists need to learn more about the basics of how the labor unions
>operate and what it takes to work effectively with labor.
>
>FRIDAY LUNCH: 12:00-1:00 Showing of Outriders; Anchor House Exhibition
>
>FRDIAY AFTERNOON "INSTITUTES": 1:15 -4:30 -Learning From Our Experiences
>These Institutes give us time to hear about each other's efforts and begin
>to build the skills we need for action.
V
>10.LEARNING OUR LESSONS: WHAT HAS THE DEBACLE OF WELFARE REFORM TAUGHT US.
>A conversation among activists led by Mimi Abramovitz, Hunter College, NY;
>Diane Dujon, UMass/Boston; Cheri Honkala, Kensington Welfare Rights Union,
>Philadelphia; Roslyn Powell, NOW Legal Defense and Education Fund, New
>York, NY. Lessons for organizing and changing policies with organizing
>groups from around the country. We'll be checking in about the state of the
>movement and
>sharing tactics and strategies for change.
>
>11.THE ASSAULT ON IMMIGRANTS HAD NOT ENDED: Keeping Watch and Learning From
>Each Other. Susan Collins, The BRIDGE/El PUENTE, Houston, TX; Tyler Moran,
>Immigrants and Refugees Association, Boston; Rhina Ramos, Workplace Project,
>Long Island, NY; Changes Project social action theatre, Holyoke, MA.
>Lessons for organizing and changing policies from Texas, New York,
>Massachusetts. We'll be checking in about the issue and sharing tactics and
>strategies for change.
>
>12.WATCH OUT, WE'RE ALL NEXTL SOCIAL SECURITY AS THE NEXT REFORM: Ken
>Grossinger, AFL-CIO; Maie Croner, National Jobs for All Coalition; Jason
>Pramas, Workers' Center, Boston. What's behind the rhetoric? How to be
>prepared and why. Lessons from the AFL-CIO organizing and education
>campaign to save and improve social security, as well as discussions about
>the potential effects if we don't win on this.
>
>13. I AM A WATERMELLON SEED:EXPLORING POVERTY THROUGH METAPHOR: Ann Scott,
>Rhonda Soto, Krystal Recor, Alicia Robert and Cynthia McBride, members of
>the The Changes Project, a participatory action research project
>investigating the impact of welfare policy changes on the learning and
>achievement of adult students in the Mentor Program at Holyoke Community
>College. This is a participatory workshop led by current and former welfare
>recipients to explore the "welfare experience" through generating and
>analyzing metaphors.
>
>14.BUILDING BRIDGES: LEARNING FROM COMMUNITY/LABOR CAMPAIGNS: Mary Brent
>Wehrli, UCLA; Louise Simmons and Marcia Bok, University of Connecticut,
>Hartford; Bob Pollin, Living Wage Campaign, Amherst; Judith Mullins, Pioneer
>Valley Project, Springfield. There are many efforts going on to build new
>kinds of community/labor alliances. Learning from the Living Wage,
>Anti-Displacement, and Contingent Work campaigns.
>
>15.LEARNING HOW TO WALK FUNNY: DOING RADICAL CLINICAL WORK AND TEACHING
>WHEN YOU HAVE ONE FOOT IN THE SYSTEM: Fred Newdom and Jerry Sachs, Smith
>College.
>Progressive workers and teachers face a number of contradictions between the
>demands of their values and the demands of the institutions in which they
>work. Efforts to reconcile these contradictions include approaches that grow
>out of the work and ideas of Paulo Freire and other liberatory thinkers.
>Workers and teachers will have an opportunity through facilitated
>discussion and experiential approaches to share ways they have addressed
>the dilemmas they face by having one foot in radical politics and the other
>foot in the system.
V
>16.DEFENDIGN OURSELVES: REMEBER WHAT THE RIGHT IS STILL UP TO: Chip
>Berlet and Serena Kahn, Political Research Associates, Boston; Jean Rexford,
>Coalition for Democracy, New Haven, CT. Learning how the Right is still
>fueling local efforts to undermine public schools, stop abortion and gay
>rights and, in general, to end domestic socialism. We will discuss what's
>happening and how people are fighting back.
>
>17. HERPOLITIC/HERPRACTICE: FEMINIST POLITICLS AND SOCIAL WELFARE: Barbara
>Joseph, SUNY at Old Westbury; Mary Hobgood. Cross University, Worcester,
>MA; Cross
>University, Worcester, MA; Mary Bricker-Jenkins, Temple University,
>Philadelphia. What have we learned from 25 years of feminist practice and
>organizing? How do we bring a feminist understanding to the policies and
>reduced work opportunities of today's corrupted welfare state?
>
>FRIDAY DAY4:30-5:30 :Who was Bertha Reynolds, Why Name Ourselves After Her
>and Why Change Our Name? Betsy Meisner, Boston; Pearl Tuck, Danbury, CT;
>Tomannie Walker, New York City; Ann Withorn; Fred Newdom
>
>FRIDAY EVENING: A Conversation with Adolph Reed, The School for New
Research,
>New York and Cheri Honkala KWRU, Philadelphia with respondents from
>movements about the state we are in and what to do about it.
>
>SATURDAY, JUNE 26
>SATURDAY MORNING: 8:45-9:30 Greetings: A special greeting/orientation for
>folks joining the conference on Saturday, including a greeting and short
>introduction to the issues facing our Northampton neighbors from Clare
>Higgins, President of the Northampton City Council.
>
>SATURDAY MORNING Workshops II. 11:45-11:15
>18. FIGHTING THE STIGMAS THAT DIVIDE US: Lenny Lapon, Springfield; Heather
>Johnson, Foundations, Inc., Holyoke. People with mental illness are often
>subtly and not so subtly excluded from joining the struggles for change
>that they understand so well. This workshop will focus on experiences of
>challenging the stigma and understanding its implications for all.
>
>19. HEALTH RIGHTS AS A BROAD-BASED ORGANIZATION ISSUE: Attieno Davis, Health
>Care for All, Boston; Marty Nathan, Southwest Community Health Center,
>Springfield; Jeff Scavron, Brightwood Health Center, Springfield.
>Health care offers important opportunities for linking the concerns of
>African American and Latino communities with a wide array of white working
>and middle class people's concerns -- how do we take advantage of these
>opportunities? What are the issues in building coalitions around health care?
>
>20.GAY RIGHTS ARE HUMAN RIGHTS LINKING THE STRUGGLES Sean Cahill, New
>York City; Pam McMichael, SONG (Southerners on New Ground), Louisville, KY.
>Struggles around gay issues are often separated from other progressive
>initiatives, so that radical gays and lesbians are often left with the
>dilemma of "choosing" their struggle. We'll explore experiences of bringing
>gay issues into other struggles, especially in broad based coalitions.
V
>21. BLACK RADICAL POLITICS: WHAT ARE THE POSSIBILITIES AND IMPLICATINS OF A
>REVIVED BLACK POLITICLS: Judith Roderick, Black Radical Congress;
>Adolph Reed, Labor Party. As the intersections between race and class
>becomes clearer within the economy, the possibilities for a more radical
>Black politics may be rising. What will affect the possibility of this
>happening? How does it relate to building an alternative force for change?
V
>22. THE CRIMINALIZATION OF PRACTICALLY EVERYTHING: David Ellenbrook, Diane
>Stokke, and Luther Brown, Castleton State College, Castleton, VT, Katherine
>Van Wormer, University of Northern Iowa, Cedar Falls, IA; Michaelann
>Bewsee, ARISE for Social Justice, Springfield; Ellen Miller-Mack,
>Brightwood Health Center, Springfield. Under welfare and immigration
>reform, poverty itself is becoming criminalized at the same time as many
>social problems are being solved by longer and tougher criminal sentences.
>What are the implications of this for people with substance abuse and
>mental illness issues as well as for low-income communities?
>
>23. SIX DEEGRESS OF SEPARATION: SEEING WELFARE RIGHTS AS HUMAN RIGHTS: ARISE
>for Social Justice, Springfield. This experiential workshop uses popular
>education approaches to deepen participants' understanding of economic and
>political power and its impact on policies like welfare reform.
>
>24.LISITEN UP: CRATING A LISTENING PROJECT: Anna Megyesi and Rick Wilson,
>American Friends Service Committee. The Listening Project is a process
>developed by Rural Southern Voices for Peace in North Carolina. We will
>train ourselves in a method that local groups can use in gaining insight
>into community perceptions, expanding community awareness and working for
>social change.
>
>25. CAMPUS BASED ORGANIZING Amanda Sapir, Mount Holyoke College; Jennifer
>Fasulo, Mahmood Ketabchi, Johnnie Zibell, Parent Student Survival Campaign,
>Amherst. Students are rebuilding a base of campus concern for economic
>justice issues -- from welfare, to immigration, to homelessness. This
>workshop will explore What's going on, what the issues and potential are,
>and how to keep the
>process moving forward.
>
>26. WORKING IN THE MIDDLE OF WELFARE REFORM: WHAT CAN BE DONE Mary Byrne
>; Ted Murphy, Salem State College, Salem, MA; Jennifer Filipovich,
>Missoula, MT; John Templeton, President, Local 509, SEIU, Boston. This
>workshop will focus on what can be done to make parts of welfare reform
>work for people, what are the dangers and possibilities (for recipients and
>workers) of trying to work within the system. People from various states
>around the country will share their experiences and research.
>
7.CHANGING THE MEDIA/USING THE MEDIA: Wes Blixt, freelance journalist,
>Amherst. How do we change the media images and messages that mislead and
>discourage people? How can we get the media attention we need without
>making the mistake of chasing the media instead of organizing?
V
>SATURDAY LUNCHTIME: 11:30-1:15:-YOU ONLY GET WHAT YOU ARE ORGANIZED TO
>TAKE: NOT ACCEPTING THE UNACCEPTABLE; Conversations about organizing &
>building alliances with people who are doing the work in welfare reform,
>social security, women's rights, worker's rights and housing/homelessness.
>Moderated by Ann Withorn.
V
>SATURDAY AFTERNOON WORKSHOPS III: 1:30-3:00
>28.INCREASING MISERY: SEEING THE EFFECTS OF THE GLOBAL ECONOMY: Don Cooney,
>Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, MI; Pete Delgado; Asoka Bandarage,
>Mount Holyoke College. Capitalism today demands compliant low waged workers
>with fewer protections and a shrinking conception of economic rights for
>all. This workshop will give participants a chance to explore how this
>works and what it means for workers and social policies within the US, as
>well as how to fight back without dividing ourselves from each other.
>
>29. IS THAT A MOVEMENT BUILDING? Mary Bricker Jenkins, Temple University,
>Philadelphia; Grace Ross, Women's Alliance, Framingham, MA; Attieno Davis,
>Health Care for All, Boston; Ann Withorn, UMass/Boston. There are signs
>that things are changing and we may be rebuilding a movement. We will think
>about how to know when to stand up, sit down, pipe down and speak out. This
>workshop covers how movement building differs from community-based
>organizing and how it is linked.
>
>30. PRIVATIZING THE PUBLIC'S TRUST FUND: LEARNING FROM WHAT WE KNOW AND
>WHAT WE FEAR : Bob Fisher, University of Houston; Rick Colbath-Hess, Human
>Service Workers Rights Initiative, Boston; Timothy Scott, New York City;
>Jason Pramas, Workers' Center, Boston. Privatization has already changed
>the criminal justice and mental health worlds. It is fast creating dramatic
>shifts in public welfare and public health. How is this all linked to the
>attack on secure jobs, the welfare state, social security and our future?
>This workshop will link current struggles together into a broader picture
>of what is happening.
>
GETTING TOGETHER: LOW INCOME PEOPLE'S ORGANIZING WORKSHOP: Michaelann
>Bewsee and Mary Sutherland, ARISE for Social Justice, Springfield; Rosemarie
>Freeland, welfare rights organizer, Greenfield, MA; Pat Gowens, Welfare
>Warriors, Milwaukee; Cheri Honkala, KWRU, Philadelphia. This workshop will
>allow people in low income people's organizations to talk together about
>the issues they face in doing their work in these times. Especially, how to
>keep low income people in leadership while working in coalitions and how to
>link to broader issues while responding to immediate attacks.
>
>32. YOUTH ORGANIZING: TIME FOR MOVING ON: Susan Saltzburg and Grace
>Seibert-Larke, Bridgewater State College, Bridgewater, MA; Members of the
>Governor's Commission on Youth; Beth Mattison, Youth Leadership Academy,
>Northampton. In our graying world, the power and potential of youth to make
>change is often overlooked. This workshop will address how programs that
>originate as service can also lead to political action. Lessons from gay
>youth organizing,
>student organizing and other youth struggles.
>
>33 OUTRIDERS' A VIEWING AND DISCUSSION ABOUT HOW TO USE THE FILM IN
>ORGANIZING AND EDUCATION: Kensington Welfare Rights Union, Philadelphia.
>The film Outriders has great potential as an organizing and educational
>tool. This workshop will view the film and talk with KWRU allies and
>members about how it can be used effectively.
V
>34.STAYING ALIVE: WAYS SOCIAL ACTIVISTS CAN SUPPORT EACHOTHER AND BUILD
>RESILIENCY: Kathy Armenta and Jean Ellis Avera, University of Texas,
Austin,
>Texas. Bombarded by economic injustices, managed care, the power of the
>right and
>other assaults, organizers need to develop effective capacity building
skills
>to sustain their passion, motivation and spirit. This workshop will use
>experiential methods to help participants who are trying to work for change
>to examine and identify the whole set of strengths they possess for facing
>the difficulties of social justice work.
V
.COMMUNITY /UNIVERSITY CONNECTIONS FOR CHANGE- What's Possible? What Are
>the Limits?: Lee Staples, Boston University; Louise Simmons and Marcia Bok,
>University of Connecticut. This workshop will present some examples of the
>issues and possibilities when universities and community organizations try
>to build partnerships for change.
>
>36. CREATING NEW VISIONS FOR CHANGE IN NEW WAYS: THE WORK OF SCHOLARS,
>ARTISTS AND WRITIERES FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE: Dan Claussen, SAWSJ,
Umass/Amherst.
>Enough of talking heads and strategic planning. This workshop will cover how
>we can push ourselves to bring an ever-widening alliance together in more
>creative ways and how to use that creativity to push for justice.
>
>37. FAITH AND JUSTICE BASED ORGANIZING TO PREVENT MORAL MELKDOWN: Sister
>Jane Morrissey, SSJ; Fred Rose, Pioneer Valley Project, Springfield; Morris
>Norwood; Folks for the Simple Way, Philadelphia. As the policies of today
>are cutting closer and closer to the moral bone, the work of faith-based
>groups in organizing and getting the message out about what is wrong has
>become critical. This workshop will discuss the work of several faith based
>organizations and explore the issues and the potential for pushing harder.
>
>SATURDAY 3:15-4:30 ECONOMIC RIGHTS ACTION IN NORTHMAPTON
>
>SATUDAY 5:00-6:30 Discussion of the war in the former Yugoslavia: This
>program went to press just as the U.S./NATO bombing started. Descriptions
>of presenters and content were not yet available.
>
>SATUDAY NIGHT ENTERTAINMENT AT Davis Center: Come dance to the tunes of
STASH
>
>SUNDAY MORNING, June 27: 9:00-12:00 Closing Gathering Discussion of where
>a movement of social welfare progressive types goes with Ann Withorn and
>Pam McMichael.
>
V
>REGISTRATION FORM: BERTHA CAPEN REYNOLDS SOCIETY NATIONAL CONFERENCE
>
JUNE 25-27, 1999, NORTHAMPTON, MA
>Mr./Ms.
>Address
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(w)
(fax)
(email)
>Organizational Affiliation (optional
>
>Special Needs: Smith College is wheelchair accessible. Please indicate how
we
>can further accommodate you or your needs:
|
V
I am vegetarian.
V
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>
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V
>Please Indicate Preference Number (Names of presenters are accurate as of
>the time we went to print. There may be changes between now and the
>conference.)
>
>
Workshop I (Fri: 10:30-12:00) 1st Choice 2n Choice 3rd Choice
V
>
Institute (Fri: 1:15-4:30): 1st Choice 2nd Choice 3rd. Choice
>
> Workshop II (Sat:9:45-11:15): 1st Choice 2ndChoice 3rd Choice
> Workshop III (Sat: 1:30-3:00) 1st.t Choice 2nd Choice
>3rdChoice
>
>Conference Registration Fees (Includes 3 breakfasts, lunch on Friday and
>Saturday and dinner on Friday)
>
$175 BCRS Member
>
$200 Non-member
>
(Deduct $35 from either of above if rec'd by 6/1)
>
$55 Student/Limited Resources
V
(Limited sliding scale scholarships are available. For information
>
please email Marilynn Moch at [email protected])
>Cozy New England Lodging Dorm Room(After June 5, rooms based on
>availability) $35 single ; Nites: Thurs, Fri, Sat
>
>BCRS Membership Information $35 Regular $15 Student/Limited
>Resources $18 Subscription to Journal Of Progressive Human Services
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>Registration Fees: Note: There will be a $25 cancellation fee and no
>cancellation
>refunds after June 1 1thConference registration fees (total)
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>Housing Fee (total):
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>TOTAL: Enclose check/money order payable to: BCRS
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>Return Registration Form to: BCRS Conference c/o Smith College School for
>Social Work, Lilly Hall, Northampton, MA 01063 For more information please
>call Jerry Sachs at 413-585-7973 or email Fred Newdom [email protected]
V
V
Sue Pearlmutter
Mandel School of Applied Social Sciences
Case Western Reserve University
10900 Euclid Avenue
Cleveland, OH 44106-7164
216-368-8780 (phone)
216-368-8670 (fax)
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RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: TAF Publications <[email protected]> (TAF Publications <[email protected]> [ UNKNOWN 1)
CREATION DATE/TIME:21-MAY-1999 16:24:28.00
SUBJECT: This Week's TransAtlantic Wire: "ECB as Europe's Leader: What t
he ECB Must Do Now that Euro-
Socialism Has Been Defeated"
TO: Robert F. Wescott (CN=Robert F. Wescott/OU=OPD/O=EOP OPD
READ:UNKNOWN
TEXT:
Dear TransAtlantic Wire reader,
Attached please find the latest edition of our global strategy letter, "ECB
as Europe's
Leader: What the ECB Must Do Now that Euro-Socialism Has Been Defeated"
The gist of this week's issue:
"By creating an implicit 'conditionality' in its monetary policy, the ECB
would make the
entire restructuring process smoother than it would otherwise be. And it
would insure that
European governments adopt the necessary legal, regulatory, and labor
market
reforms."
Best regards from Washington,
Stephan-G?tz Richter
Publisher
Visit us on the world wide web at: http://www.TransAtlanticFutures.com
You can view the attached Adobe PDF file with the Adobe Acrobat viewer,
available for free at:
http://www.adobe.com/supportservice/custsupport/download.html
If you cannot install the Adobe reader and would prefer to receive a plain
text version of the TransAtlantic Wire, please send a reply email to
mailto:[email protected], or contact Davina Sashkin, Publications Manager, at
(202) 898-4760.
[Tracking ID:927316947|5782]
- twi99-21 ecb as europes leader.pdf
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TRANS
ATLANTIC
May 24, 1999
WIRE
Washington
Frankfurt
Brussels
ECB as Europe's Leader
howeverfaces another credibility issue
and one which has broader implications for
What the ECB Must Do Now that
United Europe. That issue is whether the
Euro-Socialism Has Been Defeated.
role of the central bank is to be narrowly
No. 21/1999
confined to the monetary/inflation area, or
Last week, we suggested that it would
whether it encompasses broader economic
be appropriate to let the euro weak-
issues. A central bank can be a leader in
en. We can hear the howls of protest
developing a society's economic strategy.
from across the Atlantic: "How can
you seriously suggest that we let the
An Industrial-Monetary
euro fall?" For starters, the politi-
cal economy of Europe is very dif-
Pact for Europe
ferent than what it was just a few
months ago. The defeat of old-style
Such has been the role, for example, of the
German Bundesbank. The Bundesbank's
euro-socialism, symbolized by the re-
reputation was made not only by operating
signation of Oskar Lafontaine, opens
a strict monetary policy, but also almost
A TransAtlantic Futures Publication
a window of opportunity for the
by default by taking the lead in setting the
forces of reform. Now is the best time
tone of economic policy while the politi-
to enhance and direct the restruc-
cians fiddled. By doing so, it became the
turing of European business. More-
key player in economic policy making in
over, at birth, the European Central
Germany. If the ECB is to be anything more
Bank (ECB) found itself on the horns
than a minor institution if it is to become
of a dilemma
to Europe what the Bundesbank is to Ger-
many it will need to take a broader view
As any central banker knows, credibility
of its role. Fortunately, just such an issue
is the key to central banking success
is waiting in the wings.
belief on the part of markets that the bank
will credibly support the value of its cur-
Dangers of Restructuring
rency. At the same time, the European
economy needed a dose of easy credit.
The most important economic challenge
The Bank was forced by these circum-
facing Europe is the need to reform its cor-
stances to take a chance, and can only
porate sector and, for its societies, to tol-
TAF
hope that all will turn out well. The ECB
erate those changes. The potential political
Publisher: Stephan-Götz Richter
All Rights Reserved
fallout is great. As we pointed out last week,
Beyond Monetary Policy
the fall of the dollar in the late 1980s helped oil
the gears of corporate restructuring. Quite sim-
An industrial-monetary pact would also help the
ply, layoffs and corporate changes are much
ECB accomplish the single most important task
easier to accept in a good business climate.
it faces in its formative stage. To become an
effective institution, the ECB must demonstrate
An Industrial-Monetary Pact
originality and independence. It must carve out
its own expertise and power separate from those
Allowing the euro to depreciate would help ease
of the national central banks. Otherwise, the
the process of restructuring, provided that Eu-
ECB remains vulnerable to precisely the kind of
ropeans view a weak euro as an opportunity
confusion that has occurred recently, where Eu-
for change. If European governments and busi-
ropean central bank heads like Hans Tietmeyer
nesses use depreciation to avoid restructuring,
have insisted on maintaining strong, independent
they would end up worse off.
voices that can undermine the
What euroland thus needs is
By creating an implicit "con-
ECB's message. An ECB ini-
a kind of industrial-monetary
pact: depreciation combined
ditionality" in its monetary
tiative on an issue of great im-
portance to Europe would be
with public sector reform. As
policy, the ECB would make
the ideal way to establish the
European businesses continue
the entire restructuring pro-
ECB as the premier economic
the process, already under-
cess smoother than it would
policy-making body on the
way, of rationalizing their op-
continent.
erations, the ECB and the na-
otherwise be. And it would
tional governments would put
insure that European gov-
Constructing such a pact
in place the policies necessary
ernments adopt the neces-
would require a good deal of
to allow the change to happen
political effort. Europeans are
more easily.
sary legal, regulatory, and
divided on what they want
labor market reforms.
from the euro. A monetary-
The ECB's role would be to
industrial pact is the way to
maintain relatively easy credit and allow the euro
satisfy both those Europeans who want to see
to weaken. A weak currency and easy credit
the continent recognized as an economic pow-
would help keep the economy buoyant, reducing
erhouse
and those who want a weak cur-
the pain felt by individuals and communities af-
rency to stoke demand. Those calling for a
fected by necessary corporate changes. The
weaker euro would get it, but only under condi-
policy would therefore help insulate the restruc-
tions that insured that the weaker euro trans-
turing from damaging political interference. Eu-
lated into a permanent structural improvement
ropean governments, for their part especially
in the European economy. Those who wish to
in Germany, France, and Italy would adopt
have a strong Europe would find that a Europe
necessary legal, regulatory and labor market re-
with a restructured corporate sector will prove
forms to facilitate the restructuring. By creat-
a stronger player on the world economic stage
ing an implicit "conditionality" in its monetary
than one which remains hobbled by dysfunc-
policy, the ECB would make the entire restruc-
tional labor markets and inefficient corporate bu-
turing process considerably smoother than it
reaucracies.
would otherwise be.
Comments? [email protected]
TAF
Copyright by TransAtlantic Futures, Inc.
For subscription information, please call
TransAtlantic Futures, Inc.
McPherson Square
927 15th Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20005
tel. (202) 898-4760
fax. (202) 898-4767
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CREATOR: "Julia M. Payne"@Ingate2.eop.gov ("Julia M. Payne"@Ingate2.eop.gov [ UNKNOWN 1)
CREATION DATE/TIME:15-JUN-1999 18:11:25.00
SUBJECT: Remarks by the President on Congressional Gold Medal Award Cere
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TO: Jennifer Ferguson ( CN=Jennifer Ferguson/OU=OMB/O=EOP [ OMB ])
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TO: "Thomas M. Rosshirt"@lngate4.eop.gov ("Thomas M. Rosshirt"@lngate4.eop.gov [ UNKNOWN ])
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TEXT:
Message Creation Date was at 15-JUN-1999 18:08:00
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
June 15,
1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON CONGRESSIONAL GOLD MEDAL FOR ROSA PARKS
U.S. Capitol
Washington, D.C.
4:10 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you so much. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Gephardt, Senator
Daschle, Representative Carson, Senator Abraham, Representative Clyburn,
Representative Watts -- to all the members of the House and the Senate
here,
and those not here, who supported this resolution, I thank you for what you
have done -- Dr. Ogilvie, Dr. Ford, Reverend Jackson, members of the
Cabinet
and the civil rights community who are here -- Dr. Height.
I'd like to say a special word of welcome to two members of the Little
Rock
Nine who came here to honor Rosa Parks -- Minnie Jean Brown Trickey and
Robert
Jefferson -- welcome to you. (Applause.)
I want to thank the Howard University Gospel Choir and the incomparable
Jessye
Norman for their wonderful, wonderful music. (Applause.)
The previous speakers have spoken with great power, eloquence, and
truth. In
less than 200 days now, we will mark the end of another century. They have
told you the story of one brave woman, and the ripples of impact she had
upon
all the millions of people who lived in the United States. It is, in many
ways, the quintessential story of the 20th Century -- a time with trials
and
tribulations which still, fundamentally, is the story of the triumph of
freedom
-- of democracy over dictatorship, free enterprise over state socialism, of
tolerance over bigotry.
It was a fight waged on the beaches of Normandy, on the islands of the
South
Pacific, at Checkpoint Charlie, behind the Iron Curtain, and countless
known
and unknown, large and small villages, across the globe. Here, at home, a
fight waged in classrooms, lunch counters, and on public buses in the
segregated South. For us, what has always been at stake is whether we
could
keep moving on that stony road, closer to the ideals of our Founders --
whether
we really could be a country where we are all equal, not only endowed by
our
creator with -- but in fact living with -- the rights to life, liberty,
and the
pursuit of happiness.
Forty-four years ago, Rosa Parks reminded us all that we were a long way
from
those ideals; that for millions of Americans, our history was full of weary
years -- our sweet land of liberty bearing only bitter fruit and silent
tears.
And so she sat, anchored to that seat, as Dr. King said, "by the
accumulated
indignities of days gone by, and the countless aspirations of generations
yet
unborn."
Rosa Parks said, "I didn't get on that bus to get arrested. I got on
that bus
to go home." In so many ways, Rosa Parks brought America home, to our
Founders' dream.
You know, when we look across the history of the civil rights movement, we
celebrate President Lincoln and the Congress of that era -- for
Constitutional
amendments. We celebrate William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglass.
In
our own period, we celebrate President Eisenhower and sending the troops to
Little Rock, the commitment of John and Robert Kennedy, the magnificent
legislative achievements of President Johnson and that Congress -- reaching
across party lines.
But we know that in a funny way, people who have no position or money and
have
only the power of their courage and character are always there before the
political leaders. We know that.
When Rosa Parks got on that bus in Alabama, I was a nine-year-old boy,
living
in Arkansas, going to segregated schools, riding public buses every single
day,
where all the colored people sat in the back. My family got a television
when
I was nine years old, just a few months before it became worldwide news
that
Mrs. Parks had gotten on the bus. I thought it was a pretty good deal,
and so
did my friends. And we couldn't figure out anything we could do, since we
couldn't even vote. So, we began to sit on the back of the bus when we got
on. (Laughter and applause.)
It seems like -- I say this -- (applause) -- now, this is a little
thing. I
say it only to say we must never, ever -- when this ceremony is over --
forget
about the power of ordinary people that stand in the fire for the cause of
human dignity, and to touch the hearts of people that have almost turned to
stone.
I thank the Congress for honoring Rosa Parks. I was honored, Rosa, to
give
you the Medal of Freedom, and I was thrilled during the State of the Union
Address when you got that enormous, bipartisan ovation here. But
remember, my
fellow Americans, freedom's work is never done. There are still people
who are
discriminated against. There are still people -- (applause) -- there are
still
people that because of their human condition are looked down on, derided,
degraded, demeaned, and we should all remember the powerful example of
this one
citizen. And those of us with greater authority and power should attempt
every
day, in every way, to follow her lead.
God bless you, Mrs. Parks, and God bless America. (Applause.)
Now -- (applause) -- thank you. Now, I would like to -- again, this is my
errand for Congresswoman Carson and Senator Abraham, and the Speaker, and
Mr.
Gephardt, and the other leaders here -- I understand the actual medal has
not
been struck yet, but a "gold line" copy of the resolution that authorizes
the
medal has been struck, or prepared, for Mrs. Parks. And I'd like to ask
all of
you to look to my left, to your right, for a glimpse of the proposed
design for
the medal.
Could we -- Julia, why don't you go down there and you and Spence can --
(laughter) -- wow, it's beautiful. (Applause.) Really beautiful.
(Applause.)
Let's give a big hand to Ardith Lane (phonetic) who was the artist who
prepared this. Didn't she do a wonderful job? (Applause.)
Thank you.
END 4:20 P.M. EDT
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: "LEXIS ("LEXIS /NEXIS Print Delivery" <[email protected]> (R) (R) [ UNKNOWN ]
)
CREATION DATE/TIME:19-OCT-1999 15:34:10.00
SUBJECT: immigration
TO: Irene Bueno ( CN=Irene Bueno/OU=OPD/O=EOP [ OPD 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TEXT:
LEXIS-NEXIS Universe Update Report: October 19, 1999 at 15:26
Results from this Update: 28
Next Update: October 20, 1999 at 08:00
Access your results at:
http://web.lexis-nexis.com/In.universe/pnews/emailAlert?_pnewsAlert=0x00010
130-0x00004b26%2f0x00010130%2f19991019%2f15963a26%3a45
1 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 Agence France Presse
Agence France Presse
October 19, 1999 15:46 GMT
SECTION: Sports
LENGTH: 470 words
HEADLINE: Chelsea run gauntlet of abusive fans at Istanbul airport
DATELINE: ISTANBUL, Oct 19
BODY:
Chelsea arrived to a noisy and intimidating welcome here Tuesday for
their
Champions' League Group H tie with Galatasaray, running a gauntlet of
placard-waving Turkish fans shouting mostly good natured abuse.
But Chelsea player-manager Gianluca Vialli was unfazed, saying his team
had
come to win and the atmosphere here was "as it should be" in football.
When Chelsea arrived, a smoke bomb went off to general indifference as
the
players made their way to the bus.
They sat sat bemused as some fans hurled projectiles and one lifted a
placard
that read: "Please relax, the hell of Ali Sami Yen is waiting for you," a
reference to the stadium where they will be playing Wednesday night.
The team were whisked through customs and immigration in 15 minutes
flat,
contrary to the wishes of some Turkish papers that suggested the English
team be
given the same treatment Galatasaray said it received at Heathrow when
they
arrived for the September 28 tie Chelsea won 1-0.
The Turkish players were apparently subjected to a string of questions
they
considered abusive - "Where are you staying?" "How much money do you
have?" and
"Do you have return tickets?" - before having their gear searched with a
fine-tooth comb by overzealous customs officials.
Some 300 Turkish fans shouted, clapped, waved insulting placards and
gave
Chelsea players the finger as the bus drove away from the airport under a
huge,
checkered flag of red and yellow - Galatasaray's colours.
"Chelsea, welcome to the inferno," read one sign; "Welcome to hell,
Chelsea
bastards," read another.
"There is no way Chelsea is getting away at Ali Sami Yen," Fatih Terim,
the
Galatasaray coach, told a press conference, saying a win Wednesday could
catapult his team from the bottom to the top of Group H, which also
includes AC
Milan and Hertha Berlin.
Vialli said Galatasaray had to win to maintain their hope of going to
the
next round, but that this was to Chelsea's advantage, allowing them to
conncentrate on defence and look for goals on the counter-attack.
He told a press conference the Galatasaray players he feared the most
were
Romanian star midfielder Gheorge Hagi and international striker Hakan
Sukur.
The Italian was speaking to journalists at Chelsea's posh Ciragan
Hotel, a
former Ottoman palace on the shores of the Bosphorus, before training at
Ali
Sami Yen - another courtesy Galatasaray say they were denied in London,
having
to train at a stadium other than Stamford Bridge.
Before the game starts, Chelsea will present Galatasaray with a
22,000-pound
(36,520-dollar) cheque to help with relief for the earthquake that
devastated
northwestern Turkey on August 17, killing more than 20,000 people.
The money was collected from fans, the club and the players at their
first
match last month.
sf/cw99
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
2 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 Capital City Press
The Advocate (Baton Rouge, LA.)
October 19, 1999, Tuesday METRO EDITION
SECTION: News; Pg. 2-A
LENGTH: 122 words
HEADLINE: House legislation aids foreign siblings
BODY:
WASHINGTON - Legislation approved by the House Monday would make foreign
children ages 16 and 17 eligible for adoption if they are adopted
together with
their siblings.
The measure, passed 404-0, amends current immigration law that allows
U.S.
citizens to bring an adopted child into the country only if that child is
age 15
or younger.
The Senate has yet to take it up.
The purpose of the bill, introduced by Rep. Steve Horn, R-Calif., is to
help
those Americans wishing to adopt the older sibling of a child they are
adopting
in order to keep the family together.
Adoption of older children is fairly rare. Of 11,316 immigrant orphans
adopted in fiscal 1996, only 351 were age 10 or older.
The bill is H.R. 2886.
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
3 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 Africa News Service, Inc.
Africa News
October 19, 1999
SECTION: NEWS, DOCUMENTS & COMMENTARY
LENGTH: 1365 words
HEADLINE: Liberia;
Liberian Daily News Bulletin
BYLINE: Star Radio (Monrovia)
BODY:
Monrovia - Government has declared the sight where the arms were
destroyed a
Memorial Peace Park. The declaration was made yesterday in Tubmanburg at
the
close of the destruction of weapons. Foreign Minister Monie Captan made
the
announcement in a speech delivered on behalf of President Charles Taylor.
The
destruction of the weapons started in July this year.
UN representatives say the process cost more than a quarter million U.S.
dollar while the weapons destroyed worth over 20 million U.S. dollars.
About
three million rounds of ammunition and nearly 30 thousand pieces of
weapons were
destroyed. Defense Minister Chea said the destruction of the weapons
indicated
Liberia's resolve to remain a peaceful nation. He urged Liberians to
always
resolve their problems through peaceful means. The weapons destruction
process
was financed by the UN, the American government and ECOWAS.
* The Criminal Court "A" will begin the selection of jury today in the
murder
trial of former Deputy Immigration Commissioner Henric Cassell. The move
followed the court's granting of the defense lawyers' request for speedy
trial.
The defense lawyers filed a motion last week for the trial to begin
during this
August term. State lawyers opposed the motion. The state prosecutors said
the
request was unlawful and asked the court to deny it. In his ruling
yesterday,
Judge Moses Vah said the defense lawyers' request was legal. State
prosecutors
have rejected the court's decision and is expected to request the judge to
recuse himself from the trial. Mr. Cassell is to face trial on charge of
murder.
*
The sedition trial of nine soldiers has come to a standstill.
Progress in
the trial has slowed down due to money problem. The Court Martial Board
has
requested for 100,000.00 Liberian dollars to transport witnesses. The 10
witnesses are to testify for the accused soldiers. The accused soldiers
have
already completed their testimonies, in which they've denied their
involvement
in the alleged plot. Defense lawyers are insisting on having witnesses
for the
accused to testify. They argued the trial would not proceed without the
testimonies of the witnesses. Defense Ministry authorities are yet to
respond to
the request for funding.
* The Monrovia City Court has charged a Portuguese national with illegal
possession of fire arms. Mr. Mustapha Thamaz, Captain of the vessel M.V.
Alper
Bilici, was accused of discharging the gun at the Freeport of Monrovia.
The
court said Mr. Thamaz does not have a license to carry fire arms in
Liberia. The
court has also stopped his vessel from leaving the country. The vessel
arrived
in the country two months ago.
* The United States Government has pledged U.S.$65 million to Sierra
Leone.
The money is intended for the resettlement of displaced and reintegration
of
former combatants. The U.S. Secretary of State also said logistics worth
U.S.
$11 million would be provided to consolidate peace. Madam Madeleine
Albright
said her government would waive U.S.$65 million of Sierra Leone's
external debt.
She spoke in Freetown Monday on her tour of Africa. The U.S. Secretary
also
promised additional U.S.$1 million to the strategic mineral commission.
Madam
Albright said the money is to discourage black market trade of minerals
in the
sub-region. The Sierra Leone Mineral Commission is headed by the RUF
Leader
Foday Sankoh. The U.S. Secretary said her government would support the
truth
commission in Sierra Leone. Madam Albright said the U.S. Government would
provide fund to document atrocities by armed groups.
* Residents of district number four, Grand Bassa County, have called
for the
removal of their commissioner. They accused commissioner Daniel Smith of
corruption and lack of development initiatives. The residents made the
call
during a visit of the county superintendent to the district.
Superintendent
Robert Voyeegar was in the district to identify the development needs of
the
district. The residents alleged commissioner Smith had converted
development
funds to his personal use. They said the commissioner has also failed to
begin
the construction of the district compound. Commissioner Smith has denied
the
allegations. He challenged the residents to prove their claims against
him.
Superintendent Vonyeegar has asked the residents to forward their
complaints to
his office in Buchanan.
* Labor Minister Tom Woewiyu has won the NPP primaries in Grand Bassa
County.
The primaries were held to choose a party candidate for the forthcoming
Senatorial by-election. Mr. Woewiyu defeated Cornelius Hunter forty seven
to
five votes. Two other contestants Enid Natt and Francis Lloyd withdrew
from the
race before voting started. Also in Bassa, two persons have received
petitions
to contest the senatorial seat. Those who received petition are Charles
Johnson
and Circuit Judge Moses Vah. Mr. Johnson is former member of the defunct
Interim
Legislative Assembly.
* The business community in Grand Kru County has increased the prices
of all
goods. The price hike followed a decision by the county authorities to
put the
two Liberian banknotes on par. A town meeting in Barclayville decided the
J.J.
and liberty five dollar banknotes be exchanged for the same value.
Superintendent Isaac Nyema chaired the meeting at which the decision was
taken.
But the business community is protesting the decision. They say they were
left
out of the discussion about the two banknotes. The businessmen say they
bought
their goods in Maryland County at an unequal rate of exchange between the
two
banknotes. Government this year set the exchange rate between the two
banknotes
as two to one. The business community further says it increased the
prices of
goods in Grand Kru to cover the difference in exchange rate.
*
The Education Ministry has launched the literacy program in Bomi and
Grand
Cape Mount Counties. A British charity, Action Aid, is to implement the
literacy
program in Cape Mount. Education Minister Evelyn Kandakai has urged
residents in
the two counties to take advantage of the program. The Superintendents of
the
two counties have pledged their support to the program. The mass literacy
program has now been launched in six counties.
*
President Charles Taylor is in Buchanan, Grand Bassa County. He went
to
inaugurate the new Liberia-Malaysian company. The company is to manage
the port
of Buchanan, in keeping with an agreement signed last month with the
Liberian
government. Under the agreement, the Liberia- Malaysian will also engage
in
logging and open a plywood factory. Our Correspondent reported massive
preparations to welcome the President to the county.
* A Liberian government official on a visit to the U.S. is urging
Liberians
there to support the reconstruction process back home. Deputy Rural
Development
Minister Kofa Nagbe says Liberians must realize they have a home to
develop.
Deputy Minister Nagbe spoke recently when he addressed a cross section of
Liberian in the United States. He is in the U.S. on the USIS International
Visitor Program. The visit is over, but Minister Nagbe says he is
currently
rallying support for the Ministry of Rural Development Programs. He also
says he
is seeking support for the development of Grand Kru County. Through his
interaction with Americans and Liberians, Mr. Nagbe says he is able to
erase a
lot of misconceptions about Liberia. He praised the U.S. Ambassador to
Liberia,
Bismarck Myrick, for giving fair picture of the Liberian situation to his
government.
* NOTE FOR EDITORS: Star Radio is staffed by Liberian journalists and
managed
by the Swiss NGO Fondation Hirondelle with financing from the U.S. Agency
for
International Development through the International Foundation for
Election
Systems. Non-commercial redistribution is allowed, providing that the
source is
quoted and no editing other than reformatting is made.
STAR radio, Sekou Toure Avenue, Mamba point, Monrovia, Liberia. Tel:
(+231)
226820 Fax:(+231) 227360; E-mail:[email protected]. Fondation Hirondelle
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Traversiere 1018 Lausanne, Suisse Tel: (+4121) 647 2805 Fax: (+41 21) 647
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HEADLINE: Liberia;
Liberia: The Emergence of a Criminal State
BYLINE: Tom Kamara, The Perspective (Smyrna, Georgia)
BODY:
Atlanta - For many Liberians, the end of their 7-year ghastly conflict
meant
an opportunity for renewal and reconstruction. But 2 years after a much
heralded
election, the evidence is that this country of barely 2.6 million which
lost
about 300,000 persons, including 20,000 children dead out of 45,000
drafted into
rebel armies, is being transformed into a criminal state and a
comfortable,
supporting home for West Africa's most callous criminal dissidents.
Moreover, underground businessmen from other parts of the world are
finding
Liberia an appealing setting for activities unacceptable in normal
states. Thus
instead of the promised democracy and accelerated development, this tiny
West
African country, founded by American slaves in 1822 as their land of
liberty, is
emerging as a bastion of state sponsored terrorism and crimes, all under
the
cover of politics as practiced by a "democratically elected" government.
But the foundations for this legitimizing of crime in politics were
firmly
laid during the war years. Forests were attacked in an orgy of
indiscriminate
logging. Diamond mining increased under Taylor's watchful eyes. Mining
companies were severely looted and their equipment sold to Ivory Coast, Burkina
Faso and
elsewhere. And although Taylor's new party chair, Cyril Allen, would
announce
this year that the rebel NPFL made about US$300m. annually from this
unprecedented looting spree, not a single school or clinic was built when
the
rebels had 90% of the country to themselves. As the cries against the
international community for failing to pump in millions into the pockets
of the
new leaders continue, the US State Department, in its 1998 Country Report
on
Human Rights Practices, noted that government officials and former rebel
commanders are engaged in exploiting the country's resources for personal
benefit. Logging entities are mushrooming while proceeds go to personal
bank
accounts of former warlord and government functionaries.
Now in control of the state, this entrenchment of crime as a political
tool
is not surprising, that is if the character of politicians is a
determining
factor in establishing the nature of the state and its politics. What is
evidently clear in Liberia now is that those at the helm of power, from
the
president to party officials and leaders in the Senate and other branches
of
government, carry abysmal criminal records. Hence, they have simply given
crime
a respectable face by packaging it in politics with devastating
consequences for
the country and the sub region. Let us take a passing glance at some of
the main
actors in this transformation and their ties with the past, which is
influencing
the present.
The President, Charles Taylor: A known fugitive from justice following
his
escape from an American prison, Taylor's political fame in Liberia began
when he
participated in the 1980 military coup that toppled the centuries-old
Americo-
Liberian (descendents of freed America slaves) oligarchic regime. In the
midst
of the political confusion and anarchy that followed when inept
individuals
found themselves in power, Taylor appointed himself director of the
General
Services Agency (state purchasing entity and warehouse), then one of the
most
lucrative positions in the government. Along with his wartime Defense
Minister,
now Labor Minister, Tom Woewiyu, they are known to have organized a bogus
American-based company through which used and useless equipment were
collected
in the US and sold to the government as new products at escalated prices.
In his
bid to win them over, Taylor also instituted a policy of showering the
junta
leaders and their many concubines, family members, with "gifts" bought
with
public funds. These schemes were possible because the junta, People's
Redemption
Council (PRC), adopted corruption as its guarding principle and it was
here that
Taylor, among others, became useful guides and allies. There was a common
saying
in Monrovia at the time that for each car Taylor bought for a junta
member, he
allocated funds to buy one for himself. For each house he furnished, he
furnished one for himself. And in order to dig further into state
resources, he
convinced the junta that a "bulk purchasing" scheme with him in charge
would
save the government millions of dollars. This meant that Taylor would
procure
all supplies bought for state use. All Lebanese, Indians merchants and
others
wishing to sell to the government had to "see" Taylor. It meant budgetary
allotments for various state agencies for supplies and logistics now went
to
Taylor's General Services Agency. (At his side at the GSA were two
loyalists:
Blamo Nelson, then his deputy, now Director of the Cabinet; Grace Minor,
then
his secretary or receptionist, now a senior Senator in the upper house.)
This
decision augmented Taylor's influence within the economic and political
circles,
now that every government entity, including schools and hospitals, got
supplies
from Taylor.
As years progressed however, Samuel Doe became wiser and capable of
telling
the difference between "gifts" and theft. So it soon became a case of no
honor
among thieves. Taylor subsequently lost his lucrative posting and was
transferred to the Ministry of Commerce as a deputy minister. The man who
succeeded him, Clarence Momolu, demanded an audit before he could assume
office.
Taylor, claiming he was stabbed in the back, would later declare Momolu
an enemy
unable to live in Liberia as long Taylor lives there as President. Feeling
cheated, Taylor left the country, claiming political persecution. Doe
pursued
him in the US for allegedly stealing about a US$ 1m. It is here that the
famous
case against him began, leading to his arrest and subsequent escape. But
the Doe
years convinced Taylor of the sweetness of crime in politics, and one of
his
motivating factors in launching the war was that if less literate, less
conning,
naive soldiers could supervise such a criminal empire with him as a
wealthy foot
soldier, the sky would be his limits in crude wealth accumulation if he
became
president. Doe, despite his naivete, came to know Taylor well, although
belatedly. His knowledge of Taylor as an individual was one of the prime
reasons
for his intransigence in negotiating with his former procurement director.
"Taylor is a rogue", he cried, a cry coming too late. Doe would negotiate
only
with NPFL men like the late Samuel Dokie who was later butchered along
with his
wife and two others by Taylor's security men, but not Taylor himself. It
must
have been an awful feeling for Doe in realizing that a man he made would
hold a
knife at his throat. But thieves always fall apart. So did Doe and Taylor
with a
horrible aftermath for Liberia.
Tom Woewiyu, Labor Minister: Here is a man who earned his place at
Taylor's
side through longstanding criminal business links. The two men were among
the
many twisted-minded activists against the True Whig Party regime, which
they
repeatedly assaulted for human rights abuses and corruption while they
roamed
the streets of the US with no meaningful jobs and claiming answers to
Liberia's
dire socioeconomic problems. But more than that, Woewiyu was a key
partner in
the implementation of Taylor's "bulk purchasing" scheme, "buying"
materials and
equipment from the US and sending them to Taylor. He, too, must have
concluded
that if the PRC junta could make him reasonably wealthy in his shanty
Newark
neighborhood, then the risk of launching a rebel invasion for a bigger
pile was
worth taking. He, like other government officials, is now engaged in
illicit
logging and other dubious business deals.
Finance Minister John Bestman: A close actor in the PRC junta, he held
key
lucrative positions such as Governor of the National Bank of Liberia and
subsequently finance minister at a time when the US Government's aid to
Liberia
surpassed any to previous governments since Liberia became a state. He
owns
several real estates and other properties in Monrovia. With his strategic
postings at the National Bank and the Finance Ministry, two agencies
responsible
for disbursement of government funds, he was Taylor's close ally when they
served in the junta. The alliance continued when Taylor launched his war,
with
Bestman as the rebels point- man in Rotterdam, The Netherlands,
responsible for
buying and sending supplies to the rebel leader as the war progressed.
Immediately after the elections, he flew in to get his reward-the finance
ministry once again. (Mr. Bestman is now Minister of Post and
Telecommunications)
Senate Leader Kekura Kpoto: Here is a man whose fortunes, were tied to
the
junta. As the junta's party (National Democratic Party of Liberia) chair,
his
money came principally from taking huge supplies of rice, fuel and other
state
resources from state corporations, selling them and pocketing the money.
Furthermore, although the Liberian dollar rated far lower against the US
dollar,
Kpoto's position and links to Doe enabled him to frequently exchange the
Liberian dollar one to one at the National Bank of Liberia, a "business"
he
institutionalized without any protest from Bank officials who feared his
influence. An angry Doe once threatened him with imprisonment if he did
not pay
the hundreds of thousands of dollars he owed the state, but the case was
silenced.
Party Leader Cyril Allen: Those who know him believe his name is
synonymous
to crime and impropriety. Even among thieves, there is a star, and Allen
proved
this when he served as head of the rebels hydrocarbons in Gbarnga.
Incredibly,
he was dismissed for corruption even among known thieves! A case of first
among
equals? Too close a competition with Taylor himself. When journalists
reminded
him recently of the contradiction between the price of ore he made public
and
the actual price as stated in the sale contract, he ordered them flogged,
leaving one of them with a bleeding split lip. But Allen's record in
criminal
activities are best known to those involved in Liberia's insurance
business over
the years. Of Nigerian ancestry, he masters the acts of theft and lies.
Presidential Adviser Emmanuel Shaw: This man was one of the closest
beneficiaries of Doe's era. Some how, again in his sorry naivete, Doe saw
him as
a model, admiring his looks and rewarding him for them. Doe even tried to
look
like Shaw, copying his Afro hair style and dressing like him. Taking
advantage
of this, Shaw teamed up with others like Dew Mayson (the former fiery
"revolutionary" who incited workers to demand justice against the
Tolberts) and
a Dutchman named "Gus" to "buy" LAMCO which they re-named LIBINCO. But
Shaw may
have overestimated himself when he penetrated South Africa's African
National
Congress Government and began to use his Liberian criminal knowledge to
siphon
funds for dubious services. He was soon exposed and up till now, a
criminal
trial hangs over him in that country. He is accused of converting
hundreds of
thousands dollars belonging to the Liberian government into his own at
the close
of the Doe era. His specially built Mercedes was shipped to him in London
by
Sawyer's interim government after Doe's death.
Here, in brief, is our team promising democracy, transparency and
development. The backgrounds of key men running Liberia tell us to expect
an
entrenchment of a criminal state far worse than anything we have seen in
Liberian history. This unchallenged and crude criminalization of
politics, the
transformation of con artists into national leaders, can be seen through
many
incidents since the team was ushered in a little over two years ago.
Again, let
us look at a few examples.
1. The Dutch daily, Het Parool reported in 1997 that a drug gang,
involving
in Dutch men, was active in Liberia under Taylor's personal protection.
The
paper said this gang, using business covers, was trafficking drugs from
Liberia
to other parts of the world, mainly Europe and the United States.
Moreover, as
traditional local banks such as the Housing Bank and the Agricultural
Bank have
been shutdown due to gross mismanagement and theft, dubious banks are
mushrooming in Liberia, a country whose economy has virtually collapsed.
Money
laundering and other criminal activities are obviously the attraction.
2. Crime as a political weapon is now the norm, and there are several
examples. Impunity in criminal acts is on the increase, as indicated when
the
deputy commissioner of immigration shot and killed a man for overtaking
his
vehicle. Examples of such acts are endless. When the Dokies were
butchered and
burnt, Taylor was the first to announce the killings due to pressure from
human
rights groups who had information linking the government to the murders.
To
avoid a possible arrest of the killers by uninformed security men, the
President
personally announced that they had suddenly escaped from government
detention
and that he would do all in his power to have them arrested wherever they
were.
The irony of the announcement was that the arrest of the alleged killers,
their
names was not reported. Since then, these presumed killers have not been
seen or
heard from. Inside sources reveal the actual story: the killers were in
turn
killed to erase the possibility of them ever emerging and pointers
fingers to
their recruiters. Thus, they may never, ever be found.
3. When state security men dragged Madam Norwai Flomo, an unbending
critic of
the government, from her home and butchered her, the government again
promised
to prosecute those responsible. A few thugs were arrested, but then
ordered
released for lack of evidence of their involvement. A similar Gestapo
method was
used when so-called ex-combatants, clearly under government control,
attacked
and looted the home of journalist Medina Wesseh, stealing a couple of
thousand
dollars. Mrs. Wesseh, now in the United States, received further threats
for
insisting that the UN's Special Adviser to Liberia and a known government
backer, Downes Thomas, had helped to plan the attack. Several opponents
to the
government have fled as Gestapo tactics against critics intensify.
4. The case of the eleven Krahn officers arrested, interrogated and
shot by
state security men would have gone unnoticed, but for the report of the
US State
Department on Human Rights Practices. After executing the men, Taylor
announced
that they were shot in an attempt to escape. The fact, as given to us by
the
State Department, is that they were shot outside Monrovia in September
1998.
5. The criminal tentacles of state is gradually reaching beyond Liberian
territory, as the Rev. Lloyd, once a pro-Taylor activist now a changed
man,
found out in September 1999. Because he had indicated that his return
home would
be based on security in the country, his home in the border town of
Danane,
Ivory Coast, was burnt down. Lloyd believes the Liberian government is
responsible because immediately after the interview which he said was
"blown out
of proportions," the Liberian Information Minister issued a public threat
against him.
6. "Illicit drugs: (Liberia is) increasingly a transshipment point for
Southeast and Southwest Asian heroin and South American cocaine for the
European
and US markets."
A key strategy in this criminal extension of politics is the
establishment of
a clever basis of denial. The Dokie killers were in turn silenced to have
a
cover of deniability since there are no witnesses. Madam Flomo's killers
cannot
be found so no one is responsible.
But if crime in politics is now a nationally accepted policy, its
extension
within West Africa poses a greater danger as Liberia becomes the official
headquarters for con men, dissidents, looters, and thugs from around the
sub
region.
Taylor's many denials of backing Sierra Leone's Revolutionary United
Front
rebels and their junta allies have now been exposed with the permanent
residence
of RUF and AFRC (Armed Forces Revolutionary Council) leaders in Monrovia.
AFRC
leader Johnny Paul Koromah told the BBC recently that he was issuing
orders to his men in the bush from Monrovia. The notorious rebel commander Sam
Bokarie,
alias Mosquito, lives within Taylor's compound. Guinean dissidents roam
around
Liberia freely planning their moves to destabilize their country Liberian
style.
Evidence indicates that the Sierra Leone war with all its beastly
dimensions
was planned in Taylor's stronghold of Gbarnga. The initial batch of
fighters
were overwhelmingly Liberians and so were those who invaded Freetown in
the
December 1998, leaving 5,000 dead, including dozens of amputated children
and
adults. From all accounts, the Freetown invasion would have been
inconceivable
without Taylor's active involvement in supplying men and arms to the RUF
rebels.
Moreover, the RUF military strength became formidable after Taylor's
election.
With Taylor as President, Liberia's entire Western border became RUF
territory.
RUF supply line now extended from Libya-Burkina Faso-Ivory Coast -Liberia
into
RUF held areas of Vahun, Kailahun, etc. Often issuing commands on Liberian
territory and using Taylor's satellite phones, RUF became a political
factor
feared and hated in Freetown. Several factors are key to Taylor's
obsession with
Sierra Leone. One is his fear of Sierra Leone as his weakest spot in case
his
enemies converge against him. Thus, he needs the RUF as eyes and ears
within
Sierra Leone, forestalling any possible attack against him. The other is
the
preoccupation with Sierra Leone" diamonds. RUF's demand in keeping
diamond areas
under their control while disarmament is negotiated is linked to the
factor.
Since the height of Sierra Leone's war, Liberia, and Ivory Coast, non-
significant diamond exporters, have become net diamond exporters. An
estimated
US$500m. worth of diamonds have left this world's poorest, now begging for
US$35m for its disarmament package, in recent years. With Monrovia as a
congregating point for underground and criminal diamond buyers, Taylor's
RUF
links become pivotal in any peace agreement.
All in all, what is evolving in Liberia which many now down play is the
cementing of a criminal state with the capacity of extending its wings
around
the West Africa and beyond. Illegal passports issuance, money laundering,
proliferation of dubious banks, drugs trafficking are finding an
accommodating
environment in Liberia.
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LENGTH: 1063 words
HEADLINE: Liberia;
Sorry Charlie, They Won't Be Coming After All
BYLINE: Massa-Amelia Washington, The Perspective (Smyrna, Georgia)
BODY:
Atlanta - The joy was endemic contaminating everyone in the crowd of
anxious
Liberians and well-wishers of Liberia gathered outside across from the
White
House on the evening of September 19, as Black Congressional
representatives and
Rep. Patrick Kennedy of Rhode Island, wasted the good news.
Liberians seeking refuge in the United States on the Temporary Protected
Status (TPS) will not be deported after all. Hence, a well-planned
evening of
candlelight vigil to plead and petition President Bill Clinton against the
deportation of Liberians in fact ended a celebration of victory for the
petitioners.
After a marathon of lobbying efforts on the part of Liberian
organizations
and friends of Liberia, President Clinton has endorsed Deferred Enforced
Departure (DED), allowing an estimated 15,000 Liberians refugees,
additional one
year legal residence in the U.S. In a memorandum to Attorney General
Janet Reno,
President Clinton said: "Although the civil war in Liberia ended in 1996
and
conditions have improved such that a further extension of Temporary
Protected
Status is no longer warranted, the political and economic situation
continues to
be fragile there are compelling foreign policy reasons not to deport
these
Liberians at this time.. "
The president further said: "Pursuant to my constitutional authority to
conduct the foreign relations of the United States, I have determined
that it is
in the foreign policy interest of the United States to defer for 1 year
the
deportation of any Liberian national who is present in the United States
as of
September 29, 1999."
It is a victory made possible through the collective efforts of
Liberians in
the US, supported by members of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), Rep.
Patrick Kennedy, Sen. Jack Reed, and other true friends of Liberia, who
work
endlessly and tirelessly to ensure that uncle Sam's step children are
treated
fairly and with dignity. But real victory will be ensured if current
bills HR919
and S656 - pending before the House and Senate to grant Liberians
permanent
residence status, are approved.
Frankly, Liberians have every reason to be ecstatic over this latest
development, since immigration status of Liberians abroad, is but one of
many
impurities off a list of plagues, which descended upon this group of West
Africans since the outbreak of civil war on December 24, 1989. According
to
reports from the offices of the US Attorney General Janet Reno in July
this
year, deportation proceeding for Liberians on TPS was scheduled to have
commenced by September 28, following the official termination of the
program.
Imagine the all round effect, had these number of refugees including,
children (some of whom know Liberia only by name) and the elderly, been
shooed
like geese back to a place where they fled for fear of their lives not so
long
ago, a place of which they now hold nothing but bad memories and of which
many
still have nightmares.
Nightmares in which the bellies of pregnant women are split open and the
fetuses extracted and destroyed. Nightmares in which mothers and
daughters are
raped while their husbands and fathers watch helplessly petrify.
Nightmares of
wounded and starving babies crying and sucking onto the breasts of their
dead
mothers, and nightmares of young boys drugged and turned into killing
machines
so that a handful of spineless pundits may satisfy their selfish desires.
Imagine then the fear and mass confusion that could have overcome these
individuals upon their arrived in Taylorland. Already by implication
Liberians
residing outside of the country are indicted for "spreading false rumors
against
the government." (Remember presidential comments and accusations that
Liberians
living abroad are the ones blocking international aid to the country by
speaking
lies about the government?) Lies that there is no electricity and water
supply
in Liberia except at the homes of Taylor and his band of merry men, when
in fact
every home enjoys 24 hours service of these commodities. Lies that
security for
residents is an illusion because, ex-fighters who were neither
rehabilitated nor
trained, now form the core of security officers, when to the contrary,
everyone
enjoys maximum peace and security because state security personnel are all
trained, and well disciplined. Yes, lies that there are less Liberian
children
attending school today than has ever been in the history of the nation
due to
insufficient schools, and lack of instructional materials. And even more
lies
that the public health system is so pathetic that so-called health
facility lack
the commonest material such as gauze. Imagine then these Liberians who
have
maliciously misrepresented the situation back home for the sole purpose of
obtaining that thing called "Green Card", now having to face their
accusers
Liberians on TPS and asylum comprise opposition politicians, ex-service
men,
student leaders, journalists, and former members of disbanded factions and
ordinary people who also experienced persecution because of their ethnic
origin.
The Taylor government has from time to time made pronouncements with the
intent,
it says to encourage exiled Liberians to return home, often using the
August 97
elections and its outcome as a spring broad to highlight to the world what
'great democracy' Liberia has.
The President's latest appeal was made last Tuesday in which he asked
Liberians to stop harboring fears about reconciliation and the due
process of
law and instead return home to contribute towards the reconstruction of
the
nation. Many Liberians however, doubt government's sincerity to improve
conditions in the country due to the way it continues to
unconstitutionally and
ruthlessly deal with situations especially, involving persons challenging
its
policy and so-called troublemakers. The fact that it also sought the
closure of
refugee camps in the sub-region because "dissidents Liberians" reside in
these
areas, also raises brows.
No exaggerating than what fate awaited the majority if not all of these
15,000 Liberians had they been deported to Liberia. Well, as the trite
expression goes "man proposes but God disposes," and since Bill has
decided
otherwise, just forget it Charlie, cuz September is sure not your month.
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6 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 Africa News Service, Inc.
Africa News
October 19, 1999
SECTION: NEWS, DOCUMENTS & COMMENTARY
LENGTH: 694 words
HEADLINE: Lesotho;
Mystery Surrounds Passport Scam
BYLINE: Khutliso Sekoati, Mopheme/The Survivor (Maseru)
BODY:
Maseru - The mysterious disappearance of the 276 new Lesotho passports
before
they were brought into use has sharply left some yet unanswered questions
with
those linked to their custody claiming no foul play.
Some disclosures have been made by some people who were closely linked
to the
custody of these travel documents which were still to be used. According
to a
highly placed source which opted to remain anonymous, it was decided that
the
documents be kept at a highly safe place after a South African firm of
Shadow
Consultants conducted a consultation to observe the advantages and
disadvantages
of moving from old system of manual operation to a computerised method
within
the Immigration Department.
Thousands of these documents were kept at the Lesotho Defence Force
(LDF)
armoury at the Ratjomose Barracks after the department struck a custody
deal
with the army authority late in 1997/98.
According to the source which had been strongly involved in seeking the
safe
custody, it was resolved that the documents be kept at the LDF because
there was
fear that police custody was volatile because memories about their strike
were
still fresh.
"The problem started when the so-called SADC (Southern African
Development
Community) entered the country. We were informed that at the time SADC was
looking for weapons there were some passport that were destroyed in the
armoury.
Most boxes were still sealed,' the source told the newspaper in an
exclusive
interview.
Five boxes of the cartoons were tempered with and some passports were
mutilated while others were found missing when in inspection was being
done
according to the recorded serial numbers.
According to the source the inspection was made by the three Immigration
officials the then Director Monaheng, now acting Director Jeanette
Toloane and
the Immigration Stores Manager Mrs. Lehlabathe in the presence of the then
Brigade Commander Antony Thibeli, some LDF members together with some SADC
soldiers.
"On discovery that there were some passports missing the LDF promised
to deal
with the matter," the source added. A list of missing documents was
ferried to
the Foreign Affairs Ministry headed by Minister Tom Thabane in an attempt
to
stamp down their possible use. Some lists were forwarded to the foreign
embassies in the country while others were placed on border posts.
But the LDF has categorically denied any knowledge of the disappearance
of
the documents saying there was no loss on their side because when the
owners
come to fetch them, a registry is kept to record those taken away. Major
Clifford Polisa of the LDF Public Affairs told the newspaper that this
confidential registry book is signed when the documents are being taken
by the
Immigration officials, adding that on their part it is not every official
from
both sides who is allowed access to their release. We're still keeping
them and
we do not release them in ones but in cartoons, Major Polisa said, adding
that
they are still being kept in a safe place at the LDF.
When the newspaper wanted to see the registry book kept by the LDF,
Major
Polisa agreed but his superior Lt. Colonel Pula Mochesane rejected the
idea,
saying it would not be released to the press due to its confidentiality.
These new passports are obtained at a price of M75 each and are not
easy to
obtain. But according to the source, if they are sold in black market,
they
would cost millions of Maloti.
During the military rule some local passports were stolen and sold in
Hong
Kong to the tune of M8 million. It is estimated that the new ones cost M20
million in black market.
Attempts to source comment from the Acting Immigration Director Toloane
failed in two weeks. Last week she said she was busy preparing the budget
estimates and would not spare any time and asked to be conducted this
week.
Foreign Affairs Minister Thabane was not available because he was out of
the
country.
But the source urged: "If the government seriously wants to know where
these
passports are, they should ask Siphiwe Nyanda (South African National
Defence
Force) and the SADC Boleas operation Commander Colonel Robbie Hartslief.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
7 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 Midland Independent Newspapers plc
Birmingham Post
October 19, 1999, Tuesday
SECTION: Pg. 12
LENGTH: 1806 words
HEADLINE: LETTERS: HOW BAD DOES CRIME HERE HAVE TO GET?
BODY:
Sir, - In common with most of our neighbours in Ladywood, we are
subject to
the attention of thieves and vandals almost continuously. Opportunist
thieves in
white vans cruise around the streets looking for anything of value that
they can
pick up, load and steal.
Youths break into cars belonging to staff and most offices or
factories in
the area have recently had a break-in or attempted break-in during the
night.
A car outside these premises was broken into this week in broad
daylight and the young thief was seen shortly afterwards with a mobile phone that he
had just
stolen from the vehicle.
His young legs carried him away from capture at speed but he has since
been
recognised walking the same street looking out for a similar opportunity.
When
it was made known to him that he was being watched, he swore and gave the
normal
two fingered abuse gesture.
Inquiries of neighbours reveal that most of these thieves are known but
depressingly the inevitable comment is made "but you can do nothing" and
"they
always get away with it". Or "it is not worth reporting it to the police,
they
do nothing and probably can't, even if they wanted to".
One of our neighbours reported today that their roof had been broken
into
during the night and the thieves had stolen new tyres from the building.
There had been previous attempts and although this theft was reported
to the
police, they were told there was little chance of apprehending the
criminals
responsible unless by some miracle they were caught red-handed on a future
occasion.
This victim had heard that there was a "vandal detection" paint
available
and he could paint around the vulnerable area of the roof with this fluid
which
effectively does not dry and therefore stains the criminals' clothing.
There would be a better chance therefore of detection after the crime
had
taken place. The police response was that it would be necessary to
display a
notice close to the roof warning vandals and other thieves of the
presence of
this harmless paint.
One wonders whether the police in New York City, when faced with
similar
problems, react in the same way as our police in Birmingham. They have a
"zero
tolerance" policy and clear evidence of significant success in curbing
crime.
How bad and intolerable does life have to become for the average
citizen who
works or lives in this city before somebody changes things here?
PRWSABIN
Managing Director,
William Morris Rolling Mills
Limited,
Ladywood,
Birmingham.
Learn a lesson
from Singapore
Sir, - Drug abuse, illegal immigration and general crime in the UK are
inter
-related issues about which little or no effective action is being taken.
Remedies such as education, rehabilitation and reduction of
unemployment
have long since proved totally inadequate, while damage to public
security, the
economy, social structure and quality of life steadily increases.
This situation undoubtedly arises from the failure of successive
governments, through fear of unpopularity, to implement the
uncompromising type
of penal system including long sentences, hard labour and capital
punishment,
that has made Singapore one of the most crime free and consequently safe,
peaceful and prosperous places in the world.
It is worth remembering that similar penalties operated in the United
Kingdom within living memory of many people over the age of 50. Then
crime was
only a fraction of what it is today, and concern for the comfort of
criminals
except for a minority of cranks and the criminal community itself,
generated
little public support.
If such a system was acceptable then why not now when crime figures
are so
much worse?
Two other even more serious issues about which governments appear to
have no
sense of urgency for necessary radical action, are global warming and
world
over-population.
Since the answer to this obviously and unavoidably lies in drastic and
widespread reduction of petrol consumption, industrial pollution, non
-essential
consumer demand, birthrate and mass migration, governments become even
more
hesitant to do what is necessary.
They should reflect however that as unfamiliar and unappealing as these
measures might seem the consequences of not taking them will inevitably
be far,
far worse.
R POUNTAIN
Kenilworth,
Warwickshire.
On the side of
the criminal
Sir, - The very sensible letter on crime and punishment from J P
Lethbridge
(Post, Oct 12) raises again the question why Dr David Wilson has a regular
column in The Post.
Dr Wilson's idiosyncratic views, apparently always on the side of the
criminal rather than the victim, seem to be out of tune with those of the
majority of readers.
That could still be useful if he set out to stimulate debate by
arguing his
case, or by replying to his critics. In practice, however, he does not
(perhaps
cannot) reply to reasoned counter-arguments and continues merely to make
unsupported assertions, of a kind which seem to me to be merely formerly
modish,
left-wing claptrap.
If David Wilson provides no rationale for his opinions on criminology
he
will have only himself to blame if we write him off as a mere air-headed
self
-publicist. In any case Post readers deserve a better quality of
discussion than
his column provides.
DAVID ATKINSON
Birmingham.
Horror
comparison
Sir, - I am what is known as a nonagenarian and have been a reader of
The
Birmingham Post for many of those 90 years. It was therefore with horror
and
disbelief that I read your comparison between Birmingham and Manchester.
Not
only was it untrue, but rather absurd and I hope you will soon return to
your
usual high standards.
D DIXON
Four Oaks.
No place
like home
Sir, - With reference to your article "20 things that make Manchester
worse
than Birmingham" (Post, Oct 12), as a Scouser and a proud Lancastrian
living in
Worcestershire and working in Birmingham, how dare comparisons between
Birmingham and Manchester be suggested?
To say it's grim up north and Manchester is close to Liverpool is
scandalous
and that Manchester is the arson capital of the UK is an absolute insult.
I can take anybody to "no go" areas, derelict sites, run down factory
units
in many parts of Birmingham, not forgetting the Black Country (what a
name!)
Please ensure you tell readers what we think. Keep smiling Manchester
and
Lancashire - it is good to go home to see mum.
GARY ROBINSON
Wyre Piddle,
Worcestershire.
Countryside
whingers
Sir, - We had 18 years of a wretched government that didn't care much
about
the industries of the Midlands or the millions of people who depended on
them.
Instead of investing in new industries - helping clear up the mess from
yesterday's fat dividends - they were content to leave a generation to
the mercy
of market forces. Sink or swim.
The "army" of country fanatics (from as far as the shores of the Tyne
and
the Taff) that "invaded" our city centre have no such injustice to
protest.
They face the possibility - an outside chance to judge by Blair's
disgraceful vacillations on the issue - that their "rights" to chase and
kill
wild animals for pleasure may be curtailed. And they are squealing fit to
burst
with their own preposterous indignation.
The majority of country dwellers would be well-advised to dissociate
themselves from the revolting spectacle these obnoxious whingers make.
PAUL SLATTER
Birmingham Green Party.
More than one
sport in the frame
Sir, - Mr Mike Foster, MP, believes that hunting with hounds should be
banned.
He is a very keen fisherman. What does he say to those who believe that
fishing should be banned?
Is he not aware of an organisation called the League Against Cruel
Sports?
Does he not realise that the word "Sports" is plural?
R P TAYLOR
Leamington Spa,
Warwickshire.
More important
issues than hunting
Sir, - After reading about the rally in Birmingham for foxhunting, I
feel
that it is time for all Labour MPs to think long and hard before they ban
all
hunting with dogs.
I'm convinced that they really don't know what is involved, most of the
people who work with the hunting fraternity have never been out of work
in their
lives, and to have your job taken from you is very worrying. Surely there
are
more important things to do in Government than this?
J COLE
Lighthorne,
Warwickshire.
Villa losing out
to the Lord?
Sir, - Lord Taylor of Warwick was, at one time, an obsessive Villa
supporter. He has, apparently, been converted to Christianity. "I am
concerned
that soccer has become a false idol worshipped around the world. Becoming
a
Christian has helped me to put Villa Park in some realistic perspective,"
he is
reported as having said.
Assuming that he does not now attend Villa Park as frequently as he
once did
and using this as a possible marker for match attendances of 5-10,000
below
those of last season, perhaps there has been a silent and mysterious
turning to
the Lord across the West Midlands whereby supporters pray for the Villa at
church on Sundays instead of praying for the final whistle at Villa Park
on
Sundays.
GEOFFREY BUBB
Kingswinford.
Put Midland players
in the spotlight
Sir, - I quite enjoyed your souvenir "Worthington Cup Special", until I
reached pages 10, 12, 13 and the centre fold poster - Dwight Yorke and
David
Beckham, respectively.
While there is no doubt that these two players have magnificent talent,
surely - as a Midlands publication - it would have been more interesting,
and
far more tactful, to have produced features on one or two Midlands
footballers?
There is surely more than enough footballing talent in the Midlands
without
having to resort to players from Manchester United who have more than
their fair
share of press kowtowing all year round?
I know the Worthington Cup involves teams and players from all around
the
country, but in a Midlands newspaper you should concentrate on Midlands
players,
and not all those superstars who we already hear enough about in the
media.
Mrs MICHELE PLATMAN
Harborne,
Birmingham.
Varied radio - in
Birmingham too!
Sir, - Now that I'm retired, I am getting a great deal of pleasure and
learning a lot from listening to BBC Radio 4. There are programmes to
suit all
tastes from current affairs to community issues, from poetry to plays,
from
history to health, etc.
But all these programmes are broadcast from London so I thought I would
listen to the BBC's radio output from Birmingham.
What do we have today? No programmes, just "shows" with "ego tripping"
presenters.
If Malcolm Boyden is BBC Birmingham's bearer of standards as it moves
into
the 21 st century, then heaven help the corporation!
F HATHWAY
Meriden.
GRAPHIC: Zero tolerance: New York City police at work. See lead letter.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
8 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 Federal Document Clearing House, Inc.
Congressional Press Releases
October 19, 1999, Tuesday
SECTION: PRESS RELEASE
LENGTH: 361 words
HEADLINE: HORN BILL TO KEEP ADOPTED SIBLINGS TOGETHER PASSES HOUSE
BYLINE: STEPHEN HORN, REPRESENTATIVE, HOUSE
BODY:
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE OCTOBER 18, 1999 HORN BILL TO KEEP ADOPTED SIBLINGS
TOGETHER PASSES HOUSE WASHINGTON, D.C. - (October 18, 1999) - U.S. Rep.
Steve
Horn (R- Calif./38th) today applauded the unanimous House passage of a
bill he
introduced to expand foreign adoption opportunities for U.S. citizens and
to
keep immigrant orphan siblings together. "Foreign adoption provides many
U.S.
citizens with the opportunity not only to experience the joys of
parenthood but
also to provide their children with a better life in the United States,"
Horn
said. "H.R. 2886 -- a bill I introduced that the House passed today --
expands
these opportunities." Under current law, a U.S. citizen may bring an
immigrant
child they have adopted to the United States if the child is under the
age of
16. H.R. 2886 would allow U.S. citizens to adopt immigrant children ages
16-17
if the adoption would keep a group of siblings together. The House passed
the
bill today by a vote of 404-0. "The typical case this proposal would help
is a
group of siblings who were orphaned in their home country, or their
parents
became unable to care for them," Horn added. "If the children are adopted
by
U.S. citizens and the oldest sibling is 16 or 17, the oldest sibling
cannot come
to the United States with his or her brothers and sisters under current
law. It
does not make sense for siblings to be separated because of an arbitrary
age
limit. "Moreover, some foreign adoption authorities do not allow the
separation
of siblings," Horn said. "In such a case, if a U.S. citizen wanted to
adopt a
group of siblings and one of them is 16 or older, the citizen would lose
the
opportunity to adopt any of them under current law." The bill is unlikely
to
cause a significant increase in immigration levels overall. During fiscal
year
1996, a total of 351 immigrant orphans older than age 9 were adopted by
U.S.
citizens, out of 11,316 immigrant orphans adopted by U.S. citizens
overall that
year. "Although the number of families helped by this bill may be
relatively
small, the chance to keep a group of brothers and sisters together would
mean a
great deal to these families," Horn added.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
9 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 FT Asia Intelligence Wire
All Rights Reserved
Copyright 1999
Copyright 1999 BORNEO BULLETIN
October 19, 1999
SECTION: News
LENGTH: 184 words
HEADLINE: Brunei- (USDollar) 500 fine for an illegal visit to uncle
BODY:
A Filipino's trip to his uncle cost him (USDollar) 500.
When Ahmad Salihuddin Angatung, 23, who is unemployed reached the
Sungai
Tujoh Immigration check point on October 15 he was refused entry because
of lack
of funds.
He was charged with entering Brunei illegally from Miri without a
valid pass
issued by the Immigration officers.
But without the knowledge of the Immigration officer on duty, he
entered
Brunei by getting into a taxi and went to his uncle's house at Jerudong
and
stayed there for 3 days and 2 nights.
On Oct 17, at about 11.45 am, he reported himself to the Immigration
officer
on duty at the Sungai Tujoh Immigration check point, prior to leaving
Brunei for
Miri.
He was detained and handed over to the Enforcement Section for further
investigation.
He told the court yesterday that he came to Brunei to look for a job.
He
pleaded for leniency.
He was fined (USDollar) 500 or five weeks' jail in default. He paid the
fine.
Immigration Prosecuting Officer Hj Ansamawi bin Hj Tengah prosecuted.
Copyright 1999: Borneo Bulletin. All Rights Reserved.
LANGUAGE: English
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
10 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 FT Asia Intelligence Wire
All Rights Reserved
Copyright 1999
Copyright 1999 BORNEO BULLETIN
October 19, 1999
SECTION: News
LENGTH: 110 words
HEADLINE: Brunei- Four months in jail for overstayer
BODY:
An Indonesian, Artam Achmad Ansori, 36, was sent to prison yesterday
for
four months for remaining in Brunei unlawfully after the expiry of his
employment pass on Nov 7, last year.
He remained illegally in Brunei from November 8 last year to October
18 this
year, the court heard.
Artam, married with two children told the court that he ran away from
his
employer because his salary was not paid for three months. And so he went
to his
embassy and waited till now.
The court jailed him for four months.
Immigration Prosecuting Officer, Moharefandi bin Haji Md Tahir
prosecuted.
Copyright 1999: Borneo Bulletin. All Rights Reserved.
LANGUAGE: English
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
11 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 FT Asia Intelligence Wire
All Rights Reserved
Copyright 1999
Copyright 1999 BUSINESSWORLD (PHILIPPINES)
October 19, 1999
SECTION: Business
LENGTH: 452 words
HEADLINE: SBMA, Immigration ink pact to establish more liberalized entry of
foreign investors
BODY:
A more effective and liberalized immigration policy in processing
travel visas for foreign tourists and technical experts will be introduced in
the Subic
Bay Freeport Zone.
A memorandum of agreement was signed recently by Subic Bay Metropolitan
Authority (SBMA) chairman Felicito Payumo and Immigration and Deportation
commissioner Rufus Rodriguez, which will allow easier entry documentation
process for tourist and foreign nationals possessing technical skills and
who
intend to work in the country.
Mr. Payumo said the agreement is part of the government's effort to
facilitate investments and the entry of expatriates in the free port
zone. "This
is another evidence that Subic is investor-friendly. Apart from this new
service
for our expatriates here that we will now be providing them, this
agreement has
also strengthened our status as a tourist destination."
Among the innovations introduced by the agreement is the creation of a
one-stop shop at the Subic Bay International Airport (SBIA), where foreign
investors and expatriates can have their visas processed immediately
without
having to go to the immigration office in Manila.
Under the agreement, passports of all visiting foreigners will be
stamped
with "no visa" mark upon arrival at SBIA, allowing them to stay for 14
days,
which could be extended upon request of visa waiver.
The Immigration bureau will also permit extension of up to 59 days for
foreign visitors who availed of the "14-day No Visa" privilege.
Under the agreement, Subic locators will be allowed to hire more
services of
foreign executives and other workers with technical skills provided that
"no
Filipino within the SBMA zone" will be available as certified by the
Department
of Labor and Employment.
The agreement initially covers only the current fenced area of the
free port
zone. However, it states that the (secured area) "may be adjusted from
time to
time by the SBMA, as the requirements of the business in the Zone may
demand or
permit." In such case, the Immigration bureau will be informed by the
SBMA of
any adjustments in the free port boundaries.
Areas that are included in the metes and bounds of the free port as
defined
by Republic Act No. 7227 include Olongapo City and some areas in the
adjacent
municipalities of Morong and Hermosa in Bataan, and the towns of
Castillejos,
Subic and San Marcelino in Zambales.
The agreement also calls for the creation of a technical working group,
constituting representatives from the SBMA and Immigration bureau that
will
ensure the effective implementation of the agreement and to address other
relevant issues.
Copyright 1999: Business World (Philippines). All Rights Reserved.
LANGUAGE: English
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
12 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 International Herald Tribune
International Herald Tribune (Neuilly-sur-Seine, France)
October 19, 1999, Tuesday
SECTION: Opinion; Pg. 9
LENGTH: 119 words
HEADLINE: LETTERS TO THE EDITOR;
Test Ban Pros and Cons
BYLINE: International Herald Tribune
BODY:
The rejection of the test ban treaty has shown the Republican majority
to be
dangerously out of touch with geopolitical realities. That John McCain
and
George W. Bush, so-called moderates running for the Republican
nomination, also
oppose the treaty is cause for concern. Centrist voters should not be
lulled
into complacency by their liberal ideas about education and immigration
policy.
These men, like their colleagues in the Senate, have an extremist
foreign
policy agenda that does not bode well for a stable international order in
the
new century. It is in the world's interest that the Republican Party not
be
allowed to recapture the White House in 2000. ALEXANDER FORD ZAITCHIK.
Prague.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
13 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 The Irish Times
The Irish Times
October 19, 1999
SECTION: CITY EDITION; HOME NEWS; Pg. 5
LENGTH: 506 words
HEADLINE: Asylum-seekers may be sent back to first EU country entered
BYLINE: By KITTY HOLLAND
BODY:
The Minister for Justice has made regulations to allow asylum-seekers
who
entered the State through other EU countries to be deported.
The regulations, under the Immigration Act, 1999, give operational
effect to
Mr O'Donoghue's power to deport asylum-seekers to the country through
which they
entered the EU. "Other EU countries have agreed to take back these
persons and
process their asylum claims," a statement from the Minister said last
night.
The Minister said he was considering whether to remove a number of
persons
whose applications for asylum fell under the Dublin Convention, which
specifies
the country of entry as the place in which to seek asylum. Several hundred
letters have been issued to failed asylum-seekers, saying deportation is
proposed and that representations may be made to the Minister.
There is a right of appeal under the new order, which restores the
previous
power of deportation struck down by the courts.
Mechanisms to house asylum-seekers outside Dublin and the introduction
of the
"direct provision" of food and housing support to people seeking refugee
status
will be proposed to the Government today by Mr O'Donoghue.
His proposals are understood to be included in a report from the
Interdepartmental Committee on Asylum-Seekers and Other Matters. This
addresses
how local authorities might be persuaded to accommodate more
asylum-seekers, as
more than 85 per cent are currently housed in Dublin.
In the Eastern Health Board area the 2,600 emergency beds available for
asylum-seekers are full.
Yesterday morning staff at the refugee application centre in Dublin
were able
to secure just seven beds, while more than 100 applicants arrived needing
housing.
The EHB has been seeking accommodation in Kilkenny, Cork and Donegal.
Local
authorities would initially pay for the accommodation and make welfare
payments,
which would be recouped in full from the Departments of the Environment
and
Social Welfare. The EHB is said to be looking into whether former
seminaries and
convents, and the hostels which housed Kosovar refugees, could be used.
The report is also understood to recommend that the Government adopt a
similar approach to supporting asylum-seekers as has been employed by the
British Home Office. "Direct provision" is to be implemented in Britain
next
April.
This will see asylum-seekers housed together in purpose-built
accommodation
and provided with food and clothing vouchers rather than social welfare
payments.
It is thought that as Britain clamps down on payments to asylum-seekers,
"disincentives" should be introduced here, to prevent the arrival of
applicants
who might otherwise have gone to Britain.
More than 5,000 applicants have been seen at the centre already this
year, up
from 4,625 in 1998 and 3,883 in 1997. The monthly figure for October is
expected
to pass 1,000 for the first time.
The queue of 300 individuals and family groups spilled out onto the
street
yesterday. Such queues have been a feature for about six weeks now.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
14 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 The Jerusalem Post
The Jerusalem Post
October 19, 1999, Tuesday
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 3
LENGTH: 636 words
HEADLINE: 240,000 Russians expected by 2003
BYLINE: Nina Gilbert
HIGHLIGHT:
At the Knesset
BODY:
Some 240,000 Jews are expected to immigrate to Israel from the states
of the
former Soviet Union by 2003, according to Zvi Magen, the new director of
Nativ,
the government's liaison office for immigration in those countries.
In his first appearance before the Knesset Immigration and Absorption
Committee, Magen said he estimated that during that period another
140,000 Jews
would immigrate to the West.
Magen was formerly Israel's ambassador to Russia before replacing
Ya'acov
Kedmi at Nativ.
According to Nativ's estimates, some 750,000 Jews are living in the CIS
states today.
At present, he described the situation in Russia as "unstable, and
deteriorating from all respects." He warned that immigration from Russia
could
be harmed if undemocratic forces take power in the presidential elections
in
another year. He anticipates that antisemitism would worsen during the
campaign
and the phenomenon is taking on a political character today. "Jews are
not a
target, but antisemitism is being used as a tool by politicians," he said,
warning that the public could pick up messages and act on them.
Magen said that since the wave of immigration began in 1989, 796,000
Jews
have arrived here, while another 440,000 moved to other countries.
He noted that a few hundred Jews are still remaining in Chechnya who
are not
interested in leaving, despite dangers to their lives.
Mahar becomes
The Democratic Choice
The House Committee yesterday approved a change in the name of the
faction
of breakaway Yisrael Ba'aliya MKs Roman Bronfman and Alexander Tsinker
from
Mahar to The Democratic Choice. The two split after Yisrael Ba'aliya
joined the
coalition.
The committee also decided to change the name of the Labor and Social
Affairs Committee to the Health, Labor and Social Affairs Committee.
Meanwhile, the proposal to establish a committee for the war on traffic
accidents is still under dispute, with the coalition in favor of a
full-fledged
committee and the Likud preferring a sub-committee of the Economics
Committee.
Referendum for all citizens
Yisrael Beiteinu has submitted a bill under which all Israeli
citizens, even
those living abroad, would be able to take part in a referendum.
Party leader Avigdor Lieberman said there is no reason why the existing
discrimination among citizens should be applied to decisions on the fate
of the
country.
Library for blind to reopen
Education Minister Yossi Sarid intends to approve another NIS 650
million in
funding to enable the reopening today of the national library for the
blind in
Netanya, in response to a request from Knesset Education Committee
chairman
Zevulun Orlev (National Religious Party.) The library closed down last
week
after its funds ran out. Its director, Uri Cohen, explained that the
library
produces books and tapes and serves 10,000 citizens. The committee said
the
library's budget must be updated to keep up with its costs.
Cubans need housing solutions
The main problem facing the immigrants from Cuba is a lack of housing
solutions, the Knesset Immigration and Absorption Committee heard
yesterday.
Committee chairman Naomi Blumenthal (Likud) said the Treasury did not
know
about the immigrants until a month ago and the need to give them housing
assistance. She said she would ask the Treasury to help approve better
mortgage
conditions for the Cubans.
However, an immigrant representative, Maya Angel, said public housing
is a
better solution for the Cubans because of their low income.
Roni Arad, a Treasury representative, said the Absorption Ministry has
budgets, but if there is a need it will be given additional assistance.
MK Sofa Landver (One Israel) said the Cuban immigrants should be given
refugee status and thus qualify for greater assistance.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
15 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 The Jerusalem Post
The Jerusalem Post
October 19, 1999, Tuesday
SECTION: OPINION; Pg. 8
LENGTH: 901 words
HEADLINE: Haider's opportunism
BYLINE: Robert S. Wistrich
HIGHLIGHT:
The writer is the Dr. Erich and Foga Neuberger Professor of Modern
Jewish
History at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and an expert on Austrian
and
East-Central European Affairs.
BODY:
During the past two weeks, the prospect of Joerg Haider's Freedom Party
eventually joining a new coalition government in Austria has led to much
hysterical comment in Israel. There have been threats of cutting
diplomatic ties
to Vienna or at the very least of a reassessment of this country's
relations
with Austria. In the media, Haider has been called a "neo-Nazi," a
"fascist," a
"neo-fascist," or with slightly more justice, a right-wing extremist -
though
that too is a questionable label.
Comparisons with Adolf Hitler have also been made, which not only
inflate
Haider's importance but also implicitly trivialize the monstosity of
Nazism.
What, if any, truth is there in these stereotypes? How dangerous is the
Haider phenomenon and what are the causes of his current success?
Finally, what
is the appropriate response of Jews in Israel and abroad, to the seemingly
irresistible rise of his movement?
It is certainly the case that Haider comes from an impeccably Nazi
family
background in Carinthia (both his parents were true believers) and that
the
Freedom Party (FPO) which he leads, was until the 1970s, the main
political home
for former Nazis. No doubt this upbringing explains his penchant for
addressing
gatherings that have included many ex-SS Nazi and far-right
Kameradschaften -
though they are far from being his main audience today.
Not accidentally, the Freedom Party has been the most lukewarm of
Austrian
political parties, in efforts to get Austria to take responsibility for
its Nazi
past. Though open antisemitism is not part of his party's program and
Haider
himself is careful to avoid any such taint, surveys indicate that
anti-Jewish
sentiments are more frequently encountered among his supporters than among
Socialists or Conservatives.
Haider's rhetoric on the "foreigner question" (Auslanderfrage)
deliberately
plays on fears that Austria may be swamped by refugees, asylum-seekers,
and
immigrants from the Slavic East, Turkey, the Balkans, Africa, and Asia.
They
represent in his eyes a threat to the German ethnic, linguistic and
cultural
character of Austria which must be defended by putting a stop to further
immigration and perhaps even by repatriation.
This is no phantom problem and by openly addressing what many Austrians
privately feel, Haider gained an advantage over his political rivals
which he
has not hesitated to exploit.
This does not make Haider a "fascist" or a "neo-Nazi," but he is
certainly
comparable to other radical populist demagogues like Pat Buchanan in
America,
Jean-Marie Le Pen in France, Gerhard Frey in Germany or Vladimir
Zhirinovsky in Russia. They all represent soft, "democratic," non- violent versions of
"ethnic
cleansing" that fall some way short of Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini.
HOW THEN can one explain Haider's exceptional electoral success in
Austria -
so much more striking than that of his counterparts elsewhere?
Firstly, Haider is clearly the most charismatic, photogenic, and the
youngest of the post-war radical populists - which partly accounts for his
appeal to the new generation of voters (among 18- to 30-year-olds in
Austria,
the FPO is comfortably the most attractive party).
He cultivates a modern, sporting look and a "liberal" economic program
even
as he promises to be more "socialistic" than the Socialists when
addressing the
disillusioned Austrian working class.
Though Austria is prosperous and politically stable, many Austrians are
nonetheless fed up with the Socialist- Conservative oligopoly that has
governed
the country for thirty years. They want change and Haider has cleverly
positioned himself to represent that desire, while simultaneously feeding
fears
of an uncertain future as Austria is opened up to Europe and new winds of
competition.
Thus he has performed the rare feat of winning strong support both
from the
yuppie generation of go-getting entrepreneurs and the anxious losers in
the
modernization process.
This peculiarly Austrian version of "Third Way" politics (neither
Right nor
Left) cuts across the older class divisions and entrenched political
camps with
a message that blends radicalism and bourgeois respectability, the
promise of
economic individualism with a smooth media-oriented message of reform, an
ugly
strain of xenophobia with a shrewd denunciation of establishment
corruption.
Neither Israel nor the Jews in Austria are targets of Haider and his
party,
though the latent racism in its discourse is a source of legitimate
concern and
justifiable protest. But an exaggerated response runs the risk, as in the
Waldheim Affair a decade earlier, of driving more Austrians into Haider's
arms -
an outcome that will produce the opposite effect to what may be intended.
A hundred years ago, Austria was the cradle of the most strident,
politically successful, and dynamic antisemitic movement in Europe before
Nazism. Its leader, Karl Lueger, was not only a charismatic demagogue,
but a
gifted social reformer and the most popular Mayor that Vienna ever had.
Joerg Haider reminds me in some ways of Lueger's skillful brand of
coolly
opportunist and radical xenophobic populism. He will probably be a force
in
Austrian politics for years to come. The real problem may not be Haider
but the
respectability and legitimacy which his present success may give to more
extremist forces in Europe that have yet to surface.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
16 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 Bergen Record Corp.
The Record (Bergen County, NJ)
October 19, 1999, TUESDAY; ALL EDITIONS
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. L7
LENGTH: 336 words
HEADLINE: BOARD RULES AGAINST DEPORTING DETAINEE
BYLINE: DAVID VOREACOS, Staff Writer
BODY:
A Palestinian arrested in Passaic who faces deportation for alleged
terrorist ties does not pose a risk to national security and should get
a green card, an immigration board in Washington, D.C., has ruled.
The Board of Immigration Appeals ruled on Friday that Hany
Kiareldeen should not be deported because it has"serious doubts about
the reliability of the information"in secret FBI reports accusing him
of terrorist activities.
That doesn't automatically mean he will be freed, however.
The U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service is seeking an
emergency stay to keep Kiareldeen detained at the Hudson County Jail,
his lawyers said late Monday.
Kiareldeen, 31, has been detained since March 1998 based on secret
evidence that the INS and FBI will not disclose. They accuse him of
being a member of a terrorist group, hosting a meeting with terrorist
Nidal Ayaad one week before the World Trade Center bombing in 1993, and
threatening to kill U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno.
Immigration Judge Daniel Meisner ruled in April that the INS had
done a poor job of presenting its case for deportation at a hearing that
included secret evidence which Kiareldeen could not confront.
He said Kiareldeen deserves the permanent-resident status conferred
by a green card, and release on $ 1,500 bail. But the INS appealed to the
board in Washington, which upheld Meisner.
"We do not find that the classified and unclassified evidence
presented by the INS would 'justify a reasonable person in the
belief that Kiareldeen is engaged in or will likely engage in
terrorist activity," ruled the board.
Kiareldeen's lawyer, Houeida Saad, applauded the panel's ruling.
"This is a major victory, "Saad said. "We feel that we've been
vindicated. The government did an incredibly bad job in litigating this
case."
She hopes to persuade U.S. District Judge William Walls to hold an
emergency hearing this week to release Kiareldeen based on the ruling.
LANGUAGE: English
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
17 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 News World Communications, Inc.
The Washington Times
October 19, 1999, Tuesday, Final Edition
SECTION: PART A; COMMENTARY; Pg. A18
LENGTH: 895 words
HEADLINE: Campaign finance hogwash
BYLINE: Bruce Fein
BODY:
To demonstrate satirically the unfair political favoritism toward the
rich in
France under the Third Republic, Anatole France wrote in "The Red Lily"
(1894):
"The law, in its majestic equality, forbids the rich as well as the poor
to
sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to steal bread."
Proponents of federal campaign finance reform echo that sentiment in
asserting the prevailing scheme in which unlimited sums may be donated to
political parties or independently expended systemically corrupts
candidates and
elected officials on behalf of the upper crust. The theory is fetching;
but,
like claims of cold fusion, lacks convincing empirical support. Indeed,
Anatole
France's caustic cynicism is more apt in the United States today when
turned on
its head with appropriate adaptations as follows: "The federal law, in its
majestic equality, levies on the rich as well as the poor a marginal
income tax
rate of 40 percent on high earnings, and, entitles both to hundreds of
billions
in redistributed income through Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, Food
Stamps, housing vouchers, and welfare payments if they prove indigence."
In
other words, the large mixture of laws that Congress enacts discredits
the idea
the current campaign finance rules imbalance politics against the middle
or
lower classes and endows the rich with undue clout. That recognition
destroys
the moral foundation of campaign finance crusaders.
The entire sweep of the United States Code speaks volumes. The top 1
percent
of income earners pay approximately 30 percent of all federal income
taxes,
while the bottom 50 percent chip in approximately 4 percent, and the
bottom
one-third pay nothing. Billions are showered on low-income earners
through the
earned income tax credit. The estate tax is paid only by the wealthy.
The ordinary working man or woman is favored under federal labor laws.
Unions
are exempt from the antitrust laws, and employers are prohibited from
negotiating individual contracts with employees if a majority vote for
union
representation. Immigration restrictions are largely calculated to
inflate free
market wage levels, as are federal laws that compel the payment of
prevailing
union wages on government construction and service contracts. And a host
of
laws forbid employment discrimination based on union activity, age, race,
ethnicity, gender, pregnancy or disability. While many of these laws are
fully
warranted, they nevertheless contradict the claim of a corrupt political
system
generally biased toward the rich.
Approximately 50 percent of the $1.7 trillion federal budget, or $850
billion, is dedicated to entitlement or welfare programs that redistribute
wealth in favor of the penurious. Social Security benefit formulas
sharply
discriminate against high wage earners. The colossal billions spent on
Medicare, Medicaid, Food Stamps, rent and heating subsidies, farm relief
and
welfare dwarf defense expenditures plus the costs of "pork barrel"
projects such
as highway construction or earmarked research grants.
The white knight of campaign finance reform, presidential aspirant Sen.
John
McCain, Arizona Republican, insists simultaneously that the system
corrupts
politics but that none are guilty of corrupt voting, like an epidemic
disease
without patients in need of treatment. Inconsistency in argument is a
great
power in D.C., but it ought not to be abused.
Mr. McCain enlists a morally pious book authored by the esteemed
Elizabeth
Drew, "The Corruption of American Politics," to prove his case. She
sermonizes:
"The culture of money dominates Washington as never before
It
affects the
issues raised and their outcome." But no list is forthcoming of laws that
rob
from the poor to give to the rich, or demonstrate that overall the
federal code
tilts toward the latter at the expense of the former. The most crusader
Mr.
McCain says is that his 10-year scrutiny of appropriations bills shows
evidence
of low-priority, unnecessary or wasteful spending because of procedural
irregularities in their enactments; however, he neither quantifies the
aggregate
sums involved nor substantiates a pro-rich, anti-poor bias.
Probably the most muscular lobby in the nation is the American
Association of
Retired Persons, consisting of tens of millions predominantly concerned
with
raising Social Security benefits. AARP's membership is not dominated by
the
likes of retired chief executive officers from the Fortune 500, but by
ordinary
citizens of ordinary means. Their staggering voting power has made even a
hint
of Social Security austerity politically taboo for decades. The Business
Roundtable and Chamber of Commerce are green with envy.
The general middle and lower class bias of the laws explains what is
inexplicable to many: the absence of any popular fervor for campaign
finance
reform. Citizens care vastly more about what laws are enacted than who
pays for
campaigns. Few care if fat cats squander money for ego-promoting nights
in the
Lincoln Bedroom, White House coffees, or punctual attention to telephone
calls
made to Congress or the Executive Branch. And when the beneficiaries of
the
vast panorama of federal laws are carefully examined, the ordinary
citizen has
little or nothing to gripe about.
Bruce Fein is a lawyer and free-lance writer specializing in legal
issues.
GRAPHIC: Illustration, NO CAPTION, By Kreneck
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
18 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 News World Communications, Inc.
The Washington Times
October 19, 1999, Tuesday, Final Edition
SECTION: PART A; COMMENTARY; EDITORIALS; LETTERS; Pg. A20
LENGTH: 207 words
HEADLINE: Increased interest in Reform Party candidacy is about the bucks
BODY:
Kenneth Smith's Oct. 14 Op-Ed column, "Blame government first,"
regarding
Pat Buchanan and William Kristol, was excellent. Two sentences amazed
me, and I
had to read them three times to make sure I got the meaning: "There's no
room
for a presidential contender Buchanan in the party of limited
government. The
Republican or Reform parties will have to do."
It is correct that neither of these parties favors government limited
to the
boundaries our Constitution gave it. Now the obvious question is: Which
is the
real "party of limited government?"
The answer is the Libertarian Party, which has been for free trade, free
immigration and ending subsidies for more than 20 years and is on the
ballot in
all 50 states (unlike the Johnny-come-lately, rich boy's toy Reform
Party). Why
did the column allude to the existence of a party of limited government
without
naming the Libertarian Party?
Columnists who quote Friedrich Hayek would do well to give recognition
to the
Libertarian Party. By doing so, conservative columnists cannot help but
succeed
- either in moving Republicans further from socialism or in promoting a
new
party that can lead us back to the vision of our Founding Fathers.
NOELLE STETTNER
Falls Church
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
19 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 The Denver Post Corporation
The Denver Post
October 18, 1999 Monday 2D EDITION
SECTION: DENVER & THE WEST; Pg. B-10
LENGTH: 948 words
HEADLINE: Migration transforms West politics
BYLINE: By The Economist,
BODY:
COLORADO SPRINGS - A Californian, a Texan and a Coloradan are out
drinking.
The Texan picks up his Lone Star beer, throws the bottle in the air,
takes out
a six-shooter and empties the chamber. Froth and glass everywhere.
'We've got
plenty of beer back in Texas,' he says, 'but I've got to keep my aim
straight.'
An hour passes, and the Californian starts on his second bottle of
Merlot.
He tosses it up, takes out his Saturday Night Special and blasts away.
'We've
got plenty of wine back in the Napa Valley, but I've got to keep my
trigger
finger sharp.'
Then the Coloradan puts three bottles of Coors beer on the table,
takes out
his rifle and shoots the Californian and the Texan. 'We've got plenty of
those
back in Colorado,' he says, 'but the bottles I've got to recycle.'
The joke neatly embodies the changing attitudes of the West. The huge
migration out of California into Rocky Mountain states; the tension this
engenders; and the curious mixture of Old West gun culture and high-tech
individualism - between them, these things have shaped a new political
landscape.
Almost 20 years ago, when Ronald Reagan won the presidency, his victory
promised to usher in a period of Western dominance of American politics.
The
country's economic center of gravity was shifting westward.
Reaganism - populist, internationalist, friendly to business,
skeptical of
government - was distinctively Western. And that meant distinctively
Californian; the Rockies and the Pacific Northwest then seemed little
more than
California's hinterland.
The promise of 1980 has been only partly fulfilled. Economically, the
West is the country's fastest-growing area. But the boom is taking place less
in
California than in the 'inland West' (otherwise known as the mountain
West),
those states that straddle the Sierra Nevada and the Rockies.
So it no longer makes sense to think of this region as someone else's
hinterland. The inland West is a growth area in its own right. Today's
big
gravitational shifts are taking place between different parts of the
West, not
between the West and the rest of the country.
As Latinos pour into California and Texas, whites are pouring out of
California and into the Rockies. As a result, the West is splitting.
California and the Pacific Coast have become more multiethnic and
Democrat-controlled. The inland West is economically even more
successful and
the most solidly Republican area in the country.
This part of the West is becoming like the old California, while
California
is becoming less like its old self.
The transformation begins with the rise of the Latino vote. There are
29
million Latinos in the United States, making them the country's
second-largest
minority. California has a third of them, 30 percent of its population.
Between 1990 and 1997, 1.4 million more people moved into the states
of the
inland West than moved out of them. If you include Texas, Oregon and
Washington
(also targets of Californian flight), the figure for internal migration
is 2.5
million.
Three-quarters of those moving came from California. This had
unexpected
consequences. For much of the 1990s, Western politicians talked about the
'greening' of the West, about the growth of Democratic power there, and
even
about the collapse of the 'Old West,' socially and economically.
It has not worked out quite that way. Certainly the reliance on primary
industries has gone, to the point where ranchers and farmers feel they
are
constantly on the defensive. But, instead of greening, the West has been
urbanizing - and fast.
The eight inland West states now contain six of the top 10
fastest-growing
states by job creation and population, and five of the 10 states with the
highest personal-income gains.
This is genuine, bottom-up growth, not the boom-and-bust kind that
used to
characterize the West. But this boom is largely a high-tech affair.
Denver is
one of America's leading cable-television and telecommunications
centers, home
to TCI, a big cable television firm recently acquired by AT&T.
Boise, Idaho, and Salt Lake City, Utah, are other fast-growing
high-tech
centers. Intel's largest production plant is in Portland, Ore. Microsoft
is in
Washington.
Some of these companie have been encouraged by people who left
California
for the great outdoors.
It argues they have played a vital role in transforming the inland
West.
They have helped make it another technology-based region, like
California in
the 1980s.
Californian migrants like them have also strengthened the Republicans
of the
Rockies and turned parts of the wide-open spaces - Idaho, Wyoming, Utah
- into
one-party states.
The present Western scene, then, is a strange one. For the moment,
ranchers
and city-slicker computer wizards both find themselves under the
Republican
label, united by a common disdain for taxes and regulation. Yet social
issues,
from health care to immigration, often divide the more tolerant techies
from
the rest.
This ideological disconnect has already caused intense fights within
the
Western state legislatures, and is likely to have a large impact on next
year's
elections.
Added to this volatility is another Californian import: Republican
intolerance of the growing influence of Latinos, which threatens to do
for the
party in the inland West what it did for the party in California.
Put all these together, and there is just a slight glimmer of hope for
Democrats who wonder how the New West can be won.
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
20 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 The Denver Post Corporation
The Denver Post
October 17, 1999 Sunday 2D EDITION
SECTION: DENVER & THE WEST; Pg. B-06
LENGTH: 1271 words
HEADLINE: 'Someone has to pay,' he said Man fought for a country that
didn't
want him
BYLINE: By Jim Sheeler, Special to the Denver Post, A COLORADO LIFE,
BODY:
The two letters arrived on the same day in 1942, postmarked by fate,
addressed to Jesus Montero, Denver, Colorado.
Inside the first envelope, Montero found a draft notice from the United
States Army. In the second, he found a deportation document from the U.S.
Department of Immigration.
If Montero answered the first letter, he would be sent to fight for a
country that did not want him. If he answered the second letter, it
would send
him back to his homeland, where he could avoid the horrors of the
battlefields.
Jesus Montero's decision was immediate.
'Someone has to pay,' he said.
Inside an Aurora apartment, Lydia Montero points to a photo of a young
man
in military fatigues.
'He didn't talk much about the war, but it was a defining time in his
life,'
she says. 'He released people out of the German death camps. He said he
could
not believe the evils he saw.'
Montero had made it all the way to a boot camp in New York before the
Army
found out where he was born. As a migrant worker, he had no record of
'legal
entry' into the United States. At that point, he could have been sent
back
home. His lieutenant had a better idea.
'If you might die over there,' the officer told him, 'you should at
least be
a U.S. citizen.' Clad in his military dress uniform, Montero was sent
across
the Canadian border while a sympathetic judge drew up the papers that
would
allow him official legal entry back into the country. When he returned
to the
United States a few hours later, he was sworn in as his wife and
daughter watched, and cried.
During his time overseas in the Fifth Armored Division - where he was
known
as 'Monty' - he would gather memories that would shape his life,
memories he
would rarely share. On the wall in the room, his daughter finds another
photo,
one of his best friends, a man who was killed instantly when a bomb hit
his
truck.
'A lot of Hispanic men who died over there never had their
citizenship,'
Lydia says.
'My father said, 'Courage is not the color of your skin.' He said,
'Courage
is the color of red blood."
Jesus Jaime Montero was born Nov. 12, 1912, in La Ojuela, Durango,
Mexico.
His mother died of malnutrition one year after his birth. The town's
income
source, a silver mine, collapsed soon afterward, killing many of the men
inside.
'The town no longer exists. It isn't on any map,' Lydia Montero says.
'It
collapsed with the mine. Those who survived left.'
The Montero family crossed the border to New Mexico, where Jesus stayed
briefly before his father brought him along to help work on railroads
from
Texas to Trinidad, and in sugar beet fields from Lamar to Billings, Mont.
When his father settled in Denver in 1921, with his new wife, daughter
and
sister, Jesus was 9 years old, and his childhood had already long since
past.
'Someone once asked him if he felt an allegiance to Mexico,' Lydia
Montero
says. 'He told them, 'You can't make an allegiance with starvation."
Nine
Montero children followed, eight of whom survived, giving the oldest
brother
the job of 'president and CEO of the family,' Lydia says. By the time he
was
10, Jesus had learned English and had begun a lifelong habit of reading
a newspaper every day.
'He was the one who negotiated with the lawyers, sold the horses and
bought
the Model T,' she says.
Jesus, or 'Jessie' as friends called him, continued to work in the
fields
with his father, forcing him farther behind in school. At 16 years old,
he was
the biggest kid in the fourth grade. He eventually left to enroll at the
Emily
Griffith Opportunity School, where he learned a trade as a mechanic.
He began dating Catherine 'Katie' Rendon in the late 1930s, the couple
attending 5-cent movies at theaters that no longer exist, places long
since
replaced by what Mrs. Montero calls 'the glass monsters.' They married
in 1942,
and lived the rest of their lives in Denver. As skyscrapers grew around
their
home, Jessie Montero quietly grew his garden.
Jessie began working at Luby Chevrolet before he left for the war, and
returned to his job once he had come home. He was named a master
mechanic in
1949 and every year that followed, until his retirement in 1977.
Like most things in his life, he took his profession extremely
seriously.
'When I do a good job, for instance, on the brakes,' he told his
granddaughter, Dalal, 'I know that that family will be OK.'
This explains the transmission resting in the corner of the Monteros'
living
room.
'He had a 1968 El Camino in hopes of reconditioning it - he just never
had
time,' Lydia says. 'He once said, 'My version of heaven is to have a
Rolls
Royce, the kind with a nice wood interior. And all the time I want to
tinker.'
In the same room with the pictures of Jessie Montero as a young boy
and as a
military hero are photos of the next two generations. All of them wear
graduation caps.
'He told us, 'Education is the only thing," Lydia says. 'He said,
'Your
body degenerates, you lose your health, and all you have is what's in
your
mind." It was a concept that Lydia says was constantly repeated by her
parents
- even when it went against the traditional roles of women in
turn-of-the-century society.
'My grandfather (Jessie's father) was livid when I went to high
school,'
Lydia said. 'He said it would make me uppity and no man would want to
marry
me.' Eventually, Lydia says she and her parents won over her
grandparents by
deeds instead of arguments.
'He never shouted,' Lydia says. 'He said, 'A real man doesn't have to
shout.' I can remember him saying that in Spanish and in English.'
As he grew older, the soft-spoken man always seemed to have a
solution, and
always seemed to have it at the right time.
'He wouldn't get involved in people's lives; they would come to him,'
Lydia
says. 'He said, 'People only hear wise things when they're ready to hear
them." In the past few decades since his retirement, Jessie Montero
refused to
slow down. Much of his time was spent at the Denver Veterans Affairs
Medical
Center, where he would talk to patients and push their wheelchairs to
church. Recently, the VA awarded Montero a certificate praising him for
3,060
hours of volunteer service during the past 27 years.
Though Montero didn't speak much about his war experience with his
family,
he and Katie spent much of their spare time at the Veterans of Foreign
Wars
Post 501, where Katie served as president, and he served any way he
could.
Recently, Montero wanted to return to Normandy for the 50th
anniversary of
D-Day.
'He wanted to see that place again,' says Katie Montero. 'He wanted to
make
sure the people were all right. But I couldn't travel with him, and he
wouldn't
leave me again.'
Jessie Montero died Sept. 2 at the age of 86. Six days later he was
buried
in his uniform at Fort Logan Cemetery, with a 21-gun salute.
During the war, Montero won numerous medals, including the cherished
Bronze
Star - a medal awarded for an act of meritorious or heroic achievement.
Despite the family's questions, Jesus Montero never told them what he
did to
earn that star.
In a way, his family members say, they know.
'He never spoke of it with us,' Katie Montero says. 'He only said,
'Someone
had to pay." To leave suggestions or comments for A Colorado Life, call
303-516-1959 or e-mail Jsheeler @Boulder Planet.com.
GRAPHIC: PHOTOS: Courtesy of the Montero family Jessie Montero, left, wife
Katie, and daughter Lydia Montero pose for a family portrait, shortly
before he
left to fight in World War II. Montero, above, moved to Denver when he
was 9
and lived most of his life in a house on California Street.
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
21 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 The Providence Journal Company
The Providence Journal-Bulletin
October 17, 1999, Sunday, All EDITIONS
SECTION: ISSUES & IDEAS, Pg. 1E
LENGTH: 1409 words
HEADLINE: Challenging Weygand, Licht vies for Latino support
BYLINE: M. CHARLES BAKST
BODY:
Vying with Rep. Bob Weygand in the 2000 Democratic Senate primary,
former Lt.
Gov. Richard Licht asserts he has a real shot to win the support of the
Latino
community, which was a key to Weygand's success in getting to Congress.
Several Latinos tell me Licht - because of his pluses or because of some
disenchantment with Weygand - indeed has a chance.
Licht already has the backing of Dr. Pablo Rodriguez, who is president
of the
Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee and who supported Weygand
against
Joe Paolino in their hotly contested 1996 House primary.
Rodriguez says Licht "absolutely" could win the majority of Hispanic
votes.
"He could take it simply because this community is one that is
sophisticated,
that is looking for leadership that responds to issues of Latinos."
Weygand concedes nothing, contends he enjoys robust rank-and-file Latino
backing here and notes continued strong support from Rep. Loretta
Sanchez, the
high-profile Hispanic congresswoman from California.
With Weygand, a fellow House rookie, escorting her to several stops,
Sanchez
visited Rhode Island in 1997. She tells me she'll be here again for his
Senate
bid.
According to a Weygand Senate campaign-finance report filed this
summer, he
has received $ 1,000 from her reelection committee and $ 2,000 from
Hispanic
PAC, a political action committee operated by Democratic Hispanic members
of
Congress.
The 1990 census put the Rhode Island Latino population at 45,000, but
it's
been growing substantially, with estimates that it may now be close to
75,000.
Two cities in which Hispanics especially are a presence - Pawtucket and
Central
Falls - are in the congressional district represented by Patrick Kennedy.
It may be that some in the Hispanic community aren't rushing to embrace
Weygand at this point because they don't want Latinos to be taken for
granted.
Sanchez says Hispanics must continually ask candidates what they'll do
for
them - and look at the candidates' history. "Hopefully, the Hispanic
community
is doing that up there," she says in a telephone interview from
Washington. "They'll see Bob has been good on issues that affect our community."
She praises Weygand's constituent work - visas, work permits and so on
- and
his voting record in such areas as support for bilingual education.
She says she's never met Licht. But she can't say enough about Weygand.
"When
I need a vote and I need him to round up votes, I explain the issue to
him and
he goes out and rounds up votes," she says.
Weygand, who was then lieutenant governor, became a darling of Latinos
in
1996 after calls by former Providence Mayor Paolino to make English the
official
language of the United States, to crack down on illegal immigration and
to take
another look at bilingual education.
At the Biltmore Hotel, Hispanics thrilled to Weygand's victory on
primary
night. Victor Capellan told him, "Our whole community is all excited."
Carolina
Bernal said, "It's good for the whole state to have a person like you
that we
can trust."
But today, Capellan, an aide at the Center for Hispanic Policy and
Advocacy,
says it's "very possible" Licht could seize Weygand's Latino support. And
Bernal, a staffer at the Institute for Labor Studies, says, "It's going
to be a
tough race." She calls both candidates "excellent" and refuses to give me
a
prediction on how things will go. That would be "free publicity" for one
of
them, she chuckles. "They've got to do their homework."
You could have seen both Licht and Weygand working the crowd at a recent
Latino PAC reception.
Licht told me he has good prospects among Latinos because of a "strong
record" in working with them. "When I was lieutenant governor, I had an
Hispanic
advisory council. We met on a frequent basis."
He also employed a Hispanic woman, Margarita Baez, as a policy aide.
Licht largely disappeared from public view after he lost a 1988 Senate
bid.
He says he's making a concerted effort to reintroduce himself to Latinos.
Licht says it's too early to say whether there will be any Latinos on
his
campaign staff, but he definitely will have a Latino committee.
Licht contends his stands on issues - including education and
immigration -
appeal to Hispanics.
Rodriguez considers him a stronger voice than Weygand for an amnesty for
undocumented immigrants, which is viewed as a way of keeping families
united.
Many undocumented immigrants, from such countries as Colombia, Mexico and
Guatemala, work here and pay taxes. But because they came illegally, they
cannot
claim health benefits and they live in fear of being deported - often to
countries devastated by war or hurricane - and separated from relatives,
including American-born children, here.
Weygand is leery of an amnesty that would be so broad as to include
criminals. On the other hand, there is debate over how to define
criminals. And
for the moment the amnesty topic may be more emotional or symbolic than
real:
Sanchez says that unless House Democrats find some magic bargaining chip
in
dealing with Republicans, the only way the legislation will pass is if
Democrats
seize House control in 2000.
Another problem Rodriguez has with Weygand is that the congressman does
not
have high-ranking Hispanic staffers.
Weygand boasts of having an Hispanic constituent caseworker, Yvette
Jaquez,
in his Rhode Island office. Overall, he says, his staff is "very
diverse," with
more women than men and more minority representation than in the
population at
large.
Capellan, who has run unsuccessfully for the Rhode Island House and is
eyeing
another race, says he'd have liked to have seen Weygand immerse himself
more in
the Latino community, but he goes out of his way to praise Jaquez for
being
"very active with us."
In some Hispanic quarters, as with any other group, Weygand may be
taking a
hit for his opposition to abortion rights.
This is one area in which he and Rodriguez, medical director of Planned
Parenthood, part company. Obviously, the two men also disagreed on
abortion in
1996, but Rodriguez, who found the "pro-choice" Paolino unpalatable on
other
fronts, was willing to swallow the differences. Licht is "pro-choice."
Congresswoman Sanchez tells me, "I am probably one of the strongest
'pro-choice' votes here in Congress, as well as an advocate. When I look
at
candidates to support, that's one of the criteria I look very hard at.
It's hard
for me to work for 'anti-choice' people. Bob is an exception. Overall,
the rest
of his agenda is very straightforward for working people: education, for
children and vocational and lifelong learning. That's important,
especially to
the Hispanic agenda."
Weygand says his relationship with the Latino community is "extremely
strong."
He says it doesn't panic him if some leaders, such as Rodriguez, are
not in
his corner. In 1996, he says, some top Democrats weren't for him either,
"but
the rank-and-file Democrats certainly were."
Jenny Rosario, a high school teacher who was a close Weygand adviser in
1996,
says she remains an enthusiastic backer, even though she also considers
Licht a
"wonderful person."
She says Weygand has done an "excellent" job representing average Rhode
Islanders, including Hispanics.
Yet I also spoke with Francisco Cruz, who works for the Providence
Plan, a
nonprofit urban revitalization agency. Once a City Hall aide to Paolino,
Cruz in
1996 sided with Weygand.
Today he says he leans to Licht, whom he knew through Margarita Baez
and with
whom he has cooperated over the years on several projects. Cruz says he's
in the
dark about the extent to which Weygand has maintained some of his
connections in
the Hispanic community. For example, in the Senate primary, "I wasn't
approached
by his campaign." Cruz says Licht did seek his support.
It's not like Weygand to be lazy. This guy is driven. But I've never
met any
politician more driven than Licht. So if Licht says he's going to best
Weygand
in the Hispanic community, I'll keep my eye on the situation.
Suggest you do same.
M. Charles Bakst, The Journal's political columnist, can be reached by
E-mail
at [email protected]
* *
REP. LORETTA SANCHEZ, center, a high-profile Hispanic Democrat from
California, is a strong supporter of Rep. Bob Weygand in his 2000
Democratic
Senate primary fight against former Lt. Gov. Richard Licht.
Bob
has been
good on issues that affect our community, she says.
AP
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
22 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 The Providence Journal Company
The Providence Journal-Bulletin
October 17, 1999, Sunday, All EDITIONS
SECTION: LOCAL & REGIONAL NEWS, Pg. 3C
LENGTH: 400 words
HEADLINE: 10 men sentenced in fraud scheme
BODY:
The 10, all suspected illegal aliens, tried to cash counterfeit payroll
checks at Citizens and Fleet Banks.
**
PROVIDENCE - Ten men, all suspected illegal aliens, have been sentenced
in a
scheme to cash more than $ 100,000 in counterfeit payroll checks at local
banks
earlier this year, U.S. Attorney Margaret E. Curran announced.
The sentences, ranging from two years for the ringleader to several
weeks,
were imposed during separate hearings by U.S. District Court Judge Mary
M. Lisi
during the last three weeks.
All 10 will be referred to the Immigration and Naturalization Service
for
deportation after completing their sentences.
There were two separate check-cashing sprees, in February and March,
said
Assistant U.S. Attorney Terrence P. Donnelly. In late February, 225 fake
checks
made out against a Johnston manufacturer's account were cashed at 24
Citizens
Bank branches. The checks ranged from $ 374 to $ 394. Eight of the
defendants
and 19 unidentified men cashed the checks during two days.
On March 26, the 10 defendants and 15 associates obtained counterfeit
checks
drawn on a Massachusetts greenhouse company's Fleet Bank account. They
cashed or
attempted to cash 60 checks from $ 360 to $ 410.
By then, the Secret Service was investigating the initial check-cashing
episode. The defendants were arrested by local police departments, six of
them
at various Fleet branches as they tried to cash checks. The four others
were
arrested at a hotel in Warwick.
As a result of the scheme, Citizens lost $ 107,657 and Fleet lost $
20,070.
Lisi ordered the defendants to repay these amounts. All 10 admitted to
defrauding the banks, Curran's office said.
The ringleader, Rolando Solares, 33, of 41 Longfellow St., was
sentenced to
24 months in federal prison.
Sentenced to six months in prison and four months of home confinement
were
Armando Silvestre Garcia, 22; Jose Nieves-Torre, 23; Jose Jasso, 19; Jose
Gil-Peralta, 27; Gerrardo Rodriguez; Juan Talavera, 18; and Nemecio Lopez
Silva,
28. None of these men has a permanent address.
Luis Avelar, 20, of 387 New York Ave., was sentenced to three weeks in
prison, the time he served while awaiting bail. Calixto Liborio Saligan,
27, no
fixed address, was sentenced to the six months he served while being held
without bond. These two men were involved in the second check-cashing
round, but
not the first.
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
23 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 Central News Agency
Central News Agency
October 16, 1999, Saturday
LENGTH: 327 words
HEADLINE: LEGISLATOR CALLS HEARING OVER FRAUD INVOLVING FOREIGN BRIDES
BYLINE: By Lilian Wu
DATELINE: Taipei, Oct. 16
BODY:
A legislator called a public hearing on Saturday to call attention to
cases
of fraud involving foreign smuggling rings collecting the passports of
foreign
brides for illegal use.
Legislator Kuo Su-chun of the ruling Kuomintang called the hearing on
international fraud involving foreign brides. Participating in the
hearing were
Taiwanese victims of the fraud and government officials from the Ministry
of
Foreign Affairs and the Bureau of Immigration.
Legislator Kuo said that such fraud has compromised the rights of local
people and threatened the social order.
Legislator Kuo pointed out that the smuggling rings first act as
matchmaking
agencies for Indonesian brides and Taiwanese men. The rings then collect
the
passports of the Indonesian brides after they return to Indonesia within
six
months according to Indonesian regulations.
The rings then give the passports to others who then use the contraband
passports to enter Taiwan shortly thereafter.
The legislator stated that the illegal smuggling rings might be
involved in
getting jobs for the illegal immigrants after they arrive in Taiwan.
Meanwhile, the Indonesian brides who have handed over their passports
cannot
leave their country after they have been taken away from them and their
husbands
in Taiwan are left without both their bride and the large sum of money
given as
a dowry.
Kuo asked relevant authorities to check the whereabouts of the brides
to see
if their passports have been converted for illegal use or the women have
been
sent to serve in the prostitution business.
A Bureau of Immigration official said the law states that foreign
brides must
report the loss of their passports and reapply for entry before they are
allowed
to return.
Another official also said that Taiwan cracks about 350 cases of illegal
immigration every year with many more illegals entering undetected.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 19, 1999
24 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 Independent Press
The Moscow Times
October 16, 1999
SECTION: No. 1817
LENGTH: 968 words
HEADLINE: Medecins Sans Frontieres Wins Nobel
BODY:
COMBINED REPORTS Reuters, MT OSLO, Norway - Medical relief group
Medecins
Sans Frontieres won the last Nobel Peace Prize of the century Friday and
dedicated it to "forgotten populations" of the world from the Congo to
Afghanistan.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee said the prize honored MSF, also known as
Doctors Without Borders, for "pioneering humanitarian work on several
continents" and for its speed and fearlessness in providing emergency aid.
The news reached the MSF office in Moscow minutes after the
announcement in
Oslo, moving the excited and astonished activists to send for champagne.
The toast? "To world peace," said Ilona van de Braak, the media
coordinator
for the organization's AIDS prevention project.
"That was a moment in which you suddenly realize that you are a
part of
one big organization," she said. "I hope it (the Nobel Prize) is for the
combination of doing something and speaking out for the people that do
not have
the opportunity to speak for themselves." In Russia, the Dutch branch of
MSF
runs an AIDS prevention and awareness project, as well as programs to
help the
homeless and tuberculosis sufferers.
The French aid agency also operated in Chechnya during the 1994-96 war
and
assisted refugees from Chechnya sheltering in neighboring Ingushetia. MSF
pulled
out of the North Caucasus in 1997 after one of its workers was kidnapped
in
Ingushetia and held for nearly four months before he escaped.
MSF welcomed the award, one of the least controversial Nobel Peace
Prizes in
years. But it expressed concern that the prestige of the prize might
jeopardize
the independence built up since it was founded in 1971, mainly by French
doctors.
MSF, with offices in 23 nations, calls itself the world's largest
independent medical aid agency and has championed a right for
"humanitarian
intervention" - helping victims in a country even when governments were
opposed.
James Orbinski, MSF International president, said in Paris that the
award
was "an important high-level confirmation of the fundamental right of
ordinary
people to humanitarian assistance and protection." He called it "an
opportunity
to highlight the forgotten populations of the world who exist in extremely
precarious situations, for example in Congo, Sierra Leone, Afghanistan
and in
many of the other 80 countries where we work." The Red Cross and the UN
refugee
agency, both former laureates, also praised MSF. MSF sends more than 2,000
white-coated workers around the world each year with a budget of about $
230
million, most of it from private donors.
Orbinski, a Canadian, sounded a wary note that the award "is in some
ways a
risk for MSF because it in some ways reinforces the institutionalization
of
humanitarian assistance." MSF seized the occasion to urge European Union
leaders
meeting in Finland to keep the doors open for refugees in its work for a
united
policy on justice, immigration and crime.
MSF co-founder Bernard Kouchner, an ex-French health minister and now
interim UN administrator in Kosovo, said the presence of groups like MSF
would
make massacres such as at Auschwitz, Cambodia and Rwanda impossible in
the next
century.
MSF was in a field of 136 candidates including Chinese dissidents,
Pope John
Paul and Israeli President Ezer Weizman.
The Nobel committee said MSF "has adhered to the fundamental principal
that
all disaster victims, whether the disaster is natural or human in origin,
have a
right to professional assistance, given as quickly and efficiently as
possible.
Medecins Sans Frontieres set the trend for independent humanitarian
missions
almost three decades ago.
Now a fixed part of the relief scene, private ai d groups were all but
unknown when MSF was founded in 1971 by French doctors caring for victims
of the
Biafran civil war.
Its founders chafed under their neutrality as Red Cross doctors in
Biafra,
where they were barred from criticizing what they saw as genocide by
Nigerian
forces against the separatists.
First seen as "medical hippies," MSF grew during the 1970s as a boom in
civil wars and refugee camps in developing states boosted the need for
quick
medical aid around the world.
Suddenly, MSF was helping embattled Shi'ites in Lebanon, Angolan
refugees in
Zaire, Somalis in Djibouti and Saharan refugees in Algeria and Eritrea.
In Thailand, it cared for Vietnamese, Cambodian and Laotian refugees.
After Russia invaded Afghanistan in 1979, MSF doctors trekked into the
mountains with the Mujahideen rebels on dangerous aid missions that
summed up
the commitment and adventure the doctors became known for.
With the fall of communism in Eastern Europe, MSF broke new ground
providing
medical aid not to Third World countries but to industrialized states with
woefully inadequate health services.
It launched an AIDS prevention center in Moscow, a tuberculosis
treatment
project in Siberia, a polio vaccination campaign in Albania and public
health
programs in Uzbekistan. MSF played a key role in this year's biggest
humanitarian crises, in Kosovo and East Timor, where its doctors were the
last
medical aid workers to leave at the height of the fighting and among the
first
to return.
It was also active in helping victims of Turkey's earthquake, which
killed
more than 17,000 people. MSF says that less high-profile projects include
fighting sleeping sickness in Uganda or bone disease in Tibet.
With Friday's award, the first and last peace prizes of the century
have
gone to humanitarian groups: The first Nobel Peace Prize in 1901 went to
Henri
Dunant, the founder of the Red Cross.
The awards are named after Sweden's Alfred Nobel, the inventor of
dynamite,
and is worth 7.9 million Swedish crowns ($ 980,000). It will be handed
out in
Oslo on Dec. 10.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 18, 1999
25 of 28 DOCUMENTS
Copyright 1999 Independent Press
The Moscow Times
October 16, 1999
SECTION: No. 1817
LENGTH: 950 words
HEADLINE: David Duke Finds Communist Ally
BODY:
By Jen Tracy Special to The Moscow Times In a little-noted meeting
here to
discuss "the new world order orchestrated by Jews," Communist Duma Deputy
Albert
Makashov and American politician and former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke
exchanged opinions - and found themselves in surprising agreement.
Duke, a former Grand Wizard of the KKK, an American organization that
has
become an international symbol for racism, considers himself a staunch
anti-communist. But in a telephone interview from Mandeville, Louisiana,
on
Friday, Duke said he and Communist Party member Makashov - a retired
Soviet
general best known for urging crowds to blame and attack Jews in response
to the
1998 ruble meltdown - saw eye-to-eye on what ails Russia.
"Russia's biggest problem is organized crime and its leaders are
influenced
by the Russian mafia," Duke said. "But it's not right to call it a Russian
mafia, it's a Jewish mafia." Makashov and Duke met last month in Moscow
at the
editorial offices of the nationalist newspaper Zavtra, but the newspaper
only
recently reported the meeting. Duke said he also met with other key
Russian
leaders, but he declined to mention any names.
"I met with a lot of people, but I'd rather not talk about this. These
meetings were private," he said.
Duke said that as the U.S. Republican Party's chairman for the largest
district in the southern U.S. state of Louisiana, he feels it is his duty
to
remain in contact with leaders of other parties worldwide. He said he
expects he
and Makashov will keep in touch.
"I intend to keep the dialogue (with Makashov) going," he said.
The get-together at Zavtra came about after Duke decided to visit
Moscow on
a fact-finding mission about Russian money laundering - a hot topic in the
United States in the wake of reports that billions of dollars in Russian
money
were laundered at the Bank of New York.
Duke said he particularly wanted to hear Makashov's views about
allegations
that some of those billions might have been stolen from International
Monetary
Fund loans to Russia.
The conclusion Duke came away with from his visit to Moscow is that the
money-laundering affair is real, and is the work of the "Jewish mafia,"
who are
a ruthlessly organized group of "Zionists." Saying President Boris
Yeltsin has
links to this "organized group," Duke said: "I agree with those in
opposition to
Yeltsin. He is a weak leader who is going along with the new world order
people.
And there are many questions about his connection to this (corruption)
scandal."
Instead, Russia needs a nationalist as president, Duke said. And a
nationalist
is just what Duke found in Makashov.
"It seems like the communists are being transformed," he said.
"They're not
like the individuals of Lenin or Stalin's day - they're nationalists.
'Communist' is only a name they are trying to hold on to for
nostalgia."
Instead of taking offense at the communist label, then, Duke says he is
ready to
cooperate with men like Makashov to meet shared threats. He said Russia
and
America "are both losing their sovereignty" to Jewish organized crime,
and both
have problems with immigration.
"The Russian Federation has a growing Moslem minority, which is causing
cultural and religious clashes. This is similar to mass immigration of
Mexicans
to America, and certain presidential candidates are tailoring their
campaigns to
get Mexican votes," he said.
In Russia, the Jewish Congress has accused the "nationalist-communist
majority" in the State Duma of using Makashov as an anti-Semitic
mouthpiece.
Russian authorities have condemned Makashov's frequent anti-Semitic
statements,
but the Communist Party has doggedly refused to rebuke Makashov.
In the United States, the Anti-Defamation League has also condemned
Makashov's anti-Semitic public statements, and has dubbed Duke "one of
the most
dangerous extremists in America." According to the ADL, Duke has
increasingly
disguised his ideas behind more mainstream conservative-sounding rhetoric.
In an attempt to demystify Klan ritual, for example, Duke renamed the
position of Grand Wizard "National Director." He has also put a new spin
on
cross burning - the KKK practice of setting a large, flaming crucifix in
front
of a home or organization as a form of intimidation - by referring to
them as
"illuminations." In 1980, Duke resigned from the KKK and formed something
called
the National Association for the Advancement of White People to promote
the
cause of "white rights." He has run unsuccessfully for the U.S. Senate,
the U.S.
presidency and the Louisiana governor's office over the years. But he was
elected to the Louisiana State Legislature in 1989, and though he has been
repudiated by the national leadership of the Republican Party, he is now
Republican Party chairman for Louisiana's St. Tamany Parish.
Makashov rarely talks to mainstream Russian or foreign media, but
Zavtra
quoted him as telling Duke, "Once upon a time, the Russian people and the
nationalist elements in the (Communist) Party could master the
Trotsky-Zionist
line
but that power was destroyed by (Soviet leader Mikhail)
Gorbachev and
Yeltsin." In a self-published 1998 book, Duke offered a similar view
about his
own country - complete with a nod to Russia, a country Duke says he
admires for
its long suffering: "Jewish power is ubiquitous. Every politician is so
aware of
it that he knows he cannot dare mention it! Jewish organizations, Jewish
media
and Jewish political agents ruthlessly seek their perceived interests
without
remorse and without introspection. Just as single-mindedly as they once
orchestrated the Russian Revolution, they now coordinate their power."
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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