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54978745
label
[03/02/1999 - 03/03/1999]
core
doc
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document
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1
Source metadata
id
54978745
sourceUrl
contentType
document
title
[03/02/1999 - 03/03/1999]
citationUrl
collections
Presidential Electronic Mail from the Automated Records Management System (ARMS)
Automated Records Management System (ARMS) Email from the White House Office (WHO) Bucket
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54978745
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42-t-26444785-20130914F-Seg2-018-001-2016
[To: Todd Stern]
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013bba688ed73fcd
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
AND TYPE
001. email
Jaycee A. Pribulsky to [list] at 15:42:11.00. Subject: First Draft
03/03/1999
b(7)(C), b(7)(E), b(6)
Manifest - Visit of the President to Central America. (33 pages)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Automated Records Management System [Email]
WHO ([To: Todd Stern])
OA/Box Number: 500000
FOLDER TITLE:
[03/02/1999 - 03/03/1999]
2013-0914-F
ab1403
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - |44 U.S.C. 2204(a)|
Freedom of Information Act - [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
P1 National Security Classified Information |(a)(I) of the PRAJ
b(1) National security classified information [(b)(1) of the FOIA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(5) of the PRA|
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAJ
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: Charles J. Payson ( CN=Charles J. Payson/OU=WHO/O=EQP [WHO])
CREATION DATE/TIME: 2-MAR-1999 10:55:40.00
SUBJECT: Check the Date: April 20
TO: Sean P. O'Shea ( CN=Sean P. O'Shea/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Heather L. Davis ( CN=Heather L. Davis/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Mary E. Cahill ( CN=Mary E. Cahill/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Rebecca L. Walldorff ( CN=Rebecca L. Walldorff/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Marsha Scott ( CN=Marsha Scott/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Monica M. Dixon ( CN=Monica M. Dixon/O=OVP @ OVP [ UNKNOWN 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Richard L. Siewert ( CN=Richard L. Siewert/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP I WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Karin Kullman ( CN=Karin Kullman/OU=OPD/O=EOP @ EOP [ OPD 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Theresa F. Granger ( CN=Theresa F. Granger/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: James T. Heimbach ( CN=James T. Heimbach/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Andrew J. Mayock ( CN=Andrew J. Mayock/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO D
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Cynthia M. Jasso-Rotunno ( CN=Cynthia M. Jasso-Rotunno/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Linda L. Moore ( CN=Linda L. Moore/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Jocelyn A. Bucaro ( CN=Jocelyn A. Bucaro/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Lisa J. Levin ( CN=Lisa J. Levin/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP I WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Mary Morrison ( CN=Mary Morrison/OU=WIIO/O=FOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Minyon Moore ( CN=Minyon Moore/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Melissa G. Green ( CN=Melissa G. Green/OU=OPD/O=EOP @ EOP [ OPD ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Patrice L. Stanley ( CN=Patrice L. Stanley/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Lisa A. Berg ( CN=Lisa A. Berg/O=OVP @ OVP [ UNKNOWN ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Linda Ricci ( CN=Linda Ricci/OU=OMB/O=EOP @ EOP [ OMB ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Jeffrey M. Smith ( CN=Jeffrey M. Smith/OU=OSTP/O=EOP @ EOP [ OSTP ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Stacie Spector ( CN=Stacie Spector/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Kim B. Widdess ( CN=Kim B. Widdess/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Bob J. Nash ( CN=Bob J. Nash/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO D
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Ruby Shamir ( CN=Ruby Shamir/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Michele Jolin ( CN=Michele Jolin/OU=CEA/O=EOP @ EOP [ CEA ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Jennifer M. Palmieri ( CN=Jennifer M. Palmieri/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Elisa Millsap ( CN=Elisa Millsap/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: HILLIARD ( HILLIARD_B @ Al @ CD @ LNGTWY [ UNKNOWN ]) (NSC)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Capricia P. Marshall ( CN=Capricia P. Marshall/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Patricia Solis-Doyle ( CN=Patricia Solis-Doyle/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Marjorie Tarmey ( CN=Marjorie Tarmey/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Cathy R. Mays ( CN=Cathy R. Mays/OU=OPD/O=EOP @ EOP [ OPD 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Nancy V. Hernreich ( CN=Nancy V. Hernreich/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Kevin S. Moran ( CN=Kevin S. Moran/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Ilia V. Velez ( CN=Ilia V. Velez/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Rachel A. Redington ( CN=Rachel A. Redington/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Sharon K. Gill ( CN=Sharon K. Gill/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Skye S. Philbrick ( CN=Skye S. Philbrick/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Maurice Daniel ( CN=Maurice Daniel/O=OVP @ OVP [ UNKNOWN 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Charles J. Payson ( CN=Charles J. Payson/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: John Dankowski ( CN=John Dankowski/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Susan L. Hazard ( CN=Susan L. Hazard/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Simeona F. Pasquil ( CN=Simeona F. Pasquil/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Bridget T. Leininger ( CN=Bridget T. Leininger/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Craig Hughes ( CN=Craig Hughes/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO )
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Steve Ricchetti ( CN=Steve Ricchetti/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Betty J. Fountain ( CN=Betty J. Fountain/OU=OSTP/O=EOP @ EOP [ OSTP ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Laura K. Demeo ( CN=Laura K. Demeo/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Cheryl M. Carter ( CN=Cheryl M. Carter/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Jonathan Orszag ( CN=Jonathan Orszag/OU=OPD/O=EOP @ EOP [ UNKNOWN ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Mona G. Mohib ( CN=Mona G. Mohib/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Dominique L. Cano ( CN=Dominique L. Cano/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Maya Seiden ( CN=Maya Seiden/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ UNKNOWN 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Wendy Hartman ( CN=Wendy Hartman/O=OVP @ OVP [ UNKNOWN ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Brian A. Barreto ( CN=Brian A. Barreto/OU=OPD/O=EOP @ EOP [ OPD ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Maritza Rivera ( CN=Maritza Rivera/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Ruth A. Eaglin ( CN=Ruth A. Eaglin/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO D
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Jonathan A. Kaplan ( CN=Jonathan A. Kaplan/OU=OPD/O=EOP @ EOP [ OPD ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Melinda N. Bates ( CN=Melinda N. Bates/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Beth A. Viola ( CN=Beth A. Viola/OU=CEQ/O=EOP @ EOP [ CEQ 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Todd Stern ( CN=Todd Stern/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Jeffrey A. Forbes ( CN=Jeffrey A. Forbes/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Eric P. Hothem ( CN=Eric P. Hothem/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Stephanie S. Streett ( CN=Stephanie S. Streett/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Maria Echaveste ( CN=Maria Echaveste/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Sara M. Latham ( CN=Sara M. Latham/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Phillip Caplan ( CN=Phillip Caplan/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Douglas B. Sosnik ( CN=Douglas B. Sosnik/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO D
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Ann F. Lewis ( CN=Ann F. Lewis/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TEXT:
We would like to proceed with plans to schedule a Medal of Freedom
Presentation to former-Chancellor Helmut Kohl of Germany on the following
day:
Tuesday, April 20
Please respond ASAP to indicate whether your office knows of any conflicts
with this date.
Thanks!
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: Shelley N. Fidler ( CN=Shelley N. Fidler/OU=WHCCTF/O=EOP [ WHCCTF ])
CREATION DATE/TIME: 2-MAR-1999 10:26:46.00
SUBJECT: Re: Alliance letter
TO: Todd Stern ( CN=Todd Stern/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TEXT:
good comments. I'll revise.
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (EXTERNAL MAIL)
CREATOR: Jason H. Schechter@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX
CREATION DATE/TIME: 3-MAR-1999 14:16:00.00
SUBJECT: President Clinton Names David Sandalow as Assistant Secretary o
TO: I=US
( 1=US@2=WESTERN UNION@5=ATT.COM@$ELN\62955104@MRX ).
READ:NOT READ
TO: BARBUSCHAK_K
(BARBUSCHAK_K@AI@CD)(OA)
READ:NOT READ
TO: INFOMGT
(INFOMGT@A1@CD) (SYS)
READ:NOT READ
TO: JOHNSON_WC
(JOHNSON_WC@AI@CD) (OA)
READ:NOT READ
TO: SULLIVAN_M
READ:NOT READ
TO: SUNTUM_M
READ: 3-MAR-1999 16:39:13.54
TO: WOZNIAK_N
READ:NOT READ
TO: GRAY_W
(GRAY_W@A1@CD) (NSC)
READ: 3-MAR-1999 14:46:05.18
TO: NAPLAN_S
(NAPLAN_S@A1@CD)(NSC)
READ:NOT READ
TO: WEINER_R
(WEINER_R@A1@CD) (DON)
READ:NOT READ
TO: GRIBBEN J
(GRIBBEN_J@A1@CD) (WHO)
READ:NOT READ
TO: RILEY_R
(RILEY_R@A1@CD)(OA)
READ:NOT READ
TO: tnewell
([email protected]@INET)
READ:NOT READ
TO: HEMMIG_M
(HEMMIG_M@A1@CD) (WHO)
READ:NOT READ
TO: RUNDLET_P
(RUNDLET_P@A1@CD ) (WHO)
READ:NOT READ
TO: BUDIG_N
(BUDIG_N@AI@CD) (NSC)
READ:NOT READ
TO: meglynn
([email protected]@INET)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Christine A. Stanek
( Christine A. Stanek@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Lori E. Abrams
( Lori E. Abrams@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
READ:NOT READ
TO: Anne M. Edwards
( Anne M. Edwards@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: David E. Kalbaugh
( David E. Kalbaugh@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX).
READ:NOT READ
TO: Julie E. Mason
( Julie E. Mason@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Elisa Millsap
( Elisa Millsap@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Cheryl D. Mills
( Cheryl D. Mills@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
READ:NOT READ
TO: G. Timothy Saunders
(G. Timothy Saunders@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Laura D. Schwartz
( Laura D. Schwartz@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
READ:NOT READ
TO: Douglas B. Sosnik
( Douglas B. Sosnik@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Todd Stern
( Todd Stern@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Barry J. Toiv
( Barry J. Toiv@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Michael Waldman
( Michael Waldman@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX).
READ:NOT READ
TO: Dorian V. Weaver
( Dorian V. Weaver@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
READ:NOT READ
TO: Catherine T. Kitchen
( Catherine T. Kitchen@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Brenda M. Anders
( Brenda M. Anders@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
READ:NOT READ
TO: Richard Socarides
( Richard Socarides@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
READ:NOT READ
TO: Dag Vega
( Dag Vega@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
READ:NOT READ
TO: Barbara D. Woolley
( Barbara D. Woolley@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Cynthia M. Jasso-Rotunno
( Cynthia M. Jasso-Rotunno@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Sara M. Latham
( Sara M. Latham@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Andrew J. Mayock
( Andrew J. Mayock@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
READ:NOT READ
TO: Beverly J. Barnes
( Beverly J. Barnes@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Megan C. Moloney
( Megan C. Moloney@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Laura S. Marcus
( Laura S. Marcus@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Virginia N. Rustique
( Virginia N. Rustique@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Thomas D. Janenda
(Thomas D. Janenda@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Brian D. Smith
( Brian D. Smith@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
READ:NOT READ
TO: Leanne A. Shimabukuro
( Leanne A. Shimabukuro@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Kim B. Widdess
(Kim B. Widdess@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: 62955104
([email protected]@inet@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: backup
([email protected]@inet@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: newsdesk
([email protected]@inet@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: usia01
([email protected]@inet@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: usnwire
([email protected]@inet@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
READ:NOT READ
TO: Elizabeth R. Newman
( Elizabeth R. Newman@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Jordan Tamagni
( Jordan Tamagni@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Kevin S. Moran
( Kevin S. Moran@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Ashley L. Raines
( Ashley L. Raines@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Peter A. Weissman
( Peter A. Weissman@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Douglas J. Band
( Douglas J. Band@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Edwin R. Thomas III
( Edwin R. Thomas III@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
READ:NOT READ
TO: Sherman A. Williams
( Sherman A. Williams@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: William W. McCathran
( William W. McCathran@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Julia M. Payne
( Julia M. Payne@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Robin J. Bachman
( Robin J. Bachman@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Ruby Shamir
( Ruby Shamir@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Nicole R. Rabner
( Nicole R. Rabner@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: June Shih
( June Shih@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Brooks E. Scoville
( Brooks E. Scoville@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Neera Tanden
( Neera Tanden@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Kyle M. Baker
(Kyle M. Baker@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Diane Ikemiyashiro
( Diane Ikemiyashiro@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
READ:NOT READ
TO: Sarah S. Knight
( Sarah S. Knight@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Tracy F. Sisser
( Tracy F. Sisser@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
READ:NOT READ
TO: Woyneab M. Wondwossen
( Woyneab M. Wondwossen@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Jeannetta P. Allen
( Jeannetta P. Allen@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Judithanne V. Scourfield
( Judithanne V. Scourfield@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Patrick E. Briggs
( Patrick E. Briggs@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Debra S. Wood
( Debra S. Wood@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Daniel W. Burkhardt
( Daniel W. Burkhardt@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Maureen A. Hudson
( Maureen A. Hudson@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Lana Dickey
( Lana Dickey@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Carmen B. Fowler
( Carmen B. Fowler@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Jonathan Orszag@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Lynn G. Cutler
(Lynn G. Cutler@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Julianne B. Corbett
(Julianne B. Corbett@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Walker F. Bass@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Virginia Apuzzo
(Virginia Apuzzo@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Glen M. Weiner
(Glen M. Weiner@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Michael V. Terrell
( Michael V. Terrell@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Elliot J. Diringer
( Elliot J. Diringer@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Nanda Chitre
( Nanda Chitre@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Amy Weiss@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Melissa M. Murray
( Melissa M. Murray@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Lisa J. Levin
( Lisa J. Levin@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Phillip Caplan
( Phillip Caplan@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Katharine Button
( Katharine Button@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Douglas R. Matties
( Douglas R. Matties@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Eli G. Attie
( Eli G. Attie@OVP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: wh-outbox-distr
([email protected]@inet@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Sean P. Maloney
( Sean P. Maloney@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Marsha Scott
( Marsha Scott@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Jessica L. Gibson
( Jessica L. Gibson@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Jodi R. Sakol
( Jodi R. Sakol@OVP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Linda Ricci
( Linda Ricci@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Mark D. Neschis
( Mark D. Neschis@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Jeffrey A. Shesol
( Jeffrey A. Shesol@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Heather M. Riley
( Heather M. Riley@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Jonathan E. Smith
( Jonathan E. Smith@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: McGavock D. Reed
( McGavock D. Reed@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Chandler G. Spaulding
( Chandler G. Spaulding@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Janelle E. Erickson
( Janelle E. Erickson@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Delia A. Cohen
( Delia A. Cohen@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Maureen T. Shea
( Maureen T. Shea@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Fred DuVal
( Fred DuVal@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Pubs_Backup
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( William C. Haymes@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Jason H. Schechter@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Dorinda A. Salcido@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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(
[email protected]@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Christopher K. Scully@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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)
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( [email protected]@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Matthew J. Bianco@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( David R. Goodfriend@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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(
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( Neal Sharma@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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*@krwashington.com>@LNGTWY@EOPMRX
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( Jeffrey L. Farrow@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Victoria L. Valentine@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Elena Kagan@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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( Lorrie McHugh@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Jade L Riley@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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([email protected]@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TEXT:
Message Creation Date was at 3-MAR-1999 14:14:00
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 3, 1999
PRESIDENT CLINTON NAMES DAVID B. SANDALOW AS ASSISTANT
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR OCEANS AND INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENT AND SCIENTIFIC
AFFAIRS AT THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE
The President today announced his intention to nominate David B. Sandalow as
Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans and International Environment and
Scientific Affairs at the Department of State.
Mr. David B. Sandalow, of Washington, D.C., is Associate Director for the
Global Environment, White House Council on Environment Quality and Senior
Director for Environmental Affairs, National Security Council. In these
positions, he helps advise the President and Vice President on a broad range of
international environmental issues, including climate change, ozone depletion,
biodiversity, oceans, trade and environment, forests, chemicals, regional
environment issues and U.S. policy toward multilateral development banks.
Prior to coming to the White House, Mr. Sandalow was with the Office of the
General Counsel at the Environmental Protection Agency and in the private
practice of law. He also served as Special Assistant to the Director of the
Michigan Department of Commerce. Mr. Sandalow has served as a member of the
American Bar Association,s Standing Committee on Environmental Law, co-chair
of the American Bar Association,s Annual Conference on Environmental Law and
member of the Steering Committee of the District of Columbia Bar,s Committee
on Environmental and Natural Resources Law. He has been a volunteer election
observer in the Philippines and instructor on election observing in Nepal.
A Michigan native, Mr. Sandalow received his B.A. in Philosophy from Yale
College in 1978 and his J.D. from the University of Michigan Law School in
1982.
In his capacity as Assistant Secretary, Mr. Sandalow will direct, analyze and
evaluate issues associated with international scientific, technological and
environmental issues and will advise the Secretary of State on policy relevant
to these areas.
30-30-30
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (EXTERNAL MAIL)
CREATOR: SUNTUM_M@AI@CD
CREATION DATE/TIME: 3-MAR-1999 13:19:00.00
SUBJECT: 1999-3-3 Unity event remarks
TO: SUNTUM_M
(SUNTUM_M@A1@CD) (WHO)
READ: 3-MAR-1999 16:38:01.13
TO: Glynn, Mary Ellen
( [email protected]@INET@EOPMRX )
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(BUDIG_N@A1@CD)(NSC)
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( Barbara D. Woolley@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Bradley M. Campbell@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Lynn G. Cutler
(CUTLER_L@AI@CD)( (WHO)
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(DICKEY_L@A1@CD) (WHO)
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( Daniel W. Burkhardt@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Debra D. Bird@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Diane Ikemiyashiro
( Diane Ikemiyashiro@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Dorian V. Weaver@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Dorinda A. Salcido
( Dorinda A. Salcido@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Douglas Matties
( Douglas Matties@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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(FORDE_R@A1@CD)()
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TO: Toby C. Graff@eop@Ingtwy@eopmrx
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TO: Wendy E. Gray
(GRAY_W@AI@CD)(NSC)
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TO: Marty J. Hoffmann@eop@lngtwy@eopmrx
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(James M. Teague@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO:[email protected]@INET
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( Jon P. Jennings@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Julie E. Mason@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: [email protected]@INET
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TO: Kris M. Balderston
(Kris MBalderston@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Christopher S. Lehane@OVP@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX
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( Laura D. Schwartz@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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( Lisa J. Levin@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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(MOFFETT_J@A1@CD ) (WHO)
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( Michael V. Terrell@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Mark D. Neschis@eop@lngtwy@eopmrx
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TO: Nathan B. Naylor
( Nathan B. Naylor@ovp@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Neera Tanden
( Neera Tanden@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX )
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TO: Ellen E. Olcott
(OLCOTT_E@A1@CD) (WHO)
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TO: Jonathan Orszag@eop@Ingtwy@eopmrx
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TO: Tracy Pakulniewicz@eop@lngtwy@eopmrx
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TO: Timothy Dixon
(PR_U=TDIXON@PR_L=AVUOEOB@MRP@OPUS)
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TO: Phillip Caplan
( Phillip Caplan@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Nicole R. Rabner@eop@lngtwy@eopmrx
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TO: Linda Ricci@eop@lngtwy@eopmrx
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TO: Heather M. Riley@eop@Ingtwy@eopmrx
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TO: Renee C. Riley@eop@Ingtwy@eopmrx
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TO: Robin M. Roland@eop@Ingtwy@eopmrx
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TO: Eric S. Rubin
(RUBIN_E@A1@CD) (NSC)
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( Robert B. Johnson@eop@LNGTWY@EOPMRX)
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TO: Steven J. Naplan
(NAPLAN_S@A1@CD) (NSC)
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TEXT:
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 3, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT,
THE VICE PRESIDENT,
SENATOR TOM DASCHLE, AND REPRESENTATIVE DICK GEPHARDT
AT UNITY MESSAGE EVENT
Library of Congress
Washington,
D.C.
11:35 A.M. EST
REPRESENTATIVE GEPHARDT: Mr. President, Mr. Vice
President, and members of the House and Senate, I would like to call
this joint caucus of House and Senate Democrats to order.
Mr. President, Mr. Vice President, welcome. We are at a
point in our history that comes possibly once or twice in everyone's
life. It's a point where leaders are faced with the opportunity to
make a decision that will echo a generation into the future and will
help decide what kind of world we will leave to our children and our
grandchildren.
We are faced with a great challenge. It is a challenge
of whether we do the right thing for our country and choose the
long-term over the short-term. It is a challenge of whether we can
rise to the occasion and make the choices for our future that will
leave a strong legacy to those who will bear the mantle of leadership
in the next century. It is a challenge that I am confident that we
will meet.
We have seen firsthand what fiscal responsibility can
bring to our country and our economy. We are currently enjoying the
harvest of the seeds we planted in 1993, when Democrats, without a
single Republican vote, made the difficult and courageous choice to
put our long-term interests of the United States of America ahead of
short-term politics. (Applause.)
We took a step in 1993 that has led to the brightest
economic outlook in a generation; perhaps even in our lifetimes. In
fact, we have the best combination of high growth and low inflation
since a fellow Missourian, one of my heroes, Harry Truman, was in the
White House.
In 1993, Democrats didn't pass the buck. We bucked the
conventional Republican wisdom, and we should be proud of what we
helped create in 1993. (Applause.)
This year, as we look over the horizon to the faint
glimmer of a new century, we face yet another challenge. We have to
decide as a nation whether we will plant the seeds of growth that
will continue into the next century. As Democrats, we are united by
our desire to live up to that great challenge. We want
to invest this surplus, a surplus borne of the hard work and
labor of America's working families. We want to make sure that
future retirees will be relieved of a crushing debt burden that
nearly buried our economy alive. We want to make sure that
interest rates remain low for the next generation, so that
entrepreneurship and home ownership will continue to flourish.
We want nothing less than to pass on the American Dream to a new
generation no less than what our parents gave to us.
And we want to help address the challenges that face
working families on a daily basis. We want to help lift the
burdens that make raising their children in the '90s so difficult
and stressful. We want to enact a strong patients' bill of
rights to ensure that families -- (applause) -- a strong
patients' bill of rights to ensure that families get the health
care they pay for and that they deserve. When a crisis strikes,
you want health care and you want it to be there, and you want it
to work. Every American should have that right.
These rights must be strong and they must be
enforceable, and they must be real. And Democrats will be
fighting to pass a bill that will do that job. (Applause.)
We want to increase income security for hard-working
families. Even though the national bank account continues to
improve, too many families still live paycheck to paycheck. We
will work to increase the minimum wage so that the hardest
working Americans at the bottom of the ladder have a firm grip up
into the middle class. (Applause.)
And we'll also strengthen enforcement of equal pay
laws, so that mothers get the pay they deserve and the support
they need for their families. This is a world where most
families depend on two wage earners. Equal pay for equal work is
not a luxury, it's a necessity. And we're going to make sure it
becomes a reality. (Applause.)
So, my friends, we have a lot to accomplish. This is
an ambitious agenda, and we can't do it alone. In these next two
years we want to join with Republicans to pass legislation that
makes a difference in the lives of working families, and to
deliver the help that they've been waiting for. We want to make
progress now, this month, this year, this session. We can't
afford to waste another year or two, mired in partisan wrangling
and gridlock. If you're depending on your health insurance, this
year you want it to be there. If you're working on the minimum
wage, you need a living wage now.
We can work together. It's what the American people
want; it's what they expect. And it's within our grasp if we put
the national interest above partisanship. We will be judged by
our progress, our action, our accomplishment not by our words.
We can take advantage of this opportunity to rise above the past
and invest in our future to create a new century of prosperity
and security for all of our people.
On behalf of all Democrats I'd like to thank the three
individuals who are here to join with us today in talking about
real issues and real-life challenges. They're here to tell us
about how Democrats have helped to make a real difference in the
lives of people all over this country, and how we can still do
more to make sure that the next century is truly the best
century. They're here to inspire us about the success that
Americans continue to achieve, and to raise our vision towards
the possibilities that remain for this great nation. And they're
here to point the way towards the future.
That's how all of us here today have worked to build
this agenda. We have listened, all of our members House
Democrats, Senate Democrats - have been out in these last months
really listening, actively listening to the people to their
hopes, their dreams. And we have heard their call. We have
always been the party of the people. And that is why we have
three citizens here today to talk about their agenda and our
agenda.
Their eloquence and spirit reflects the soul of this
great nation. It's important for all of us to listen and be
guided by them, first and foremost.
Our first guest is Maureen Marshall, a teacher at
Springfield Elementary School in Fairfax County, Virginia. She
has been teaching for eight years, working with 5th and 6th
graders, and also teaching special education classes. She's here
to tell us about the importance of small class size in the early
grades and how it makes such a critical impact in children's
lives.
Our second guest is Edwin Bobeale, a 4th generation
graduate of Tuskegee. Pell grants helped him earn a bachelor's
and master's degree and pursue his career with a chemical company
in Delaware. He's here to talk about the importance of keeping
up a strong federal role in supporting higher education of our
young people.
And our last guest is Michael Saylor, founder,
president and CEO of a company called MicroStrategy. Michael
will talk about the economy and how the economy has helped his
company and many others flourish, and why it's important to
reduce the debt to keep our economy strong in the future.
Now it's my pleasure to present Ms. Marshall. Give her
a great big Democratic welcome. (Applause.)
*****
SENATOR DASCHLE: Edwin, Maureen and Michael, on behalf
of the House and Senate Democratic Caucuses, we thank you for
being here this morning. You are American success stories
personified. (Applause.) Mr. President, Mr. Vice President, we
are honored and very delighted with your presence with us this
morning.
Before I begin a few comments, let me salute my partner
in the House of Representatives I could not have a more
courageous, a more eloquent, a more powerful leader than I have
in the next Speaker of the House, Dick Gephardt. (Applause.)
This is truly a united Democratic Party that stands
here today. I also want to acknowledge the tremendous work of
White House Chief of Staff John Podesta, he's as good as they
come, and he's here, as well. (Applause.)
Mr. President, as others have already said this
morning, six years ago with your leadership we made a decision to
do the right thing for America. We passed a plan to balance the
federal budget. And, today, as our three guests attest, this
nation is reaping the benefits. America is working again. And
after years of postponing our hopes and aspirations, Americans
are again filled with hope and renewed optimism.
We've gone from the largest deficit in our nation's
history to the largest surplus. We now have the best opportunity
in our lifetime to deal with some of the biggest social and
economic challenges on our horizon. We cannot squander this
opportunity, and today Democrats stand united to say we will not.
(Applause).
Putting families first means Social Security and
Medicare first. We support your plan to invest 62 percent of the
surplus in Social Security, and another 15 percent in Medicare,
Mr. President. Social Security and Medicare are two of our most
sacred commitments to America. It is our responsibility now to
ensure that this country respects those commitments, and we will
do so. (Applause.)
We need to make sure Social Security and Medicare will
be there -- for our parents and for our children. Investing 77
percent of the surplus in Social Security and Medicare will
enable us to do that. It will allow us to pay down the debt, to
save hundreds of billions of dollars in interest payments, and
keep the interest low for those mortgages and college loans that
every working American pays.
But Americans understand that there are differences
among us in Congress -- those differences between Republicans and
Democrats. And Republicans have already articulated a different
plan. They say they'd like to set aside 62 percent of the
surplus for Social Security, but their plan today doesn't include
a nickel for Medicare. After the 62 percent, they'll use what's
left of the surplus for a tax cut that overwhelmingly benefits
the wealthiest Americans.
We've analyzed that plan. We now know that people
who make $800,000 a year will save $20,000 a year in taxes. But
families who earn $38,000 or less a year -- 60 percent of all
American families -- will save 27 cents a day. You can't achieve
big dreams with small change.
We believe America's families deserve better than 27
cents a day. They deserve good schools for their children. If
they're sick, they deserve whatever treatment their doctor says
they need, not however little their HMO is willing to pay.
Democrats have always believed that if you work hard
all your life you ought to be able to retire with dignity and
security. You shouldn't have to fear that growing old means
becoming a burden on your children or anyone else. That is why
we fought to create Social Security and Medicare in the first
place. That's why we fought over and over and over to protect
them.
I talk to people in South Dakota who tell me they're
worried that they don't have the luxury -- the luxury -- of
retiring. Well, Democrats believe we don't have the luxury of
ignoring the coming retirement crisis either, and we will not do
that. (Applause.)
We need to strengthen America's retirement security and
we're committed to doing that this year. People between the ages
of 55 and 65, who don't have the access to a group health
insurance plan or who lose their insurance when they're laid off
or their plant closes, ought to be able to buy into Medicare, and
we want to make that happen. (Applause.)
Early retirees, who were promised health benefits that
are canceled, ought to be able to buy into their former
employer's group health plan, too. People between 55 and 65 are
twice as likely as someone just 10 years younger to experience
major health problems; they have less access to health coverage
and they're at a greater risk of losing their health coverage.
And they're the fastest-growing age group in America today. Over
the next 10 years they will increase by 60 percent. We need to
close this gap now, before it gets any worse.
We must help families cope with the emotional and
financial strain of caring for the elderly, the ill and disabled
in their family. And one good way to do it is to do what the
Democratic agenda calls for, with a $1,000 a year long-term tax
credit to reduce the cost of long-term care. It's time we passed
that legislation, this year, in 1999. (Applause.)
Care-giving is a hard job. Two-thirds of all family
caregivers today have to cut back their hours or take unpaid
leave from work. The value of the care they provide is worth
billions of dollars. A $1,000 tax credit is the least they
deserve, and it's the right kind of tax cut for America's
families.
We must increase the number of Americans with private
pensions, and get rid of the inequities in the pension system
that leave so many elderly living at near poverty. Our agenda
will help -- by making it easier for small businesses to start
pension plans, and for employees to contribute to them. We'll
also invest 12 percent of the surplus in USA accounts to enable
working families to save for their own retirement in private
accounts.
And finally, we need tougher penalties for criminals
who use telemarketing fraud and other schemes to take advantage
of older Americans. We will not let the generation that saved
democracy lose their life savings to swindlers. That will not
happen if we have anything to say about it. (Applause.)
We've come a long way in six years. America is working
again. We're daring to dream again. We have the greatest
opportunity in our lifetime to make those dreams come true.
Democrats are determined, and we are unified. America's families
need us, and want us, to enact this agenda, to seize this
opportunity now.
It is now my great pleasure, and high personal honor,
to recognize and to introduce, the President of the United States
Senate, Al Gore our friend, Al Gore. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much, ladies and
gentlemen, colleagues. And, Tom, thank you -- you have a way
with a line -- (laughter) -- the timing and rhythm were
impressive.
Let me begin by expressing my sincere and hardy thanks
to Tom Daschle for not only his friendship to me and to all of us
here, but for his truly extraordinary efforts as the Senate
Democratic leader. I don't know when we have ever had in the
United States Senate a Democratic leader who has been able to put
together the kind of unity, the kind of ideas, the kind of agenda
that Tom Daschle has formed. Every day he fights for what's
right for the families of South Dakota and for the United States
of America. We are very lucky to have such a great Democratic
leader in Tom Daschle. Thank you, Tom. (Applause.)
I was trying to figure out a way to pause and work in
the word "majority" in just the right way there, but we're
working on that right now. (Laughter.)
And let me also say a word of special thanks felt I
know in the hearts of every person here to Dick Gephardt for his
remarkable leadership of the House Democratic Caucus and for his
remarkable articulation of Democratic values and ideals all
across this country. No one has worked harder to keep our party
and our whole country focused on the issues that really matter to
working families -- a strong economy, a world-class education, a
nation with healthy families and livable communities where every
child has a chance to live out his or her dream.
Dick is a wonderful friend to all of us here. He is a
special friend to me, and he is a great, great Democratic leader
and the next Speaker of the House of Representatives.
(Applause.)
I, too, want to thank Maureen Marshall and Edwin
Bobeale and Michael Saylor for their wonderful statements and the
way they embody in their lives the stories of the lives of so
many millions of Americans -- stories that are connected to this
agenda for 1999 that we're talking about here today.
I, too, want to thank my partner in the White House,
John Podesta, who does such a great job, and also his whole team
in the White House. He's got a terrific team of men and women,
and I want to single out Larry Stein, who is the Congressional
Liaison, House and Senate, and the others who are here.
And we're clearly at a fork in the road here. 1 think
it was that great statesman, Yogi Berra, who famously said, when
you come to a fork in the road you should take it, and that's
what we're proposing to do in this meeting.
Together, we have fought hard and successfully on
behalf of America's families during these last six years. We
have brought our nation to a moment of great prosperity, a time
described by many economic experts now as a time with the
strongest economy in the entire history of the United States. We
have greater economic opportunity for all Americans. There are
problems that remain to be addressed and we're keenly aware of
that. That, too, is one of the reasons why we're here. We have
both the obligation and the responsibility to make the right
choices for America's families.
Now, this is not an election rally. This is the
beginning of a congressional term. And I want to compare it to
what happened after the election of 1992, when Bill Clinton and I
asked our country to take a new direction and make a new start.
It was the year following, in 1993, that the very difficult
decision had to be made and we asked all Americans to join in the
change that we thought was essential for our country.
We should never forget that while Republicans, along
with independents and Democrats out in the heartland of our
country, said, yes, it's time for a change, the dynamics within
the Republican Party in the Congress worked in a way that
prevented any Republican in the House or the Senate from voting
for change. Not one, in either chamber. We provided all of the
votes for the economic plan that is now responsible for this
historic prosperity and progress and momentum in America. And we
should remember that. (Applause.)
It was the closest of margins in both Houses and, I
believe it was Dick Gephardt who cast the deciding vote in the
House of Representatives, and it was Tom Daschle who rounded up
the votes to give me a chance to vote in the Senate. But my
point is this: We demonstrated, in 1993 and since that time, the
unity of purpose that is essential to move our country in the
right direction. Well, the American people have endorsed these
policies, and our agenda. And they did so again in the elections
of 1998.
Now, in the following year, in 1999, we're asking the
American people to stay with this agenda, and to help us enact
the changes that are needed now. We have the unity of purpose --
as a group, as a party, as a collection of men and women with
dreams and hopes for the future of this country.
I would say that I think that the unity of purpose that
you're seeing demonstrated here today is in contrast to some
dissonance and division on the other side, and I'd ask the
American people to take that into account when you hear the
debates on the floor of the House and the floor of the Senate,
and when you judge the comparative value of the agenda that we're
talking about here, and what those on the other side are talking
about. Once again, we ask for the support of the American
people, including Republicans and independents and Democrats, to
help us pass this agenda.
And first on the agenda is, as Dick and Tom have said,
using the surplus not for some risky scheme, but, instead, to
save Social Security first and protect Medicare; because now is
the time to make certain that those programs are going to be in
solid shape on into the future for decades to come.
Now is the time to make sure that all Americans get the
best health care, and not just the cheapest health care. That's
why we want to pass the legislation that has been described to
you. Now is the time to create jobs and build more livable
communities, by keeping our environment clean. Now is the time
to protect Americans' privacy amid the new threat of this
information age. I read in the newspaper this morning where some
person said, well, privacy is gone, you might as well get used to
it. Well, it's not and we can't allow that. We can protect the
privacy of American families in this electronic age.
There's no reason why people of all parties can't join
us to get this agenda passed. And we have to start with a clear
principle. The key in '93 was fiscal responsibility. That's
what made it tough. We knew that it would be a little time
before the change really grabbed hold and, yes, our party paid a
political price while the returns were still coming in, while we
implemented the policies that have borne such fruit.
But we cannot turn back from that fiscal discipline.
We have we started with the largest budget deficit in the
history of our country and, thanks to Democrats, we now have the
largest budget surplus in the history of the country. That's
progress. (Applause.)
Now, what do we do with that surplus? What do we do
with these good times? Well, the obvious answer is, we need to
use the good times to prepare for the future, to invest in our
people. No risky schemes; no casino policies of the kind that we
saw in previous administrations, but good common sense. And this
party is the party of solutions, and that's why, again, we're
asking the American people to let us solve these problems.
Let me spend just a moment on one issue. I think most
of us here are agreed that education is the top priority for
investing in the future. And I think most Americans understand
that there are two basic reasons why it has to be the top
priority. First, we're obviously in an Information Age, when
information is a bigger part of the economy, and learning has to
be the key strategic skill.
Look at the want ads, and it's abundantly obvious that
the millions of jobs that are opening up now so many of them
which can't be filled today -- require specific skills in
handling information and information technology. But you have to
have the base of educational attainment that the three speakers
who joined us this morning demonstrate in their lives, in order
to get those skills, and then to hold down those jobs.
The second reason why education has to be the top
priority is that the generation of young people in America today,
18 and under, has just passed by the baby boom, and now they're
the largest generation in American history.
There are a couple of books now on the bestseller list
about this generation of World War II veterans -- "the greatest
generation," it's been called, those who won World War II. Well,
after they won World War II, they came home and they saw the baby
boomers crowding into the schools, and they saw that we were
unprepared as a nation to give them the quality of educational
experience they deserved. And so what did they do? They built
new schools. They hired new teachers. They gave them the best
training. They stocked the library shelves with the best and
latest textbooks. They passed the G.I. Bill. They invested more
in education than ever before.
And now the prosperity that we are reaping is in
significant measure based on the investments that were made years
ago in education that we were able to take advantage of in
putting together the economic plan of 1993. Well, the challenge
falls to us now. Since the generation of children in K through
12 is larger even than the baby boom, and since they're in
crowded classrooms and portables and buildings that are falling
down around their ears in some cases, will we rise to that
challenge the way the World War II veterans rose to the
challenges facing the baby boomers?
The answer that all of us are given here with this
agenda that we present to the American people today is a
resounding, yes. And it's not just in rhetoric. We have
specific programs: hire 100,000 new teachers. We made the down
payment last year, but let's go the rest of the way. And we're
going to have a specific measure introduced within days by
Senator Murray and Senator Kennedy, to have an amendment voted on
to reduce class size down to an average of one to 18 in the early
grade. That's the first vote on the Democratic agenda.
(Applause.)
Secondly, we have a specific bill to give local
communities, through the form of a tax cut, interest-free bonding
authority for $25 billion worth of new school construction and
repair, to give our children the modern, well-equipped classrooms
and school buildings that they deserve. Let's pass this item on
the Democratic agenda. (Applause.)
And as part of the education agenda we want to end
social promotion, provide students the intensive help in school
and after school -- after school, during that vulnerable window.
(Applause.) We know how vulnerable children are during that
period of the day. And we need after-school programs and other
programs to give them enhanced opportunity. And we need to
finish the job that was started three years ago and connect every
single classroom and library to the Information Superhighway.
We've made tremendous progress, let's finish that job.
(Applause.)
Now, make no mistake about it -- let me conclude my
talk on this education agenda by saying that we understand that
there are those on the other side who think that money is the
complete answer to everything. We believe that the investments
of money need to be accompanied by the investments of time and
heart and involvement. And where the federal role is concerned,
when we allocate new funds to these priorities we should say our
children deserve accountability for the large investment that
we're making in education. We believe we ought to measure
performance and make certain that we really are solving these
problems. We know what works, and the evidence is all around us
in every state represented here; in every congressional district
represented here. We know what works, and we know how to keep it
going in 1999.
Now, ladies and gentlemen, it's my honor to introduce
to you the one person who has worked harder than anyone to focus
on the right priorities for America's and future. He is the one
person at the heart of our economic progress, the person who laid
the foundation for one of the greatest job-creating engines our
nation has ever known.
I'm pleased to introduce my friend, America's
President, Bill Clinton. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you very
much. Thank you.
Thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen. This has
been a wonderful morning for me. When I listened to Maureen
Marshall and Edwin Bobeale and Michael Saylor speak, I was again
confirmed in my conviction that our principal responsibility here
is to give the American people the tools, and create the
conditions within which they can make the most of their own
lives. And if we do that, they will do it every time. These
three people represent more than 200 million Americans who
deserve our best efforts.
I want to thank Senator Daschle and Congressman
Gephardt for their truly outstanding leadership, for their
personal friendship, and for their honest commitment to the cause
that we meet to discuss today.
I thank the Vice President for being the best partner
and friend, advisor and prodder any President could ever have. I
can't believe he passed up a chance to remind us all today that
in 1993, he cast the decisive vote on the budget plan, and
whenever he votes, we win. (Applause.)
You know the real, sort of political story out of this
meeting today may be that we will have to retire that famous old
Will Rogers quip, "I don't belong to an organized political
party, I'm a Democrat." The fact is we are organized and we are
united. (Applause.) And we are united around an agenda for
America's future to meet the long-term challenges of this
country at the edge of a new century and new millennium; to build
on what we have done for the last six years.
The new agenda is rooted in the same ideals with which
we began in 1993 -- to bring opportunity to every American, to
challenge every American to be a responsible citizen, and to
build a community of all American citizens.
When you look around at this Democratic Caucus, the
members of the House and the Senate, as the speakers were
speaking, I had the opportunity to just scan both sides of this
wonderful room today. You all really do look like America. You
think like America, and you reflect America. (Applause.) As
perhaps the only one of you who is term-limited, and therefore,
faces the prospect of making the most of this next two years and
leaving the rest to you, I felt enormously good, not just for my
party, but for my country, to look at all of you, to know what I
know about all of you, to know about your backgrounds and your
perspectives and your experience and your commitment, and to see
how in this caucus we have bridged every divide of America that
will help us to bring our country together and go forward. And
I'm very proud to be here with you today.
Let me say that when I ran for President in 1991 and
1992, I used to say something that seems almost strange today. I
said, one of the reasons that I left a job at home that I loved
and undertook this campaign is that I didn't want to see my
daughter's generation grow up to be the first generation of
Americans not to do as well economically or in terms of quality
of life as their parents had done. Nobody worries about that
anymore, but we did then.
And what we had before that was more than a decade in
which the leaders of the other party talked tough, but took the
easy way out. We were unashamed to be compassionate, unashamed
that we cared about those who needed a hand up in life. But we
were unafraid, when it came down to it, to take the tough
decisions that cost many of our fellow Democrats their seats in
Congress, but gave the American economy and the American people a
new lease on the 21st century. (Applause.)
So what we came here today to talk about builds on what
has happened in the last six years. It builds on our way of
approaching our political responsibilities here, to put people
ahead of partisanship, and common sense ahead of ideology. Now,
we've already talked about how we turned the red ink to black --
that that helped to produce the longest peacetime expansion in
our history, the lowest peacetime unemployment since 1957.
We ought to point out that we did it in a way that
looked to the future not only reducing the deficit, but
doubling our investment in education and training; putting
100,000 more police on our streets; making dramatic increases in
medical research; immunizing 90 percent of our children from
basic childhood diseases for the first time ever; providing
millions and millions of people with the benefit of the Family
and Medical Leave law; and making our environment cleaner. We
showed, in other words, that we could balance the budget and
honor our common values as Americans.
Now that, to use Senator Daschle's phrase, America is
working again, the question is, what shall we do? And we're here
to say that, as proud as we are of the record of the last six
years, this is not a time to boast about the past, but to fulfill
our solemn duty to the next generation, to meet the long-term
challenges our nation faces.
We're for stronger families, with our child care
program and our after-school learning; for a strong, enforceable
patients' bill of rights; for the bipartisan legislation to help
people with disabilities move into the workplace; for tax relief
to help families provide long-term care; for an increase in the
minimum wage and equal pay for men and women; and more free
enterprise in our poorest inner city and rural communities.
We're for 50,000 more police on the street, and better
technology for police, especially in the areas where crime is
still too high. We stand together to pass the Earth on to our
children with our livability initiative, for less traffic
congestion and more greenspace. We stand together, as the Vice
President has said, for strong, modern, more accountable schools;
for giving teachers like Maureen the support they need to do even
better.
Last winter, as has already been said, we issued our
call, for the first time, for 100,000 more highly-trained
teachers, to bring class size down in the early grades. And last
fall, the Republicans in Congress finally agreed to make a
significant down payment toward that goal. Now, in the next few
days, the Senate will vote on whether to finish the job of hiring
100,000 new teachers to reduce class size. It will be our first
big chance this year to prove to the American people that we are
prepared to put people over party. Let's say politics stops at
the schoolhouse door. (Applause.)
Now, I'd also like to ask that politics stop and that
the Republican majority in Congress stand with us in meeting the
greatest challenge we face, the aging of America. Life
expectancy is rising, the number of older Americans will double
by the year 2030. There will be only two people working for one
person drawing Social Security by that time. Even before then,
because people over 80 are the fastest growing group of Americans
as a percentage of our country, Medicare will run out of money
within nine years.
Now, I particularly appreciated what Edwin Bobeale said
about this being an issue facing younger, as well as older,
Americans; and not only because younger Americans would like to
know they will have health care in retirement when they reach
their retirement years, but also because the quality of life
of the children of people on Medicare and Social Security, and
their ability to raise their grandchildren, will be directly
dependent upon whether they had to take needed resources away
from their own family to care for their parents in ways that
previous generations have not. This is a big issue.
But I want to say again -- and I feel it's a greater
conviction as I grow older by the day -- this is a high-class
problem. We face this challenge because we're living longer. We
face this challenge because of the fruits of the medical research
that the Congress has funded. We should not be hand-wringing
here, we should be embracing this with joy. This is the
inevitable result of our efforts to not only lengthen life, but
to improve its quality. And because the Democrats took the lead
so many years ago first in Social Security and then in
Medicare we have a special responsibility to the American
people to take the lead in resolving this. (Applause.)
Now, let me restate clearly our principles and where I
think we are in this debate now -- because how we resolve these
issues will shape how we resolve the other issues in this session
of Congress. First, we should devote 52 percent of the surplus
for the next 15 years to saving Social Security; to guarantee the
soundness of Social Security for the next 55 years; and to enable
us to make further choices, some of which will be difficult, to
extend Social Security for 75 years, provide help for elderly
women -- many of whom are in poverty -- and lift the earnings
limit on people on Social Security.
Second, we should devote another 15 percent of the
surplus to Medicare, to secure that vital program until the year
2020. And, again, I believe we should go further, with broader
reforms to strengthen and improve Medicare and to meet the
greatest growing need of our seniors -- affordable prescription
drugs. (Applause.)
If we do this, that will still leave funds for other
investments or for tax reduction. I believe we should devote
over $500 billion of this surplus to give working families tax
relief, creating universal savings accounts -- USA accounts
that will help all Americans share in the nation's wealth and
build nest eggs for retirement. If we do these things -- saving
Social Security, saving Medicare, empowering more Americans to
save for their own retirement -- we will fulfill our historic
challenge to meet the difficulties and the opportunities of the
aging of America in a way that provides a stronger economy and
more stable families for our children.
If we use the surplus to save Social Security and
strengthen Medicare, we will, for the next 15 years and beyond,
be paying down the national debt, if we follow the proposal that
we have made. We can reduce publicly-held debt to its lowest
level since 1917, before we moved into World War I.
Let me say, for a member of Congress what that means
is, 15 years from now, Congress will be allocating only 2 cents
of every tax dollar to pay interest on the debt, instead of the
13 cents you have to take off the top today, before you can pass
another bill to do another thing. That means -- and again, I was
glad to hear Michael Saylor, who told that astonishing story of
his company starting with $132 and winding up with 1,000
employees and hundreds of millions of dollars of wealth that have
been created. You remember what he said? He said what they need
from government is a responsible set of rational decisions that
keep interest rates low and the economy strong. That is the most
important thing.
And if we do this, we will drive down interest rates
for the next 15 to 20 years. We could actually have our country
completely out of debt, under this policy, in 18 years. And in a
world in which the economy of other countries is obviously
troubled at the moment, and in which future events are not
predictable, we know one thing for sure: if we pay down this
debt, and things are troubled beyond our borders, we'll do a lot
better and interest rates will be a lot lower than they otherwise
would have been. If things go well in the global economy,
because of our efforts and others, we will do even better than we
otherwise would have done.
And we know that the success of the American economy
has reinforced the budget decisions made in 1993. We have got to
keep this going. So I say, take care of Social Security, take
care of Medicare, pay down the debt, keep the economy going.
These things are the most important things we can do for our
children in the 21st century. (Applause.)
Now, let me say where I think we are now. I have,
frankly, been gratified to see that Republican leaders have
quickly joined us in supporting the first idea, dedicating 62
percent of the surplus to save Social Security. At least, I
believe the word they used was "setting aside" 62 percent of the
surplus, and I'll come back to that in a moment. I've been
further encouraged to see some of the Republicans backing away
from the irresponsible across-the-board tax cut that is too
costly, in favor of standing with us for targeted tax cuts
benefitting mostly middle-class working families.
Last week, the majority leaders in Congress actually
placed an ad in USA Today, with a nice letter promising to save
Social Security, to give our children the world's best schools,
to target tax relief to the middle class. That was the most
welcome news I've read in USA Today, in terms of progress, since
the NBA strike ended. (Laughter.) And I was encouraged by it.
But I want to make it clear, there are still strong
differences in our approach, and we must resolve them in a way
that benefits the American people -- in the Vice President's
words, that benefit Republicans and independents and Democrats
alike. We have to do what's right for the country.
First, while the Republicans are joining me in talking
about setting aside a substantial part of the surplus for debt
reduction and, presumably, for Social Security -- and we welcome
that -- they still have said nothing about how they would extend
the life of Social Security and whether they would dedicate all
62 percent of this surplus for that purpose. And that is very
important.
Second, I ask the Republican majority to join us in
devoting a portion -- 15 percent -- of the surplus to save
Medicare. Now, this is very important. They have not done that
so far. And, as you see from the difficulties of others who have
struggled with these issues, and the fact that health care costs
are beginning to rise again, we cannot secure Medicare as a
guarantee for our seniors with any reasonable set of reforms, and
keep it a recognizable, universal program, unless we also invest
some more money in the program.
You can talk to any hospital that's administering
programs that have Medicare patients. You can talk to any
doctor. You can talk to anybody who's dealt with this program.
We must have more money. So I ask those -- especially those who
still maintain that somehow, out of the surplus, they can afford
a very large across-the-board tax cut where will they find the
resources to extend the life of Medicare?
I am not opposed to responsible reforms that enable us
to secure Medicare for an even longer period, and to begin to add
this prescription drug benefit so that we can really help people
who need it. But I'm telling you, we cannot deal with the
Medicare problem without a greater investment of money.
So, let's say, use the budget surplus to save Social
Security, to save Medicare, to pay down the debt. Then we can
have an honest and principled disagreement about how much and
what kind of tax cut we need with the rest -- about how much
should go to education; how much should go to defense; how much
should go to medical research. But the first and most important
things are save Social Security, save Medicare, pay down the
debt, secure the future of our children. (Applause.)
Now, we stand today unified. We stand today well aware
of the challenges before us. But we stand today beleaguered by
beepers and message machines. (Laughter.) This is my last line
I want to say about this. Will Rogers also used to say something
that we do not have to disregard. He used to say -- and I quote
-- "You've got to be an optimist to be a Democrat, and you've got
to be humorous to stay one." (Laughter.)
Well, I urge you, let's bring a new energy to this
session of Congress. When we get really frustrated by what seems
to be excessive partisanship, let's remember these three fine
American citizens who talked to us today, and the stories they
told, and the hundreds of millions of people they represent.
Let's keep our optimism, our good cheer, our resolve and our
unity, to give them the 21st century they deserve.
Thank you and God bless you. (Applause.)
END
12:23 P.M. EST
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (EXTERNAL MAIL)
CREATOR: SUNTUM_M@AI@CD
CREATION DATE/TIME: 3-MAR-1999 15:36:00.00
SUBJECT: 1999-03-03 Toiv, Leavy briefing
TO: SUNTUM_M
(SUNTUM_M@A1@CD) (WHO)
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TEXT:
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 3, 1999
PRESS BRIEFING BY
BARRY TOIV AND DAVID LEAVY
The Briefing Room
1:25 P.M. EST
MR. TOIV: For those of you who are concerned, Mr.
Lockhart will return tomorrow. You won't have Leavy and Toiv to kick
around anymore. (Laughter.) Questions.
Q
Let's start with what we talked about this morning,
which is this book claims there was a mole or maybe still is a mole
in the White House, an Israeli mole, and that the President was
black-mailed with a tape of a conversation or conversations he had
with Monica Lewinsky into calling off the search.
MR. TOIV: I have a short answer to that question -- the
book is nonsense.
Q
Well, is it true? (Laughter.)
MR. TOIV: Nonsense would suggest otherwise.
Q
Barry, why did the President reportedly tell Monica
Lewinsky that he was concerned about his phone conversations being
taped?
MR. TOIV: Well, as you know, other than the President's
testimony in this case, we really haven't commented on specifics, on
other specifics like that and we're not going to start now.
Q
Was there any search at any time, apart from the
story, for a mole here in the White House? Do you know of in the
Clinton administration?
MR. LEAVY: I'm sorry, Sam.
Q
Was there a search at any time in the Clinton
administration for a mole, so-called, in the White House?
MR. LEAVY: Well, as you know, we have a longstanding
practice not to comment on investigations one way or the other, and
you shouldn't take that as a confirmation or a yes or no. But there
is -- appropriate authorities do look into these issues. We do take
any counterintelligence activities against the United States very
seriously. But you have to go to the Justice Department for that.
Q
Because of the Pollard case, I mean, the question
of Israeli spying in this country is there. And so when something
like this comes up, you have to ask about it. Was there any thought
that Israel was spying here?
Q
You're not denying it. You're not denying it.
MR. LEAVY: Obviously, we're not aware of a mole at the
White House. But it's the longstanding practice for people who
speak at this podium to refer calls to the appropriate authorities
who undertake these types of investigations.
Q
Was there any attempt by the President to intervene
in any kind of investigation or search for a mole?
MR. LEAVY: No. There is no basis in that allegation
whatsoever.
Q
Well, in fact, that's not what the author says. I
mean, I think the Post may have gotten it wrong, but what he says is
that
MR. LEAVY: That's news. (Laughter.)
Q
What he does say in his book is that there was
taping directed at the Watergate by the Massad. And let me just ask
you -- I'm not suggesting that's true, what I'm asking is, do you
have any basis for believing that anyone other than Linda Tripp taped
Monica Lewinsky's conversations?
MR. LEAVY: No. As I said earlier, there is absolutely
no basis for that allegation.
Q
Well, there is a basis for it. There is sworn
testimony that Lewinsky gave that attributes to the President a
comment that a foreign embassy was taping --
MR. LEAVY: And Barry just answered that question.
Q
His answer was that he is not going to comment on
it. That's not much of an answer. With all due respect.
MR. LEAVY: Let me say two things -- noted.
MR. TOIV: I wouldn't go beyond my comments.
MR. LEAVY: Yes, I'm definitely not going to add to
Barry's comments. But let me just say this. We take all the
necessary precautions to secure the President's communications.
There is absolutely no basis for the allegation in the book.
Q
But, David --
Q
Are you getting that from CIA and FBI, or are you
getting it out of just an automatic reflex?
MR. LEAVY: You can take that as authoritative.
Q
David, I understand that you would have his
communications secure. However, if he picks up the phone and calls
some ordinary citizen at 2:30 a.m. in the morning at their apartment,
what's to say that that person's phone couldn't be tapped? Does your
security system prevent that?
MR. LEAVY: There is some very serious allegations in
this book, and what I am saying is that there is absolutely no basis
for the allegation. So I have to leave it at that.
Q
So the allegation is false?
MR. LEAVY: Yes, the allegation is false. There is no
basis. Full stop. And as Barry said this morning, this book is
better sold in the fiction section than the non-fiction section.
Q
When the President heard about this was he
concerned by it, was he shocked by it? What was his reaction,
Mr. Toiv?
MR. TOIV: To be honest, I haven't gotten the
President's reaction to the book.
Q
Well, why did he say that to Monica Lewinsky? Why
did he warn her?
MR. TOIV: I've already not answered that question,
Helen. (Laughter.) I'm sorry.
Q
I know you've not answered it, but it's very valid,
really.
MR. TOIV: Well, again, we're not going to get into
commenting on specifics beyond what the President has already
testified to.
Q
While we're on the subject, will the President be
watching any part of the interview tonight?
MR. TOIV: No plans to watch. As you know, he's
traveling, in any event, gets back tonight. But no plans to watch.
Q
Will he watch a tape of it later?
MR. TOIV: I'm not aware that anybody is taping it for
him.
Q
I don't understand why you think it's legitimate
for you not to comment on the President of the United States
supposedly saying that he thinks a foreign government is taping his
conversations. For you just to say, no comment.
MR. TOIV: David, there have been questions about all
sorts of comments that have been made or testified to, and we have
not gone beyond the President's testimony in discussing these, and
we're not going to do that.
Q
That's because you've said it's unseemly and it's
about sex. This is about the national security of the United States
and the President supposedly saying that a foreign government is
taping his conversations. And you're just going to say, sorry, no
comment?
MR. TOIV: I am not going to go beyond what he has
already testified to.
Q
Barry, this White House has said that during the
impeachment trial you essentially said, there aren't a lot of factual
disputes with the Starr report, there are a few things, but basically
you weren't going to contest most of the facts in the Starr report.
This is one of those facts that he asserts. Can you give us any
indication whether this is something that you take issue with, or is
this something that you wouldn't contest?
MR. TOIV: No, I'm not going to -- you can ask the
question a different way, but I'm not going to comment beyond the
President's testimony.
Q
You don't know if the President's aware of this
book or not?
MR. TOIV: No, I'm not aware of whether -- I don't know
if he knows about the book.
Q
Has this allegation came up before and you were
aware of this allegation before this book surfaced, or is this the
first time the White House has heard of it?
MR. TOIV: I'm not aware of it. I think others have --
MR. LEAVY: The allegations have been recorded
previously the last couple of years, and as we've always said, that
there's no truth to it. So it has been out there previously.
Q
But when did you first check into it?
MR. LEAVY: Well, just when the questions came up this
morning we did a little research and found out there actually had
been news clippings before, during Mr. McCurry's term, and he
answered it a similar way.
Q
Did this author ever check with the White House?
MR. LEAVY: Not that I'm aware of.
Q
Friday, the President said if Milosevic didn't show
restraint, NATO would be prepared to act. Over the weekend, there
are many reports Milosevic is certainly not showing restraint in that
escalation on his side of attacks. Will NATO act?
MR. LEAVY: Well, Sam, I think as the President said on
Friday, one, NATO has all the authority it needs to act. The
Secretary General has the authority. The ACTORD remains in effect,
all the military planning is in place. What we're focused on now is
moving both sides to sign a political agreement. Clearly, the best
way to get into compliance, to end the conflict, to move forward is
to have both sides sign onto the agreement; that's what we're focused
on now.
Ambassador Chris Hill was in Pristina and Belgrade over
the last several days. He's making important progress. As I said
earlier today, former Senator Dole is traveling out as a private
citizen. He'll meet with key members of the Albanian delegation to
make clear that this agreement's in their interest. We believe it's
in the interest of both parties and we'll be making that case as we
move forward.
Q
Isn't there a problem if a President of the United
States suggests that action will take place unless something happens
or doesn't happen, then that thing happens or doesn't happen and
nothing happens? (Laughter.)
MR. LEAVY: There's a lot of happening going on in that
question. No, but --
Q
In the old days -- excuse me -- when the President
of the United States warned a foreign power, they followed through on
that warning.
MR. LEAVY: And as I said earlier, the option of force
is not taken off the table. The Secretary General has the authority
to act. We'll make a determination at what point military force
should be used. As I said, our effort is focused on achieving a
political settlement. Everybody wants a peaceful resolution to this.
Q
-- everyone except the parties.
MR. LEAVY: Well, that's not true, Helen. Actually,
we've had important progress the last several days on the Albanian
side. As I said this morning, Chris Hill has had encouraging talks,
and we're hopeful we can get to a political settlement.
Why didn't they say so at Rambouillet?
Q
Senator Jeffords, when asked by radio station WKDR
in Burlington, Vermont, if he thinks rape is a private issue replied
-- and this is an AP quote -- "I don't know why it wouldn't be a
private matter. If something that happened 21 years ago with a woman
who invited, at least under her story, the President to her hotel
room, and she was not happy with what happened, I don't know why
that's not a private matter." Question: Does the White House
believe that this statement by Senator Jeffords was right or wrong,
or will you dismiss this defender of the President with a cold "no
comment"?
MR. TOIV: I believe you're asking me to comment on
something that Mr. Kendall has already commented on. I could be
wrong, but I think you are --
Q
Has he commented on this? What did he say?
MR. TOIV: and I will --
Q
I don't recall anything that he
MR. TOIV: Mr. Kendall has commented on this matter, and
I don't have anything further to add.
Q
No, no, no. I mean, comment on Senator Jeffords.
I want to know -- do you believe that Jeffords was wrong or right?
MR. TOIV: You can keep trying, but that's my answer.
Q
Will the President veto the Ed-flex bill if it
doesn't have the 100,000 teachers amendment in it?
MR. TOIV: Well, look -- I think that's a hypothetical
that hopefully we won't have to address because that is an issue that
I think is going to come up in the Senate next week. I think a vote
on that is likely to come next week. We're going to be working very
hard to encourage members of the Senate to support that amendment.
We believe that putting 100,000 additional teachers in our
classrooms, reducing class size, is the highest priority right now
for education, and we believe that the Senate ought to take that up
now while they have the opportunity and enact that legislation. And
so, hopefully, we will not have to face that issue.
Q
Barry, last week Vice President Gore made his
comments known about the Greaseman. And this week there's a problem
that could be arising. The Greaseman is trying to apologize for this
racial statement he made to get his job back. Is the President
commenting about that at all, especially since he's got this race
initiative, this permanent race initiative office?
MR. TOIV: Yes, I haven't had an opportunity to talk to
the President directly about that issue. Obviously, those were
hateful comments. The station has taken action, and I don't think I
have anything further to say about it.
Q
But does the President or the White House feel that
by the Greaseman begging forgiveness that he should get his job back,
once he's passed
MR. TOIV: I don't know if the President's aware of
that, and I don't think that I'm going to get into the question of
what the station should do further.
Q
Those who ask for forgiveness should be prepared to
give it. (Laughter.)
MR. TOIV: Should I repeat Sam's answer? Is that
Q
It's not mine, it's President Clinton's answer.
Q
In his speech today, President Clinton referred to
the USA account as a tax break for the working class. There have
been other sources who have indicated that those tax breaks may not
-- the USA accounts in fact, be universal. At this point, will the
USA accounts be universal as you initially said they would be?
MR. TOIV: I'm not sure that we said that specifically,
but the Treasury Department is working on the specifics of the USA
account proposal and I think shortly, we'll be able to announce the
specifics. I think that the President's point is that no matter how
they are structured, they will be intended to target working class
people, people who do not have the kind of -- who are not able to
benefit as much from current tax incentives for savings and
investment.
Q
I'm not going to belabor this point, but I had
thought when you first unveiled them, that everyone would get one,
except that the benefits would largely accrue to working class
people. I mean, has that changed?
MR. TOIV: I'm not sure of the fact. Do you remember
whether
MR. SIEWERT: actually briefed at the time and said
that there might be a phaseout. That was in all the briefings when
he said that.
Q
That's what the papers said.
MR. TOIV: That there might be a phaseout, yes. That's
why
Q
-- there might be now -- there will be a phaseout?
MR. TOIV: I think we'll have the details when we have
the details. But clearly, that targeting is going to be towards the
lower or middle end of the spectrum.
Q
Larry, the Reverend Franklin Richardson of the
National Baptist Convention --
MR. TOIV: Did I look at you again, Lester? (Laughter.)
Q
Yes. He has called on the Reverend Henry Lyons to
resign as President of that denomination because, he said, "we have
no tolerance for a convicted felon to continue as a spiritual leader
of the churches." And my question is two parts: Does the President
agree or disagree, and is he considering a pardon for the Reverend
Mr. Lyons?
MR. TOIV: On the first question, I haven't talked to
him about that and I doubt that we would get into the issue of what
the church should do. On the second question, there is a normal
procedure for pardons which is followed for all people.
Q
Will the President ever respond to Dr. Barbara
Battalino's letter asking for a pardon for her perjury in connection
with a sex case?
MR. TOIV: Same answer on the pardons. There is a
procedure for that.
Q
Apparently, a letter has been written to the
President asking whether or not he would believe that the IOC, the
Olympics Committee, would have to abide by the
anti-corruption/bribery legislation that was signed last year. Would
it apply?
MR. TOIV: As I understand it, the Mitchell Commission
has proposed that and we are looking at that proposal and have not --
and the President hasn't made a decision yet on what to -- what
action to take on that.
Q
The Cuban government has stopped direct phone calls
between the United States and Cuba and -- I know that there is a
judge who made a ruling and money can go into the Cuban government
is this something that Washington would intervene or try to fix it?
MR. LEAVY: That's a good question. Let me take that.
I don't know the answer to that. We have been troubled by that Cuban
action, but let me get a more specific answer for you on that.
Q
Can you hold for one more Kosovo question? One of
the leading opponents of the peace agreement quit. So if there is an
agreement reached, what concerns does the administration have that
you have this leader of the KLA now not signing on?
MR. LEAVY: Well, I think it was clear from the talks in
France that there was disagreement within the Kosovar delegation and
one of the interesting things that has happened has been a jelling of
their own position. Helen remarked as I walked off that, well, why
didn't they sign on when they were in France? The problem is, they
didn't have a mandate, there wasn't an official delegation, per se.
They represented all spectrums of the Albanian population, from the
insurgents on one side to the moderates on the other. So they needed
to go back, sell this agreement to their constituencies, get the
public support, the grass-root support, and then come back.
That's what we're seeing now. There is, I think, a
normal political process of sorting out, and we're hopeful that the
team will come back and embrace this agreement in full and we can
move forward on it.
Q
But are you concerned that -- when you talked about
a consensus coming together -- if one of the leading opponents has
walked away from all of these talks, then the consensus has a voice
that isn't in the mix.
MR. LEAVY: I don't know if you can ever get 100 percent
consensus on issues as momentous and historic as this, but I think
we're very confident that the team that will represent the Albanians
will embrace this agreement, will be representative of a
cross-section and we can have the support that we need to implement
it.
Q
Sorry, just one more shot at this. But if they are
not signed on with this peace agreement, is there concern in the
administration that they would continue hostilities from the outside,
on the edges of all
MR. LEAVY: I guess my point is that the group that is
formed or jells after this process of seeking support back home will
be representative, will have the broad mandate that is necessary to
implement this agreement. Of course, there is always the option of
people beyond the sidelines, but we're hopeful that the vast majority
will support this. We think it's in the best interests of the
Kosovars and that the group that will eventually move forward will
have the support they need.
Q
David, you took a question yesterday about whether
or not the United States government had received any warnings about
danger for people traveling in Uganda. Do you have an answer?
MR. LEAVY: No -- yes, I do. We did not receive any
specific warnings.
Q
Is that a matter of some concern, then, that given
that this guerrilla group had been operating for some time, that
nobody --
MR. LEAVY: Well, I think having a specific warning or a
specific threat on this one camp, we didn't have. Obviously, the
border between Congo and its neighbors is very tense. There is, I
believe, nine different governments that have troops fighting in the
Congo. It is a situation that is very tense and that we're actively
engaged on. But in terms of a specific threat against this one camp,
we did not have it.
Q
Were you able to check on the legal authority --
MR. LEAVY: Which is normal practices when there is
killing of Americans, the FBI and the Justice Department sends
investigative teams to work with the host government, at the
invitation of the host government, which we received here in this
case.
Q
David, on Kosovo again, there are civilians now
left out in the cold because of this heavy artillery fire by the
Serbs in this southern area, similar to what we saw last October when
the cease-fire was agreed and threats to use force were issued.
Define why it's different now, why we've got civilians again, like we
had in October, who are outside in the cold and there is heavy
shelling of Albanians by the Serbs -- what's so different now from
then?
MR. LEAVY: Well, a couple of elements. One, back in
October we had over 200,000 Albanians in the mountains at the
precipice of winter, which was a very dangerous situation. That is
why we worked so hard, Ambassador Holbrooke and others brought an end
to that. We are in a different situation now because we have a peace
agreement on the table that has been blessed by the Contact Group,
that has been blessed by the Russian Federation, that has, in
principle, the support of the Kosovars. And so we're moving very
closely here to a situation where it's going to be up to President
Milosevic to accept this agreement, both the political and the
military annexes. And we're very close to that.
I think, in terms of the people that are displaced
currently, there are NGOs and other voluntary organizations who are
working on the ground to make sure that they have the humanitarian
food and medical supplies they need. But as we move closer to March
15, it's going to be up to both sides, but primarily President
Milosevic to choose one of the two paths a path of peace that we
can move forward and end this crisis, or a path of more conflict and
more violence. And we're going to be making it very clear to him in
the coming days that we believe that the path of peace is the best
way to move forward.
Q
Did I hear you right when you said you're very
close to getting him to agree?
MR. LEAVY: No, I think I said we're very close to
locking in the Kosovar Albanians. As I said earlier, they agreed in
principle. We've had positive developments in the last several days.
But as we move forward, as we move toward March 15, we're going to be
making it very clear to both sides, including President Milosevic,
that this deal is in his best interest.
Q
How do you plan to do that?
MR. LEAVY: Well, there are several options on the table
as we try to communicate that message, but I don't have anything to
announce today.
Q
How can you make it more clear than having
Madeleine Albright get on the phone with him and tell him it's it, or
it's bombs?
MR. LEAVY: I think there are a number of ways to convey
a message, and there will be, I'm sure, discussions as we move
forward in the coming days if we should deliver that message. But I
don't have any specific details today.
Q
In Uganda, the President of Uganda admitted that
they didn't take proper precautions. How does that affect our
relations with Uganda?
MR. LEAVY: We have good working relations with the
Ugandan government and they've been very cooperative. All of you who
traveled with the President there know President Museveni -- he is a
strong leader. But, clearly, this is a gruesome and heinous act, and
it's deplorable to all of us here in the government who work on these
issues. And it's safe to say that we are seized upon it, and we are
going to be working with the Ugandan government, the government of
the Congo. We have an investigative team on the ground. Our embassy
is working very hard on this, and I know that the highest levels of
this government are engaged. And as I said yesterday, we will work
tirelessly to bring those who perpetrated this crime to justice and,
as someone said as I was preparing for this, remind people that we
never let up. If you remember the case of the CIA shooters several
years ago, we tracked them down and brought prompt justice, and we
will stay at this.
Q
And weren't there State Department warnings about
general dangers traveling to Uganda?
MR. LEAVY: To Uganda? I don't know. You should check
at State.
Q
Barry, the President drove back from today's event
with Senator Breaux. Can you tell us anything about what Senator
Breaux was asking of the President and any commitments that the
President may have given Senator Breaux on Medicare?
MR. TOIV: Actually, my understanding is that the
conversation was primarily about education. As you may know, Senator
Breaux is one of the primary supporters of the effort to add the
100,000 teachers proposal to the Ed-flex bill. And my understanding
is that is primarily what the conversation was about.
Q
Barry, this morning's paper, where George Hager
wrote about a Social Security lockbox that the Republicans are
thinking about, can you give us any idea what the administration's
thinking is on that, about making sure that Social Security funds are
not used to fund the day-to-day operations?
MR. TOIV: We believe that the President's proposal is
the best and most real lockbox for Social Security, and we think that
any proposal for Social Security needs to, of course, pay down the
debt, needs to genuinely extend the life of the Social Security trust
fund and genuinely extend the life of the Medicare trust fund. We
are glad that members on both sides of the aisle are embracing the
President's proposal to pay down the debt, and shore up Social
Security. At least they are embracing it in concept. But, first of
all, we'd like to see some action on Medicare, as the President said
today, because we have not heard that from the other side of the
aisle, at least. And again, we will look at other ideas, but they
need to fulfill those goals.
Q
Barry, on Africa, has the Democratic envoy for
Africa expressed any support for this latest attempt to push the
Africa trade initiative through, especially since his son is fighting
against it?
MR. TOIV: I don't know if he has expressed support for
it; but the President, as you know, does strongly support the Africa
trade bill, and it's the version that was introduced by Congressman
Rangel and others -- has strong bipartisan support and we do hope
that it will be enacted by the Congress this year. We understand
that there is an alternative proposal by Congressman Jackson. And we
differ on that subject in the sense that we believe that the balance
of debt relief and trade initiatives and other measures is the proper
one in this bill. But we understand his concerns about those issues,
we just think that the balance is appropriate in this bill.
Q
But is there a concern that the father is now
supporting the son's efforts?
MR. TOIV: I don't know. I have not seen any comment to
that effect.
Q
Any response to the CBO saying today that the
President's budget busts all the spending caps?
MR. TOIV: The discretionary spending caps? Yes. I've
seen this happen every year. The news would be if CBO and OMB did
not agree on budget estimates. Look, the President's budget is
balanced. The President's budget does not spend a penny of the
surplus. All spending of the President's budget is paid for now.
And we believe that the President's budget maintains the spending
caps in FY 2000, which is what the CBO is talking about.
You are always going to get technical disagreements
between the two agencies on those spending levels, and this year is
no different. But, as always, I think that we will work those issues
out with the Congress and I don't think the technical issues will be
an important part of the debate. What I hope we can get down to is
the debate on the actual issues of Social Security and Medicare,
education and the rest.
Q
In the aftermath of impeachment, has the legal team
now disbanded and are there more departures after Begala, from the
top side?
MR. TOIV: I'm not aware of any other announced
departures. I think there are a couple attorneys who may be heading
back to the private sector, who were serving on the legal team.
Obviously, the Counsel's Office is still the Counsel's Office.
Q
Cheryl Mills is leaving, Greg Craig, all of these
people.
MR. TOIV: I don't think I'm going to make any
announcements for any individuals. I hadn't heard all those.
Q
Is there a date yet for a news conference, a
general news conference of the President?
MR. TOIV: There's not a date yet for a news conference.
We are working on having a news conference and I think Mr. Lockhart
would want the privilege of announcing that.
Still in March?
MR. TOIV: Mr. Lockhart would want the privilege of
announcing that and I'll leave that for him.
Still this month?
MR. TOIV: I haven't heard any change in the options.
How many questions will there be at the Friday
event with the Italian Prime Minister?
MR. TOIV: I don't know. I'll have to check on that. I
don't have any reason to think it won't be the customary, but I
haven't heard that definitively.
Q
Barry, yesterday I was very distressed to see that
you had to use the "no comment," -- Kendall's five times, with both
the editorial pages of The Washington Post and The New York Times
deploring the President's "missing voice from his customary defensive
crouch" "while the Kendall statement is full of mystery, instead
of a straightforward, presidential answer, "I did not rape that
woman." And since there were demonstrators with rapist signs in
California, how long will the President hide behind Mr. Kendall's
mysterious statement?
MR. TOIV: You're going to make me use the statement
again. I guess that's your goal, but I'll flip back to it.
Q
No, no, it isn't my goal. I mean, don't you get
tired of having to do this? Can't we get some kind of an answer?
MR. TOIV: I can say yes to that.
Next question.
Q
The Kendall statement denies there was an assault.
Is that the President making the denial? The statement does not
say
MR. TOIV: Sam, I have nothing to add to the statement
of the President's attorney.
Q
But it's a David Kendall statement, and the
accusation is not that David Kendall was involved in an assault, but
the President was involved. And I wonder if the President is the one
making the statement and Kendall is issuing it in his name.
MR. TOIV: I just answered your question.
It's not an answer.
MR. TOIV: I'm sorry you don't think so.
Q
Barry, Primakov is supposed to be here in a few
weeks to meet with the President?
MR. LEAVY: He actually is coming here for a meeting of
the Gore-Primakov Commission.
Q
What new wrinkles are there in the type of aid we
can give Russia? Is there any new aid we can give Russia? Do you
expect any new ground to be broken?
MR. LEAVY: In terms of that visit, I don't think so. I
think there has been -- the latest high-level contact was when
Secretary Albright traveled to Moscow several weeks ago, met with
Prime Minister Primakov, Foreign Minister Ivanov. They certainly
talked about political and economic issues, but [ don't have anything
for you in terms of a new aid package. Talbott was there last week,
too.
Q
Thank you.
END
1:55 P.M. EST
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DOCUMENT NO.
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
AND TYPE
001. email
Jaycee A. Pribulsky to [list] at 15:42:11.00. Subject: First Draft
03/03/1999
b(7)(C), b(7)(E), b(6)
Manifest - Visit of the President to Central America. (33 pages)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Automated Records Management System [Email]
WHO ([To: Todd Stern])
OA/Box Number: 500000
FOLDER TITLE:
[03/02/1999 - 03/03/1999]
2013-0914-F
ab1403
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - |44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act - 15 U.S.C. 552(b)|
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P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
and his advisors, or between such advisors |a)(5) of the PRA]
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personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
personal privacy |(a)(6) of the PRAJ
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purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
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concerning wells |(b)(9) of the FOIA]
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: Martha L. Wofford ( CN=Martha L. Wofford/OU=WHCCTF/O=EOP [ WHCCTF ])
CREATION DATE/TIME: 3-MAR-1999 19:03:27.00
SUBJECT: Draft Credit Guidance
TO: Elliot J. Diringer ( CN=Elliot J. Diringer/OU=CEQ/O=EOP @ EOP [ CEQ ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TO: Dirk Forrister ( CN=Dirk Forrister/OU=WHCCTF/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHCCTF 1)
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TEXT:
Attached is draft guidance on Chafee's re-introduction tomorrow of the
credit for early action bill. Julie will attend the 2:15 press conference
on the Hill.
ATTACHMENT
1
ATT CREATION TIME/DATE: 0 00:00:00.00
TEXT:
Unable to convert ARMS_EXT:[ATTACH.D18JMAIL48328766D.036 to ASCII,
The following is a HEX DUMP:
END ATTACHMENT
1
DRAFT Guidance on Credit for Early Action Bill
March 4, 1999
Background
Today, Senators Chafee, Lieberman, Mack, along with six additional co-sponsors (Warner,
Jeffords, Reid, Moynihan, Biden and Wyden) introduced a bill that would authorize the
Administration to provide credit for early voluntary action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
Chafee, Lieberman and Mack introduced a similar bill at the end of the last Congress.
In his October 1997 speech laying out his climate change plan, the President called for finding a
way to ensure that companies get credit for voluntary reductions of greenhouse gas. Last year's
bill was welcomed by many in industry and a small group within the environmental community as
a first step toward developing a program. Serious differences of opinion remain across both
groups as to how a credit program should ultimately be structured. The sponsors are introducing
the bill to spur further debate on this issue. They plan to conduct extensive stakeholder outreach
and hold a series of hearings before amending the bill further.
Talking Points
We welcome Senators Chafee, Mack, and Lieberman's re-introduction of a bill to provide
credit for early voluntary action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
As the President stated in October 1997 and re-iterated in the State of the Union, we
strongly support finding a way to grant companies credit for early, voluntary actions.
We look forward to working with Congress and stakeholders to formulate a fair and
workable program that will reward companies for achieving real environmental gain.
[Automated Records Management System Hex-dump Conversion]
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: SUNTUM_M@A1@CD@LNGTWY (SUNTUM_M@A1@CD@LNGTWY UNKNOWN 1) (WHO)
CREATION DATE/TIME: 3-MAR-1999 13:21:28.00
SUBJECT: 1999-3-3 Unity event remarks
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TEXT:
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 3, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT,
THE VICE PRESIDENT,
SENATOR TOM DASCHLE, AND REPRESENTATIVE DICK GEPHARDT
AT UNITY MESSAGE EVENT
Library of Congress
Washington,
D.C.
11:35 A.M. EST
REPRESENTATIVE GEPHARDT: Mr. President, Mr. Vice
President, and members of the House and Senate, I would like to call
this joint caucus of House and Senate Democrats to order.
Mr. President, Mr. Vice President, welcome. We are at a
point in our history that comes possibly once or twice in everyone's
life. It's a point where leaders are faced with the opportunity to
make a decision that will echo a generation into the future and will
help decide what kind of world we will leave to our children and our
grandchildren.
We are faced with a great challenge. It is a challenge
of whether we do the right thing for our country and choose the
long-term over the short-term. It is a challenge of whether we can
rise to the occasion and make the choices for our future that will
leave a strong legacy to those who will bear the mantle of leadership
in the next century. It is a challenge that I am confident that we
will meet.
We have seen firsthand what fiscal responsibility can
bring to our country and our economy. We are currently enjoying the
harvest of the seeds we planted in 1993, when Democrats, without a
single Republican vote, made the difficult and courageous choice to
put our long-term interests of the United States of America ahead of
short-term politics. (Applause.)
We took a step in 1993 that has led to the brightest
economic outlook in a generation; perhaps even in our lifetimes. In
fact, we have the best combination of high growth and low inflation
since a fellow Missourian, one of my heroes, Harry Truman, was in the
White House.
In 1993, Democrats didn't pass the buck. We bucked the
conventional Republican wisdom, and we should be proud of what we
helped create in 1993. (Applause.)
This year, as we look over the horizon to the faint
glimmer of a new century, we face yet another challenge. We have to
decide as a nation whether we will plant the seeds of growth that
will continue into the next century. As Democrats, we are united by
our desire to live up to that great challenge. We want
to invest this surplus, a surplus borne of the hard work and
labor of America's working families. We want to make sure that
future retirees will be relieved of a crushing debt burden that
nearly buried our economy alive. We want to make sure that
interest rates remain low for the next generation, so that
entrepreneurship and home ownership will continue to flourish.
We want nothing less than to pass on the American Dream to a new
generation -- no less than what our parents gave to us.
And we want to help address the challenges that face
working families on a daily basis. We want to help lift the
burdens that make raising their children in the '90s so difficult
and stressful. We want to enact a strong patients' bill of
rights to ensure that families -- (applause) a strong
patients' bill of rights to ensure that families get the health
care they pay for and that they deserve. When a crisis strikes,
you want health care and you want it to be there, and you want it
to work. Every American should have that right.
These rights must be strong and they must be
enforceable, and they must be real. And Democrats will be
fighting to pass a bill that will do that job. (Applause.)
We want to increase income security for hard-working
families. Even though the national bank account continues to
improve, too many families still live paycheck to paycheck. We
will work to increase the minimum wage so that the hardest
working Americans at the bottom of the ladder have a firm grip up
into the middle class. (Applause.)
And we'll also strengthen enforcement of equal pay
laws, so that mothers get the pay they deserve and the support
they need for their families. This is a world where most
families depend on two wage earners. Equal pay for equal work is
not a luxury, it's a necessity. And we're going to make sure it
becomes a reality. (Applause.)
So, my friends, we have a lot to accomplish. This is
an ambitious agenda, and we can't do it alone. In these next two
years we want to join with Republicans to pass legislation that
makes a difference in the lives of working families, and to
deliver the help that they've been waiting for. We want to make
progress now, this month, this year, this session. We can't
afford to waste another year or two, mired in partisan wrangling
and gridlock. If you're depending on your health insurance, this
year you want it to be there. If you're working on the minimum
wage, you need a living wage now.
We can work together. It's what the American people
want; it's what they expect. And it's within our grasp if we put
the national interest above partisanship. We will be judged by
our progress, our action, our accomplishment not by our words.
We can take advantage of this opportunity to rise above the past
and invest in our future to create a new century of prosperity
and security for all of our people.
On behalf of all Democrats I'd like to thank the three
individuals who are here to join with us today in talking about
real issues and real-life challenges. They're here to tell us
about how Democrats have helped to make a real difference in the
lives of people all over this country, and how we can still do
more to make sure that the next century is truly the best
century. They're here to inspire us about the success that
Americans continue to achieve, and to raise our vision towards
the possibilities that remain for this great nation. And they're
here to point the way towards the future.
That's how all of us here today have worked to build
this agenda. We have listened, all of our members -- House
Democrats, Senate Democrats have been out in these last months
really listening, actively listening to the people -- to their
hopes, their dreams. And we have heard their call. We have
always been the party of the people. And that is why we have
three citizens here today to talk about their agenda and our
agenda.
Their eloquence and spirit reflects the soul of this
great nation. It's important for all of us to listen and be
guided by them, first and foremost.
Our first guest is Maureen Marshall, a teacher at
Springfield Elementary School in Fairfax County, Virginia. She
has been teaching for eight years, working with 5th and 6th
graders, and also teaching special education classes. She's here
to tell us about the importance of small class size in the early
grades and how it makes such a critical impact in children's
lives.
Our second guest is Edwin Bobeale, a 4th generation
graduate of Tuskegee. Pell grants helped him earn a bachelor's
and master's degree and pursue his career with a chemical company
in Delaware. He's here to talk about the importance of keeping
up a strong federal role in supporting higher education of our
young people.
And our last guest is Michael Saylor, founder,
president and CEO of a company called MicroStrategy. Michael
will talk about the economy and how the economy has helped his
company and many others flourish, and why it's important to
reduce the debt to keep our economy strong in the future.
Now it's my pleasure to present Ms. Marshall. Give her
a great big Democratic welcome. (Applause.)
SENATOR DASCHLE: Edwin, Maureen and Michael, on behalf
of the House and Senate Democratic Caucuses, we thank you for
being here this morning. You are American success stories
personified. (Applause.) Mr. President, Mr. Vice President, we
are honored and very delighted with your presence with us this
morning.
Before I begin a few comments, let me salute my partner
in the House of Representatives I could not have a more
courageous, a more eloquent, a more powerful leader than I have
in the next Speaker of the House, Dick Gephardt. (Applause.)
This is truly a united Democratic Party that stands
here today. I also want to acknowledge the tremendous work of
White House Chief of Staff John Podesta, he's as good as they
come, and he's here, as well. (Applause.)
Mr. President, as others have already said this
morning, six years ago with your leadership we made a decision to
do the right thing for America. We passed a plan to balance the
federal budget. And, today, as our three guests attest, this
nation is reaping the benefits. America is working again. And
after years of postponing our hopes and aspirations, Americans
are again filled with hope and renewed optimism.
We've gone from the largest deficit in our nation's
history to the largest surplus. We now have the best opportunity
in our lifetime to deal with some of the biggest social and
economic challenges on our horizon. We cannot squander this
opportunity, and today Democrats stand united to say we will not.
(Applause).
Putting families first means Social Security and
Medicare first. We support your plan to invest 62 percent of the
surplus in Social Security, and another 15 percent in Medicare,
Mr. President. Social Security and Medicare are two of our most
sacred commitments to America. It is our responsibility now to
ensure that this country respects those commitments, and we will
do so. (Applause.)
We need to make sure Social Security and Medicare will
be there -- for our parents and for our children. Investing 77
percent of the surplus in Social Security and Medicare will
enable us to do that. It will allow us to pay down the debt, to
save hundreds of billions of dollars in interest payments, and
keep the interest low for those mortgages and college loans that
every working American pays.
But Americans understand that there are differences
among us in Congress -- those differences between Republicans and
Democrats. And Republicans have already articulated a different
plan. They say they'd like to set aside 62 percent of the
surplus for Social Security, but their plan today doesn't include
a nickel for Medicare. After the 62 percent, they'll use what's
left of the surplus for a tax cut that overwhelmingly benefits
the wealthiest Americans.
We've analyzed that plan. We now know that people
who make $800,000 a year will save $20,000 a year in taxes. But
families who earn $38,000 or less a year -- 60 percent of all
American families -- will save 27 cents a day. You can't achieve
big dreams with small change.
We believe America's families deserve better than 27
cents a day. They deserve good schools for their children. If
they're sick, they deserve whatever treatment their doctor says
they need, not however little their HMO is willing to pay.
Democrats have always believed that if you work hard
all your life you ought to be able to retire with dignity and
security. You shouldn't have to fear that growing old means
becoming a burden on your children or anyone else. That is why
we fought to create Social Security and Medicare in the first
place. That's why we fought over and over and over to protect
them.
I talk to people in South Dakota who tell me they're
worried that they don't have the luxury -- the luxury -- of
retiring. Well, Democrats believe we don't have the luxury of
ignoring the coming retirement crisis either, and we will not do
that. (Applause.)
We need to strengthen America's retirement security and
we're committed to doing that this year. People between the ages
of 55 and 65, who don't have the access to a group health
insurance plan or who lose their insurance when they're laid off
or their plant closes, ought to be able to buy into Medicare, and
we want to make that happen. (Applause.)
Early retirees, who were promised health benefits that
are canceled, ought to be able to buy into their former
employer's group health plan, too. People between 55 and 65 are
twice as likely as someone just 10 years younger to experience
major health problems; they have less access to health coverage
and they're at a greater risk of losing their health coverage.
And they're the fastest-growing age group in America today. Over
the next 10 years they will increase by 60 percent. We need to
close this gap now, before it gets any worse.
We must help families cope with the emotional and
financial strain of caring for the elderly, the ill and disabled
in their family. And one good way to do it is to do what the
Democratic agenda calls for, with a $1,000 a year long-term tax
credit to reduce the cost of long-term care. It's time we passed
that legislation, this year, in 1999. (Applause.)
Care-giving is a hard job. Two-thirds of all family
caregivers today have to cut back their hours or take unpaid
leave from work. The value of the care they provide is worth
billions of dollars. A $1,000 tax credit is the least they
deserve, and it's the right kind of tax cut for America's
families.
We must increase the number of Americans with private
pensions, and get rid of the inequities in the pension system
that leave so many elderly living at near poverty. Our agenda
will help -- by making it easier for small businesses to start
pension plans, and for employees to contribute to them. We'll
also invest 12 percent of the surplus in USA accounts to enable
working families to save for their own retirement in private
accounts.
And finally, we need tougher penalties for criminals
who use telemarketing fraud and other schemes to take advantage
of older Americans. We will not let the generation that saved
democracy lose their life savings to swindlers. That will not
happen if we have anything to say about it. (Applause.)
We've come a long way in six years. America is working
again. We're daring to dream again. We have the greatest
opportunity in our lifetime to make those dreams come true.
Democrats are determined, and we are unified. America's families
need us, and want us, to enact this agenda, to seize this
opportunity now.
It is now my great pleasure, and high personal honor,
to recognize and to introduce, the President of the United States
Senate, Al Gore -- our friend, Al Gore. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much, ladies and
gentlemen, colleagues. And, Tom, thank you -- you have a way
with a line -- (laughter) -- the timing and rhythm were
impressive.
Let me begin by expressing my sincere and hardy thanks
to Tom Daschle for not only his friendship to me and to all of us
here, but for his truly extraordinary efforts as the Senate
Democratic leader. I don't know when we have ever had in the
United States Senate a Democratic leader who has been able to put
together the kind of unity, the kind of ideas, the kind of agenda
that Tom Daschle has formed. Every day he fights for what's
right for the families of South Dakota and for the United States
of America. We are very lucky to have such a great Democratic
leader in Tom Daschle. Thank you, Tom. (Applause.)
I was trying to figure out a way to pause and work in
the word "majority" in just the right way there, but we're
working on that right now. (Laughter.)
And let me also say a word of special thanks felt I
know in the hearts of every person here to Dick Gephardt for his
remarkable leadership of the House Democratic Caucus and for his
remarkable articulation of Democratic values and ideals all
across this country. No one has worked harder to keep our party
and our whole country focused on the issues that really matter to
working families -- a strong economy, a world-class education, a
nation with healthy families and livable communities where every
child has a chance to live out his or her dream.
Dick is a wonderful friend to all of us here. He is a
special friend to me, and he is a great, great Democratic leader
and the next Speaker of the House of Representatives.
(Applause.)
I, too, want to thank Maureen Marshall and Edwin
Bobeale and Michael Saylor for their wonderful statements and the
way they embody in their lives the stories of the lives of so
many millions of Americans -- stories that are connected to this
agenda for 1999 that we're talking about here today.
I, too, want to thank my partner in the White House,
John Podesta, who does such a great job, and also his whole team
in the White House. He's got a terrific team of men and women,
and I want to single out Larry Stein, who is the Congressional
Liaison, House and Senate, and the others who are here.
And we're clearly at a fork in the road here. I think
it was that great statesman, Yogi Berra, who famously said, when
you come to a fork in the road you should take it, and that's
what we're proposing to do in this meeting.
Together, we have fought hard and successfully on
behalf of America's families during these last six years. We
have brought our nation to a moment of great prosperity, a time
described by many economic experts now as a time with the
strongest economy in the entire history of the United States. We
have greater economic opportunity for all Americans. There are
problems that remain to be addressed and we're keenly aware of
that. That, too, is one of the reasons why we're here. We have
both the obligation and the responsibility to make the right
choices for America's families.
Now, this is not an election rally. This is the
beginning of a congressional term. And I want to compare it to
what happened after the election of 1992, when Bill Clinton and I
asked our country to take a new direction and make a new start.
It was the year following, in 1993, that the very difficult
decision had to be made and we asked all Americans to join in the
change that we thought was essential for our country.
We should never forget that while Republicans, along
with independents and Democrats out in the heartland of our
country, said, yes, it's time for a change, the dynamics within
the Republican Party in the Congress worked in a way that
prevented any Republican in the House or the Senate from voting
for change. Not one, in either chamber. We provided all of the
votes for the economic plan that is now responsible for this
historic prosperity and progress and momentum in America. And we
should remember that. (Applause.)
It was the closest of margins in both Houses and, I
believe it was Dick Gephardt who cast the deciding vote in the
House of Representatives, and it was Tom Daschle who rounded up
the votes to give me a chance to vote in the Senate. But my
point is this: We demonstrated, in 1993 and since that time, the
unity of purpose that is essential to move our country in the
right direction. Well, the American people have endorsed these
policies, and our agenda. And they did so again in the elections
of 1998.
Now, in the following year, in 1999, we're asking the
American people to stay with this agenda, and to help us enact
the changes that are needed now. We have the unity of purpose --
as a group, as a party, as a collection of men and women with
dreams and hopes for the future of this country.
I would say that I think that the unity of purpose that
you're seeing demonstrated here today is in contrast to some
dissonance and division on the other side, and I'd ask the
American people to take that into account when you hear the
debates on the floor of the House and the floor of the Senate,
and when you judge the comparative value of the agenda that we're
talking about here, and what those on the other side are talking
about. Once again, we ask for the support of the American
people, including Republicans and independents and Democrats, to
help us pass this agenda.
And first on the agenda is, as Dick and Tom have said,
using the surplus not for some risky scheme, but, instead, to
save Social Security first and protect Medicare; because now is
the time to make certain that those programs are going to be in
solid shape on into the future for decades to come.
Now is the time to make sure that all Americans get the
best health care, and not just the cheapest health care. That's
why we want to pass the legislation that has been described to
you. Now is the time to create jobs and build more livable
communities, by keeping our environment clean. Now is the time
to protect Americans' privacy amid the new threat of this
information age. I read in the newspaper this morning where some
person said, well, privacy is gone, you might as well get used to
it. Well, it's not and we can't allow that. We can protect the
privacy of American families in this electronic age.
There's no reason why people of all parties can't join
us to get this agenda passed. And we have to start with a clear
principle. The key in '93 was fiscal responsibility. That's
what made it tough. We knew that it would be a little time
before the change really grabbed hold and, yes, our party paid a
political price while the returns were still coming in, while we
implemented the policies that have borne such fruit.
But we cannot turn back from that fiscal discipline.
We have -- we started with the largest budget deficit in the
history of our country and, thanks to Democrats, we now have the
largest budget surplus in the history of the country. That's
progress. (Applause.)
Now, what do we do with that surplus? What do we do
with these good times? Well, the obvious answer is, we need to
use the good times to prepare for the future, to invest in our
people. No risky schemes; no casino policies of the kind that we
saw in previous administrations, but good common sense. And this
party is the party of solutions, and that's why, again, we're
asking the American people to let us solve these problems.
Let me spend just a moment on one issue. I think most
of us here are agreed that education is the top priority for
investing in the future. And I think most Americans understand
that there are two basic reasons why it has to be the top
priority. First, we're obviously in an Information Age, when
information is a bigger part of the economy, and learning has to
be the key strategic skill.
Look at the want ads, and it's abundantly obvious that
the millions of jobs that are opening up now -- so many of them
which can't be filled today -- require specific skills in
handling information and information technology. But you have to
have the base of educational attainment that the three speakers
who joined us this morning demonstrate in their lives, in order
to get those skills, and then to hold down those jobs.
The second reason why education has to be the top
priority is that the generation of young people in America today,
18 and under, has just passed by the baby boom, and now they're
the largest generation in American history.
There are a couple of books now on the bestseller list
about this generation of World War II veterans -- "the greatest
generation," it's been called, those who won World War II. Well,
after they won World War II, they came home and they saw the baby
boomers crowding into the schools, and they saw that we were
unprepared as a nation to give them the quality of educational
experience they deserved. And so what did they do? They built
new schools. They hired new teachers. They gave them the best
training. They stocked the library shelves with the best and
latest textbooks. They passed the G.I. Bill. They invested more
in education than ever before.
And now the prosperity that we are reaping is in
significant measure based on the investments that were made years
ago in education that we were able to take advantage of in
putting together the economic plan of 1993. Well, the challenge
falls to us now. Since the generation of children in K through
12 is larger even than the baby boom, and since they're in
crowded classrooms and portables and buildings that are falling
down around their ears in some cases, will we rise to that
challenge the way the World War II veterans rose to the
challenges facing the baby boomers?
The answer that all of us are given here with this
agenda that we present to the American people today is a
resounding, yes. And it's not just in rhetoric. We have
specific programs: hire 100,000 new teachers. We made the down
payment last year, but let's go the rest of the way. And we're
going to have a specific measure introduced within days by
Senator Murray and Senator Kennedy, to have an amendment voted on
to reduce class size down to an average of one to 18 in the early
grade. That's the first vote on the Democratic agenda.
(Applause.)
Secondly, we have a specific bill to give local
communities, through the form of a tax cut, interest-free bonding
authority for $25 billion worth of new school construction and
repair, to give our children the modern, well-equipped classrooms
and school buildings that they deserve. Let's pass this item on
the Democratic agenda. (Applause.)
And as part of the education agenda we want to end
social promotion, provide students the intensive help in school
and after school -- after school, during that vulnerable window.
(Applause.) We know how vulnerable children are during that
period of the day. And we need after-school programs and other
programs to give them enhanced opportunity. And we need to
finish the job that was started three years ago and connect every
single classroom and library to the Information Superhighway.
We've made tremendous progress, let's finish that job.
(Applause.)
Now, make no mistake about it -- let me conclude my
talk on this education agenda by saying that we understand that
there are those on the other side who think that money is the
complete answer to everything. We believe that the investments
of money need to be accompanied by the investments of time and
heart and involvement. And where the federal role is concerned,
when we allocate new funds to these priorities we should say our
children deserve accountability for the large investment that
we're making in education. We believe we ought to measure
performance and make certain that we really are solving these
problems. We know what works, and the evidence is all around us
in every state represented here; in every congressional district
represented here. We know what works, and we know how to keep it
going in 1999.
Now, ladies and gentlemen, it's my honor to introduce
to you the one person who has worked harder than anyone to focus
on the right priorities for America's and future. He is the one
person at the heart of our economic progress, the person who laid
the foundation for one of the greatest job-creating engines our
nation has ever known.
I'm pleased to introduce my friend, America's
President, Bill Clinton. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you very
much. Thank you.
Thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen. This has
been a wonderful morning for me. When I listened to Maureen
Marshall and Edwin Bobeale and Michael Saylor speak, I was again
confirmed in my conviction that our principal responsibility here
is to give the American people the tools, and create the
conditions within which they can make the most of their own
lives. And if we do that, they will do it every time. These
three people represent more than 200 million Americans who
deserve our best efforts.
I want to thank Senator Daschle and Congressman
Gephardt for their truly outstanding leadership, for their
personal friendship, and for their honest commitment to the cause
that we meet to discuss today.
I thank the Vice President for being the best partner
and friend, advisor and prodder any President could ever have. 1
can't believe he passed up a chance to remind us all today that
in 1993, he cast the decisive vote on the budget plan, and
whenever he votes, we win. (Applause.)
You know the real, sort of political story out of this
meeting today may be that we will have to retire that famous old
Will Rogers quip, "I don't belong to an organized political
party, I'm a Democrat." The fact is we are organized and we are
united. (Applause.) And we are united around an agenda for
America's future to meet the long-term challenges of this
country at the edge of a new century and new millennium; to build
on what we have done for the last six years.
The new agenda is rooted in the same ideals with which
we began in 1993 to bring opportunity to every American, to
challenge every American to be a responsible citizen, and to
build a community of all American citizens.
When you look around at this Democratic Caucus, the
members of the House and the Senate, as the speakers were
speaking, I had the opportunity to just scan both sides of this
wonderful room today. You all really do look like America. You
think like America, and you reflect America. (Applause.) As
perhaps the only one of you who is term-limited, and therefore,
faces the prospect of making the most of this next two years and
leaving the rest to you, I felt enormously good, not just for my
party, but for my country, to look at all of you, to know what I
know about all of you, to know about your backgrounds and your
perspectives and your experience and your commitment, and to see
how in this caucus we have bridged every divide of America that
will help us to bring our country together and go forward. And
I'm very proud to be here with you today.
Let me say that when I ran for President in 1991 and
1992, I used to say something that seems almost strange today. I
said, one of the reasons that I left a job at home that I loved
and undertook this campaign is that I didn't want to see my
daughter's generation grow up to be the first generation of
Americans not to do as well economically or in terms of quality
of life as their parents had done. Nobody worries about that
anymore, but we did then.
And what we had before that was more than a decade in
which the leaders of the other party talked tough, but took the
easy way out. We were unashamed to be compassionate, unashamed
that we cared about those who needed a hand up in life. But we
were unafraid, when it came down to it, to take the tough
decisions that cost many of our fellow Democrats their seats in
Congress, but gave the American economy and the American people a
new lease on the century. (Applause.)
So what we came here today to talk about builds on what
has happened in the last six years. It builds on our way of
approaching our political responsibilities here, to put people
ahead of partisanship, and common sense ahead of ideology. Now,
we've already talked about how we turned the red ink to black
that that helped to produce the longest peacetime expansion in
our history, the lowest peacetime unemployment since 1957.
We ought to point out that we did it in a way that
looked to the future not only reducing the deficit, but
doubling our investment in education and training; putting
100,000 more police on our streets; making dramatic increases in
medical research; immunizing 90 percent of our children from
basic childhood diseases for the first time ever; providing
millions and millions of people with the benefit of the Family
and Medical Leave law; and making our environment cleaner. We
showed, in other words, that we could balance the budget and
honor our common values as Americans.
Now that, to use Senator Daschle's phrase, America is
working again, the question is, what shall we do? And we're here
to say that, as proud as we are of the record of the last six
years, this is not a time to boast about the past, but to fulfill
our solemn duty to the next generation, to meet the long-term
challenges our nation faces.
We're for stronger families, with our child care
program and our after-school learning; for a strong, enforceable
patients' bill of rights; for the bipartisan legislation to help
people with disabilities move into the workplace; for tax relief
to help families provide long-term care; for an increase in the
minimum wage and equal pay for men and women; and more free
enterprise in our poorest inner city and rural communities.
We're for 50,000 more police on the street, and better
technology for police, especially in the areas where crime is
still too high. We stand together to pass the Earth on to our
children with our livability initiative, for less traffic
congestion and more greenspace. We stand together, as the Vice
President has said, for strong, modern, more accountable schools;
for giving teachers like Maureen the support they need to do even
better.
Last winter, as has already been said, we issued our
call, for the first time, for 100,000 more highly-trained
teachers, to bring class size down in the early grades. And last
fall, the Republicans in Congress finally agreed to make a
significant down payment toward that goal. Now, in the next few
days, the Senate will vote on whether to finish the job of hiring
100,000 new teachers to reduce class size. It will be our first
big chance this year to prove to the American people that we are
prepared to put people over party. Let's say politics stops at
the schoolhouse door. (Applause.)
Now, I'd also like to ask that politics stop and that
the Republican majority in Congress stand with us in meeting the
greatest challenge we face, the aging of America. Life
expectancy is rising, the number of older Americans will double
by the year 2030. There will be only two people working for one
person drawing Social Security by that time. Even before then,
because people over 80 are the fastest growing group of Americans
as a percentage of our country, Medicare will run out of money
within nine years.
Now, I particularly appreciated what Edwin Bobeale said
about this being an issue facing younger, as well as older,
Americans; and not only because younger Americans would like to
know they will have health care in retirement when they reach
their retirement years, but also because the quality of life
of the children of people on Medicare and Social Security, and
their ability to raise their grandchildren, will be directly
dependent upon whether they had to take needed resources away
from their own family to care for their parents in ways that
previous generations have not. This is a big issue.
But I want to say again -- and I feel it's a greater
conviction as I grow older by the day -- this is a high-class
problem. We face this challenge because we're living longer. We
face this challenge because of the fruits of the medical research
that the Congress has funded. We should not be hand-wringing
here, we should be embracing this with joy. This is the
inevitable result of our efforts to not only lengthen life, but
to improve its quality. And because the Democrats took the lead
so many years ago -- first in Social Security and then in
Medicare we have a special responsibility to the American
people to take the lead in resolving this. (Applause.)
Now, let me restate clearly our principles and where I
think we are in this debate now -- because how we resolve these
issues will shape how we resolve the other issues in this session
of Congress. First, we should devote 52 percent of the surplus
for the next 15 years to saving Social Security; to guarantee the
soundness of Social Security for the next 55 years; and to enable
us to make further choices, some of which will be difficult, to
extend Social Security for 75 years, provide help for elderly
women -- many of whom are in poverty -- and lift the earnings
limit on people on Social Security.
Second, we should devote another 15 percent of the
surplus to Medicare, to secure that vital program until the year
2020. And, again, I believe we should go further, with broader
reforms to strengthen and improve Medicare and to meet the
greatest growing need of our seniors -- affordable prescription
drugs. (Applause.)
If we do this, that will still leave funds for other
investments or for tax reduction. I believe we should devote
over $500 billion of this surplus to give working families tax
relief, creating universal savings accounts -- USA accounts
that will help all Americans share in the nation's wealth and
build nest eggs for retirement. If we do these things -- saving
Social Security, saving Medicare, empowering more Americans to
save for their own retirement we will fulfill our historic
challenge to meet the difficulties and the opportunities of the
aging of America in a way that provides a stronger economy and
more stable families for our children.
If we use the surplus to save Social Security and
strengthen Medicare, we will, for the next 15 years and beyond,
be paying down the national debt, if we follow the proposal that
we have made. We can reduce publicly-held debt to its lowest
level since 1917, before we moved into World War I.
Let me say, for a member of Congress what that means
is, 15 years from now, Congress will be allocating only 2 cents
of every tax dollar to pay interest on the debt, instead of the
13 cents you have to take off the top today, before you can pass
another bill to do another thing. That means -- and again, I was
glad to hear Michael Saylor, who told that astonishing story of
his company starting with $132 and winding up with 1,000
employees and hundreds of millions of dollars of wealth that have
been created. You remember what he said? He said what they need
from government is a responsible set of rational decisions that
keep interest rates low and the economy strong. That is the most
important thing.
And if we do this, we will drive down interest rates
for the next 15 to 20 years. We could actually have our country
completely out of debt, under this policy, in 18 years. And in a
world in which the economy of other countries is obviously
troubled at the moment, and in which future events are not
predictable, we know one thing for sure: if we pay down this
debt, and things are troubled beyond our borders, we'll do a lot
better and interest rates will be a lot lower than they otherwise
would have been. If things go well in the global economy,
because of our efforts and others, we will do even better than we
otherwise would have done.
And we know that the success of the American economy
has reinforced the budget decisions made in 1993. We have got to
keep this going. So I say, take care of Social Security, take
care of Medicare, pay down the debt, keep the economy going.
These things are the most important things we can do for our
children in the 21st century. (Applause.)
Now, let me say where I think we are now. I have,
frankly, been gratified to see that Republican leaders have
quickly joined us in supporting the first idea, dedicating 62
percent of the surplus to save Social Security. At least, I
believe the word they used was "setting aside" 62 percent of the
surplus, and I'll come back to that in a moment. I've been
further encouraged to see some of the Republicans backing away
from the irresponsible across-the-board tax cut that is too
costly, in favor of standing with us for targeted tax cuts
benefitting mostly middle-class working families.
Last week, the majority leaders in Congress actually
placed an ad in USA Today, with a nice letter promising to save
Social Security, to give our children the world's best schools,
to target tax relief to the middle class. That was the most
welcome news I've read in USA Today, in terms of progress, since
the NBA strike ended. (Laughter.) And I was encouraged by it.
But I want to make it clear, there are still strong
differences in our approach, and we must resolve them in a way
that benefits the American people -- in the Vice President's
words, that benefit Republicans and independents and Democrats
alike. We have to do what's right for the country.
First, while the Republicans are joining me in talking
about setting aside a substantial part of the surplus for debt
reduction and, presumably, for Social Security -- and we welcome
that -- they still have said nothing about how they would extend
the life of Social Security and whether they would dedicate all
62 percent of this surplus for that purpose. And that is very
important.
Second, I ask the Republican majority to join us in
devoting a portion -- 15 percent -- of the surplus to save
Medicare. Now, this is very important. They have not done that
so far. And, as you see from the difficulties of others who have
struggled with these issues, and the fact that health care costs
are beginning to rise again, we cannot secure Medicare as a
guarantee for our seniors with any reasonable set of reforms, and
keep it a recognizable, universal program, unless we also invest
some more money in the program.
You can talk to any hospital that's administering
programs that have Medicare patients. You can talk to any
doctor. You can talk to anybody who's dealt with this program.
We must have more money. So I ask those -- especially those who
still maintain that somehow, out of the surplus, they can afford
a very large across-the-board tax cut -- where will they find the
resources to extend the life of Medicare?
I am not opposed to responsible reforms that enable us
to secure Medicare for an even longer period, and to begin to add
this prescription drug benefit so that we can really help people
who need it. But I'm telling you, we cannot deal with the
Medicare problem without a greater investment of money.
So, let's say, use the budget surplus to save Social
Security, to save Medicare, to pay down the debt. Then we can
have an honest and principled disagreement about how much and
what kind of tax cut we need with the rest -- about how much
should go to education; how much should go to defense; how much
should go to medical research. But the first and most important
things are save Social Security, save Medicare, pay down the
debt, secure the future of our children. (Applause.)
Now, we stand today unified. We stand today well aware
of the challenges before us. But we stand today beleaguered by
beepers and message machines. (Laughter.) This is my last line
I want to say about this. Will Rogers also used to say something
that we do not have to disregard. He used to say -- and I quote
-- "You've got to be an optimist to be a Democrat, and you've got
to be humorous to stay one." (Laughter.)
Well, I urge you, let's bring a new energy to this
session of Congress. When we get really frustrated by what seems
to be excessive partisanship, let's remember these three fine
American citizens who talked to us today, and the stories they
told, and the hundreds of millions of people they represent.
Let's keep our optimism, our good cheer, our resolve and our
unity, to give them the 21st century they deserve.
Thank you and God bless you. (Applause.)
END
12:23 P.M. EST
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: Martha L. Wofford ( CN=Martha L. Wofford/OU=WHCCTF/O=EOP [ WHCCTF ])
CREATION DATE/TIME: 3-MAR-1999 13:11:38.00
SUBJECT: Mary Nichols
TO: Todd Stern ( CN=Todd Stern/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
CC: Meagan M. Earley ( CN=Meagan M. Earley/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TEXT:
Mary's number is (916) 653-5656, she is Secretary of Resources.
Also, I heard from Fred DuVal's staffer, so no need to call him. Thanks.
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: SUNTUM_M@A1@CD@LNGTWY (SUNTUM_M@A1@CD@LNGTWY [ UNKNOWN ] ]) (WHO)
CREATION DATE/TIME: 3-MAR-1999 20:47:42.00
SUBJECT: 1999-3-3 remarks at Torricelli reception
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TEXT:
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 3, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT ROBERT TORRICELLI FOR SENATE RECEPTION
New Jersey Performing Arts Center
Newark, New Jersey
8:04 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you for the wonderful, wonderful
welcome, and I want to congratulate everyone who had anything to do
with building this magnificent Performing Arts Center. It's a
fabulous place. (Applause.)
I would like to thank the people whose presence
brightened our night tonight. I thank Cissy Houston, and my friend,
Kevin Spacey. I thank Gloria Gaynor. I was -- when she was singing
her songs, we were all back there singing off-stage. And they said,
now -- they made me stand way back so no one could possibly take an
embarrassing picture of me -- pretending that I was young again, and
off-key. And I was trying to decide whether I was -- it was more
appropriate for me to sing "I Will Survive," or -- (laughter and
applause.) I sort of like "I'm Never Going To Say Good-bye" better.
(Applause.)
I say that because the people of New Jersey have been
wonderful to me. And I am profoundly grateful. I remember so well
my first big political event here -- Bob Janieswzski (spelling) had
me there and thank you, Bob, and all the people -- (applause) --
from that magnificent county Democratic organization. And I had lost
my voice that night and they stuck with me anyway, which I really
appreciate.
I'd like to thank Congressman Payne, Congressman
Pallone, Congressman Holt and Congressman Rothman for flying up on
Air Force One with me tonight and for doing New Jersey proud every
day in the United States Congress. (Applause.) And I want to thank
Mayor Sharp James (spelling) and the other mayors and state assembly
people who met me at the airport. And I thank Charles Kushner and
Steve Ross for doing a great job on this event tonight. I thank your
State Democratic Chairman, Tom Giblin, and your assembly leader, Joe
Doria, who tells me we have a chance to win the assembly this year.
And I want you to do that. (Applause.)
And most of all, I want to thank Bob Torricelli for many
things, for being a great advocate. He is a ferocious advocate --
(applause) -- for New Jersey, for America, for democracy and human
rights throughout the world. Now, for the proposition that it's high
time the Democrats took back the Senate, and he's leading our
campaign committee. (Applause.) And he has been my friend, in good
times and bad. And I will never forget it. I'm honored to be here.
(Applause.)
Bob was up here talking and I thought, shoot, he's
giving my speech, I won't have anything to say when I get out there.
(Laughter.) Let me just say to all of you, again, I am profoundly
grateful that the people of New Jersey twice voted to
give their electoral votes to the Vice President and to me. I am
grateful that Hillary and I and all of us in our administration had a
chance to serve these last six years, to work to create the
conditions and give the American people the tools that brought us to
this day. How different this is than America was six years ago.
And I am grateful for that. I don't for a moment claim
all the credit for every good thing that has happened in this
country, but I do believe when I came to the people of New Jersey in
1992 and said we needed to change the direction of this country, we
need to go back to a commitment to give opportunity to every
responsible citizen, and we need to remind the American people that
we're all one community across all the lines that divide us, and that
we can only do well individually if we're committed to giving every
American and every American family and every American community the
chance to be a part of the future we dream for our own children.
And I'm glad and grateful that we have the lowest
peacetime unemployment since 1957; and the longest peacetime economic
expansion in history; and the lowest crime rate in 30 years; and
welfare rolls cut in half; and 90 percent of our kids immunized for
the first time ever; and the doors of college open to all Americans.
I am simply grateful to have had the chance to participate in what we
have done together as a nation. (Applause.)
But I want to say to you in more pointed and more
specific terms what Bob just said. This country has been through a
lot in the last 10, 15 years. We've had a lot of triumph. We've
overcome a lot of economic and social trauma. And the easy thing to
do when things are going well is to relax, maybe even go back to the
old ways, go back to the stand patter. And I have to tell you that I
think that would be a terrible mistake.
I am encouraged that the American people agree. In
1998, when our party picked up seats in the House of Representatives,
for the first time in the sixth year of a presidency since 1822
including Russ Holt (applause) it happened because we had the
national agenda. We didn't stand back and say, vote for us because
we've got a surplus, vote for us because we've got a good economy.
We said, vote for us because we have a chance to meet the big
challenges still facing this country. Vote for us and we will save
Social Security, we will modernize our schools, we will pass the
patients' bill of rights, we will keep the American economy going in
the right direction.
We have an agenda. And so I say tonight, the thing I
like most about Bob Torricelli is if he didn't want to be a senator
to have the honor of the title, he wanted to be a senator to get up
every day and get something done to help the lives of ordinary people
in New Jersey, in the United States and throughout the world.
(Applause.)
And I can say to you, so many of you came through the
line and said something specific to me about the peace process in the
Middle East, or democracy in Asia or in our own hemisphere, or some
specific domestic program, when we were visiting earlier, those of
you who came through and talked to me. I think it is important that
if the Democratic Party wishes to be the majority party over the long
run, in the Congress and in the White House, that we continue to be
both the conscience and the engine of America's civic life.
We have big challenges. If I have learned anything in
the last six years, it is how quickly things are changing within and
beyond our borders, and what a terrible mistake it is to believe that
just because things are good today, they'll be just fine tomorrow if
you don't do anything else. That would be a significant mistake.
So I just want to say three or four things. I ask for
your support, for your members of Congress and for your senators.
And I ask you to fight for these things in the coming years when you
have the election this year in New Jersey, next year for the Senate
and the Congress races and in the presidency. Number one, we have
got to face the fact that like every advanced country in the world,
we are getting older as a nation. There will be twice as many people
over 65 in 30 years as there are now.
There will only be two people working for every one
person retired and drawing Social Security. The present system
cannot be sustained unless we do something about it. And I do not
think what we should do about it is forget about it, because half the
people in America today over 65 are out of poverty only because, in
addition to other income, they draw Social Security.
So I have said the first thing we've got to do is deal
with the challenge of the aging of America, which means we have to
save Social Security, we have to save Medicare for the 21st century.
And the right way to do it -- (applause) -- the right way to do it is
to realize that it is also an enormous opportunity if we do it
properly.
I want to set aside a little over three-quarters of this
surplus that we think will come out in the next 15 years until we
save Social Security and Medicare. Since we don't need the money
right away, in the ensuing 15 years we can buy in the debt. And if
we pay down the public debt for 15 years with this surplus, let me
tell you what will happen. Fifteen years from now our country will
have the smallest debt it's had since 1917, before we went into World
War One. Fifteen years from now, when your members of Congress go to
vote on the budget, instead of taking 13 cents of every dollar you
pay in taxes off the top to pay interest on the debt, it will be down
to 2 cents. And they will be putting the money into Social Security,
into Medicare, into education, into medical research, into protecting
the environment, into growing the economy, into building America.
And in the meanwhile, because we'll be doing that,
interest rates will be lower, business loans will be lower, college
loans will be lower, consumer credit will be lower, home mortgages
will be lower. There will be more jobs, higher income, and more
prosperity.
Now, the easy thing to do is to say we've got this
surplus, we've waited 30 years, let's give it away. Let's give it
back to the American people in a tax cut because it's your money
anyway. Well, it is your money, anyway, but you would be better off
with a strong, healthy American economy and preserving our
obligations for the 21st century, saving Social Security and
Medicare. And that is what we ought to do. (Applause.)
We can do that and still have a sizable tax cut, and
invest more in education and meet our national security needs. But
we ought to put first things first. And we will rue the day that we
missed the opportunity to meet our obligations to the next generation
of elderly, and to lift from their children and grandchildren the
burden of knowing that they have to care for their parents more than
they should and their incomes will be eroded.
We can make the 21st century more secure, more vital and
economically stronger. That is the first and most important mission
we have. We have to do more for the children and families of the
21st century. We're a long way from guaranteeing excellence in
education for every child. I have loved going into the schools of
New Jersey. I have loved seeing the proliferation of computer
technology for poor students and immigrant families, as well as for
those of middle class and upper-income children and their families.
But we have a long way to go and we have to do better.
We have a long way to go before we can honestly say that
we have made it possible for every working family in this country to
succeed both at work and at raising their children. That's why we
have a major child care initiative. I cannot tell you how many
million families every day are confronted with nagging worries
even in this prosperous economy -- about whether they can meet their
obligations at work and still afford quality child care for their
kids. And I will not rest until I believe every American family can
do both and take care of their children and their job. (Applause.)
I am proud that the air is cleaner and the water is
cleaner and there are fewer toxic waste dumps and the environment is
making progress. And I am proud of the fact that the Democrats
proved that you could grow the economy and improve the environment at
the same time something our friends in the other party always
denied. That is not true. (Applause.) You can grow the economy and
improve the environment at the same time. But we now have a
$2-billion liveability agenda before the Congress that's terribly
important to me. Why? Because it will help communities deal with
everything from traffic congestion to the need for more greenspace,
it will help us to set aside precious land in urban areas and remote
wilderness, and we ought to do it to continue our work.
And let me just say one last thing that you, here in New
Jersey, know is true. Not every neighborhood in every city or every
small town or every rural area has participated in this recovery.
And I have asked the Congress to pass a comprehensive plan to create
new markets for American business and new jobs right here at home, by
giving the same kind of incentives to people to invest and create
private sector jobs in poor urban and rural and small town
neighborhoods that we already give people to invest overseas. If it
works there, it will work here, and we should support it.
(Applause.)
Finally, let me make one other point. We've had a
wonderful night and I don't have to give my State of the Union
Address to you again. But if you asked me today what is the
distinguishing characteristic of what it is we have tried to do,
Senator Torricelli and I and our allies over the last six years, and
what is the difference between what you have tried to do and what
those who have opposed you have tried to do, I would say it is this:
Number one, we believe that we have an obligation to give every
single American the ability to live out his or her dreams. And,
number two, we believe that with all that divides us, by race, by
region, by culture, by religion, by lifestyle, by whatever, we still
have to make one family.
When some of you were going through the line tonight
saying thank you for what you've done in the Middle East, thank you
for what you've tried to do in Northern Ireland, what we're trying to
do in Kosovo to head off another bloodshed, what I'd
still like to do on the Indian subcontinent and other places in the
world, what we've tried to do in helping to end tribal wars in
Africa, you think about it.
Here we are, on the verge of a new millennium in this
high-tech age, and what are we worried about? We're worried about
people getting hold of high-technology information and weapons to
pursue ancient hatreds or age-old greed, whether they're organized
criminals or drug-traffickers, or people fighting these awful
religious and racial wars all across the world.
If you want America to do good in the 21st century,
America first must be good at home. We must be a country of all
Americans under the law. (Applause.) And I have said this before,
but I have tried to make the Democratic Party and our administration
faithful to the traditions not only of Jefferson and Jackson and
Franklin Roosevelt, but also to those of Abraham Lincoln and Theodore
Roosevelt. We have embraced the best of America's past, to prepare
for America's best days in the 21st century. And I can't think of
any member of Congress who can do more to give us the kind of America
that all our children deserve than Bob Torricelli.
Thank you, and God bless you. (Applause.)
END
8:18 P.M. EST
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (EXTERNAL MAIL)
CREATOR: Jason H. Schechter@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX
CREATION DATE/TIME: 3-MAR-1999 14:16:00.00
SUBJECT: President Clinton Names John D. Holum as Under Secretary for Ar
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TEXT:
Message Creation Date was at 3-MAR-1999 14:14:00
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 3, 1999
PRESIDENT CLINTON NAMES JOHN D. HOLUM AS UNDER SECRETARY FOR ARMS CONTROL AND
INTERNATIONAL SECURITY AT THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE
The President today announced his intention to nominate John D. Holum as Under
Secretary for Arms Control and International Security at the Department of
State.
Mr. John D. Holum, of Annapolis, Maryland, was appointed Director of the Arms
Control and Disarmament Agency in 1993, where he served as the principal
advisor to the President and the Secretary of State on arms control,
nonproliferation and disarmament issues. Mr. Holum previously served as
legislative director for Senator George McGovern and was a member of the Policy
and Planning Staff at the United Stated Department of State from 1979 to 1981,
where he specialized in arms control and legal issues. He practiced law for
twelve years with the firm of O,Melveny & Myers, concentrating on regulatory
and international matters.
Mr. Holum was educated at South Dakota,s Northern State College, where he
earned a B.S. in 1963. He was also awarded a J.D. with honors at George
Washington University School of Law in 1970.
In his capacity as Under Secretary of State, Mr. Holum will serve as senior
advisor to the President and the Secretary of State on arms control and
nonproliferation issues.
30-30-30
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (EXTERNAL MAIL)
CREATOR: Jason H. Schechter@EOP@LNGTWY@EOPMRX
CREATION DATE/TIME: 3-MAR-1999 10:08:00.00
SUBJECT: Fact Sheet: The 1999 Democratic Agenda: Families First
TO: I=US
(1=US@2=WESTERN UNION@5=ATT.COM@*ELN\62955104@MRX)
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READ: 3-MAR-1999 10:45:10.43
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TEXT:
Message Creation Date was at 3-MAR-1999 10:05:00
The 1999 Democratic Agenda: Families First
Continue on the path of fiscal responsibility by investing the surplus to save
Social Security and Medicare and pay down the debt to keep our economy
growing. Act now to meet the challenges of the 21st century, including quality
education for children and secure retirement and quality care for seniors.
Enable families to meet their responsibilities at home and at work.
Invest the Surplus to save Social Security and Medicare and Pay Down the Debt
Save Social Security: Reserve 62 percent of the projected budget surplus to
preserve Social Security until 2055. Allow the trust fund to invest about
one-fifth of the transferred surpluses in the private sector to achieve higher
returns for Social Security just as any state or local government, or private
pension does. Work to achieve a broad consensus for reforms necessary to extend
Social Security to at least 2075, while reducing poverty among elderly widows,
and eliminating the earnings limit.
Strengthen Medicare for the 21st Century: Reserve 15 percent of the projected
surpluses for Medicare, ensuring that the Medicare Trust Fund is secure for 20
years. Work to enact further changes to strengthen and modernize the Medicare
program, including adding prescription drug benefits.
Pay Down the Debt: Invest 77% of the surplus into Social Security and Medicare
to reduce the debt to its lowest level since 1917 and save taxpayers hundreds
of billions of dollars in interest charges.
Quality Education: Modernize Schools, Reduce Class Size, and Provide
Accountability
School Modernization: Federal tax credits will enable states and school
districts to modernize and renovate 6,000 local public schools, to improve
learning conditions, end overcrowding and make room for smaller classes.
Smaller Classes: Finish the job of hiring 100,000 new teachers over the next
seven years to reduce class size in grades 1-3 to a national average of 18,
making sure that every child gets a solid foundation in the basics.
Build Accountability Measures into federal support for education to ensure that
school districts and states provide every student with a high quality
education, building on proven reforms now being implemented in states and
cities.
Teacher Training and Recruitment: Increase support for teacher training in
subject-matter knowledge and teaching expertise; establish new incentives to
recruit highly qualified teachers.
-more-
Education Technology: Continue to provide schools with Internet capacity and
resources for teacher training and integrating technology into the curricula;
protect the e-rate discount for schools and libraries and new teacher training.
Enable Families to Succeed at Home and at Work
Protecting Patients through a Strong, Enforceable Patients Bill of Rights: The
Patients, Bill of Rights should contain a range of protections, including
guaranteed access to needed specialists, access to emergency room services,
access to a meaningful independent and external appeals process, and the right
to be compensated.
Continue to Expand Access to Quality, Affordable Health Care by enabling
Americans age 62-65 and displaced and retired workers ages 55 to 65 to buy
into Medicare if they lose coverage.
Ensure Opportunity for Americans with Disabilities by enabling workers with
disabilities to buy into Medicaid and Medicare, a $1000 tax credit, to help
the working disabled and support for assistive technologies.
Child Care: Improve the accessibility and safety of child care through
expansion of the child care and development block grant to help working
families and improve quality by increased training and support services for
care givers.
After School Care: Increase after school care to enable 1.1 million children
each year to participate in after school and summer school programs that give
them additional learning time and keep them safe and off the streets.
Secure Retirement for Seniors and Protect Pensions
Expand Pension Benefit Coverage: Create a new plan that will make it easier
for small businesses to start private pension plans that provide predictable
and secure benefits, and for employees to save in IRAs through payroll
deductions. Permit employees to rollover benefits from different types of
retirement plans.
Strengthen Women,s Retirement Security: Allow workers to count time taken
under the Family and Medical Leave Act toward their retirement benefits and
require pension plans to let families choose joint and survivor annuity options.
Targeted Tax Cuts for Retirement Savings, Child Care, and Long Term Care
Retirement Savings: Devote 12% of the surplus to USA Accounts, enabling
working families to save for their own retirement in private accounts.
Child Care: Provide greater tax relief for working families who pay child care
expenses, tax credits to businesses that provide child care services, and tax
credits for stay at home parents.
Long Term Care: Provide $1,000 tax credits for elderly and disabled
individuals needing long-term care and the family members who care for them;
provide support services to caregivers and offer long term care insurance to
federal employees.
50,000 More Cops with 21st Century Tools
More Police on the Streets: Help communities put up to 50,000 more law
enforcement officers on the beat over five years, and help state and local
enforcement agencies communicate more effectively and use modern technology to
solve crimes.
Raise the Minimum Wage and Enforce Fair Pay
Raise the Minimum Wage: Recognize the value of work and support working
families; give millions of Americans a pay raise by increasing the minimum
wage.
Ensure Equal Pay: Help guarantee equal pay for women and men by stronger
enforcement of equal pay laws, ending wage discrimination, and improving access
to wage information for all workers.
Protect the Environment and Improve Livability
Protect Our Environment and our families, safety by ensuring clean air and
safe food; strengthening clean water protections; continuing accelerated toxic
waste clean up and making polluters pay; and spurring new environmental
technologies through targeted tax cuts; providing lasting protection for
national parks and other natural treasures.
Help Build Livable Communities: Provide new tools and resources to help
communities across America reduce traffic congestion, preserve green space, and
grow in ways that ensure a high quality of life and strong, sustainable
economic growth.
Crackdown on Crimes Against Seniors
Give Law Enforcement Officials Additional Tools to prosecute criminals who
target seniors, such as through telemarketing schemes.
Reduce Unnecessary and Illegal Medicare Costs by cracking down on fraud and
abuse in the Medicare system.
Privacy
Protect Individuals, most personal records by ensuring appropriate treatment
for medical records, addressing abusive practices such as pretext calling for
financial records and enhancing enforcement of existing laws.
###
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: Martha L. Wofford ( CN=Martha L. Wofford/OU=WHCCTF/O=EOP [ WHCCTF 1)
CREATION DATE/TIME: 3-MAR-1999 10:08:33.00
SUBJECT: climate clips
TO: Julie M. Anderson ( CN=Julie M. Anderson/OU=WHCCTF/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHCCTF 1)
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TEXT:
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Clips 3/3
The New York Post
Commentary
March 2, 1999
HILLARY'S NUMBERS HEAD SOUTH
By DICK MORRIS
HILLARY for Senate? It's a lot less likely after a Feb. 26
Fox News/Opinion Dynamics poll showing that her
national favorability has dropped from 63 percent to 53
percent since speculation about her candidacy began.
The cruel irony is that while America loves Hillary as
First Lady, standing unflappably by her man, the closer
she gets to an actual candidacy, the more her popularity
fades.
Her sudden rise in voter approval and equally sudden
drop is chronicled in the Fox News polling since the
November election (see table).
As impeachment gathered momentum, awe at Hillary's
grace under pressure moved her popularity to heights it
had not seen since she first burst on our national
consciousness. Just as Jackie Kennedy's dignity and
poise after her husband's assassination moved the
nation, Hillary's calm, self-possessed bearing during
what must have been weeks of excruciating
embarrassment impressed us all. Her favorability rating
moved from 54 percent on Nov. 13 to a high of 63
percent on Jan. 29.
But as talk of her Senate candidacy has increased, she
has come across as just another politician. The very
discussion about her using her popularity to get elected
has taken the sheen off her image and sent her ratings
back down to earth. In the past four weeks, she has
skidded 10 points back to her more typical favorability
rating of 53 percent.
While the talk of her running for the Senate has
acclimated people to the idea of her separate political
career, it has diminished the very popularity which made
the concept of Senator Clinton attractive in the first
place. This shows the volatility of her image while her
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husband is president. When you get your face on the
cover of Time and Newsweek and your ratings drop,
something is wrong.
Hillary would make a wonderful senator. She is a lifelong
advocate for women and children and is happiest in that
role. But she should launch her candidacy only after she
has put some distance between herself and her
husband's administration. Her best bet is to run in
Illinois, where she grew up, in 2004 against the highly
vulnerable, newly elected, right-wing Sen. Peter
Fitzgerald.
The Fox News Poll shows the growing popularity of
another political wife - Elizabeth Dole. She not only runs
ahead of Vice President Al Gore by 51-36, she's closing
in on Texas Gov. George W. Bush.
It would be a serious blunder to count out Liddy Dole.
In a general election, her candidacy would appeal to
women and close the gender gap on which Democrats
depend. In the GOP primary, she would run to the right
of Bush - always a good place to be in the Republican
field. With her sterling record at the Red Cross, she
could win. Elizabeth Dole could well be the first woman
president.
On the Democratic side, Gore is clearly hurting. The lack
of enthusiasm for him even among Democrats is
palpable. While he still runs in first place, he doesn't
even muster a majority of the vote against a very weak
field.
Gore needs to come out from Clinton's shadow. In that
shade no candidacy can grow. While the president's
job-approval is flourishing, his personal popularity
continues to fall (this week it dropped to a new low of 40
percent).
Of course Gore can't dump on Clinton, but he should
distinguish himself by returning to his original theme of
the environment and global climate changes. Recent
weird weather throughout the world makes his gloomy
predictions seem more appropriate than they have ever
been. By talking about his old passion, he will develop a
welcome animation and remind voters of his life before
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Clinton.
In 1968, Nixon harnessed each day's crime headlines to
make law and order the basis of his national agenda. In
2000, Gore must use the fires in Florida, the mudslides in
California, the floods in Texas, and the droughts in the
Mid-west to show Americans the pressing necessity of
action in the face of global warming. Global climate is
changing. If the consequences of this shift are as dire as
predicted, the environment will become the issue of the
next decade. With the millennium, voters are in a mood
to think in planetary terms and Gore could be just the
man to make the issue work.
Is it not a sad commentary on our politics that the three
main contenders are only able to run because they rode
their father's or husband's reputation into power? Gore's
father was a senator as, of course, was Liddy's husband.
Bush's dad was president and his grandfather was a
senator. Can't we have a president who made it on his
own like Clinton, Reagan and Carter did? We need a
candidate who vindicates fully Winston Churchill's
characterization - "a self-made man who worships his
Creator."
Christian Science Monitor
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 3, 1999
OPINION
Whatever happened to
global warming?
Michael Northrup
A funny thing happened to the national
debate over global warming: Since the
international treaty on global warming was
signed 14 months ago in Kyoto, Japan, the
issue has virtually disappeared from the
political radar. The vanishing act is taking
place just when real climate solutions are,
for the first time, within reach.
Lack of effort is not to blame.
Environmentalists and academics have
thrown themselves at the problem as never
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before, while financial resources from the
federal government and major foundations
have increased dramatically.
Instead, we've simply lost sight of what it is
we're asking for. The sharp focus that
helped produce the Kyoto deal has
dissolved into a sea of complex legal and
accounting questions.
This is particularly ironic in light of the
dramatic retreat by the treaty opposition.
Blustery speeches still occasionally emanate
from Capitol Hill, but the corporate
adversaries who once denied the very
existence of global warming have largely
ceded the debate in favor of more
conciliatory postures.
The problem for US environmentalists isn't
too few solutions; it's too many, all at once.
As the issue unfolds, it spawns one
subsidiary concern after another. In dealing
with each new detail, our concentration on
an overarching goal has lapsed. For all the
small solutions, there is no single, clear
national plan for meeting the Kyoto targets.
Under the pact, the US has until 2012 to
cut greenhouse emissions to 7 percent
below 1990 levels, eliminating about 500
million metric tons of carbon pollution each
year.
Whether the Senate ratifies the treaty soon
or not, that target marks at best the bare
minimum of what scientists say is necessary
to avert the most severe climate change. In
fact, it's not hard to sketch a clear-cut,
cost-effective path to that goal.
For starters, even the more modest
proposals for federal deregulation of the
electric utilities could reduce carbon
emissions by almost 70 million metric tons
while saving $38 billion. Doubling
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cogeneration - reclaiming energy now
thrown away as waste heat - saves 43
million metric tons, and $50 billion.
Modernizing just a third of obsolete
coal-fired power plants currently exempted
from clean-air laws would cut 200 million
metric tons of carbon pollution. The
one-time cost would boost the national
electric bill by just 2 percent for a decade
or so, but even this would be offset by
health and economic benefits from the
corresponding elimination of nitrogen
oxides, hydrocarbons, and other pollution.
Raising fuel economy of sport-utility
vehicles, minivans, and pickups from 20 to
38 miles per gallon saves 58 million metric
tons by 2010, plus $40 billion in consumer
spending. Boosting automobile efficiency to
45 miles per gallon brings another 50
million tons, and $30 billion in savings. At
home, pending appliance efficiency
standards will cut 25 million tons of carbon
by 2010, saving consumers $15 billion.
Together these measures would eliminate
546 million metric tons of carbon by 2010
- more than enough to meet the goal - and
free up billions of dollars. And this is just
one scenario. Many others exist. Presented
as an action plan, it suddenly becomes
clear the Kyoto targets are achievable,
both politically and technologically.
Slimming down the agenda creates a much
needed political focal point for the debate,
and undercuts the alarmists who say it's too
expensive to act. The environmental
community would do well to refocus on
such a plan quickly, before the window in
which we can comfortably reach our Kyoto
treaty obligation closes.
Michael Northrop is a program officer
with the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, a New
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York-based foundation providing support
for global environmental issues.
The Washington Post
Planet in Peril
By Bill Gifford
Sunday, February 28, 1999; Page X03
EARTH ODYSSEY: Around the World in Search of Our Environmental Future
By Mark Hertsgaard
Broadway. 372 pp. $26
Reviewed by Bill Gifford
Does the world really need another ponderous eco-tome? Is there anything
we haven't already heard about global warming, famine, and the evils of the
automobile? When I cracked this book, my answer was a swift, resonating
Nooooooo. But by the third chapter, I'd changed my mind.
When Mark Hertsgaard embarked on his environmental investigative trip
around the world in 1991, the environment was the It Topic of American
journalism. News magazines ran cover stories on global warming, and
Alaska's shores were still dark with Exxon's oil. When he finished, seven
years later, it was yesterday's news, as far as the mainstream media and
the public were concerned. A Newsweek poll in 1991 found that 35
percent of Americans considered global warming a serious problem. By
1996, only 22 percent thought so, even though scientists had since reached
a consensus that global warming was indeed a threat.
The second poll reflects a certain amount of green fatigue: So the world is
ending -- next! The first few chapters of this book present a daunting
roster of ills: war and starvation! soil erosion! traffic jams! nukes! We've
heard this litany before, but just as our eyes glaze over, Hertsgaard's sharp
reporting jolts us awake. He has an acute eye for detail, an endless
appetite for chitchat with locals, and a knack for tying his observations to
his hefty background research.
His central question is an easy one: "Will the human species survive the
many pressures crowding in on it at the end of the twentieth century?" The
answer is, "Of course." We've been through famine, plague and worse --
even drastic climate change, in the form of the Ice Ages. It wasn't much
fun, but our hardy species survived. The real question is, will the survivors
inherit a world worth living in? Rather than looking for traces of taint in the
wilderness, Hertsgaard deliberately seeks his answers in the nastiest spots
on earth, from radioactive Russian cities to famine-wracked African
wastelands. In one memorable scene, he and his interpreter are engulfed in
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an explosion of chlorine gas (they emerge scared but unscathed).
Hertsgaard's message really takes hold in his long and (mostly) fascinating
section on China -- one of two countries that hold effective "veto power"
over the world's environmental progress (the other is the United States).
China's power resides in its vast population, clamoring for what Americans
consider basic necessities of life. It's chilling to contemplate what it will be
like to live in a world with 10 billion people, in the year 2050.
And it's shocking to realize how much of the world, including vast parts of
Russia and China and Africa, is already unlivable by any civilized standard.
Few Americans would tolerate air like that in the Chinese industrial city of
Chongqing, where the pollution was so thick that Hertsgaard could stare
directly at the sun for 10 full seconds.
He grasps the problem in all of its complex dimensions. Yes, the Chinese
burn way too much coal -- but it's a freezing-cold country where many
people still don't have electricity or heat or even enough food to eat.
Cleaner coal-burning technology exists, but it's more expensive. So should
the government build four dirty power plants or three clean ones that leave
more people without power? For most environmentalists, the quick answer
is three clean power plants, but Hertsgaard -- prodded by his likable
young Chinese interpreter, Zhenbing -- sees the human case for building
the four dirty ones.
Although he relies heavily on sources like Lester Brown of the Worldwatch
Institute, with whom he clearly sympathizes, Hertsgaard takes their
pronouncements with a grain of skepticism. He skillfully charts a course
between the Polyanna-ish mainstream and the doom-and-gloom crowd,
who seem to almost want an "environmental Pearl Harbor," in Brown's
phrase. The result is a surprisingly fair-minded, and therefore important,
book.
Hertsgaard even expresses a certain heretical faith in technology:
Technologies exist that could drastically ameliorate many of the world's
worst environmental problems. What's lacking is the political will to deploy
them. In many cases, he realizes, solving environmental problems requires
people to go against their own nature. When slum-dwellers in Rio or
peasants in China need basic comforts immediately, it's impossible (and
unfair) to ask them to "sacrifice" in order to solve long-term problems.
What's more, if history is any guide, those Chinese and South Americans
who want cars so badly will eventually get them.
Hertsgaard is savvy enough to realize that the automobile is not going to go
away, but optimistic enough to think it can be controlled -- even after a
visit to car-choked Bangkok. Technological progress and economic
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growth are inevitable; our only hope is that they will lead to a better life,
and not a worse one, for the majority of humanity. He finds signs of hope
in the unlikeliest places. The book opens with his visit to the Dinka tribe, in
war-blighted southern Sudan. On the brink of mass starvation, uprooted
from their homes, and living on international handouts, the Dinka have been
reduced to selling even their clothing for food.
One in six people on the planet live like the Dinka, Hertsgaard reports. But
then he makes an even more telling point: For much of human history, that
proportion has been more like nine out of 10. This sounds an awful lot like
progress.
Bill Gifford is a senior editor of Philadelphia magazine.
Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company
Los Angeles Times
Monday, March 1, 1999
Science Watch
Tiny Firm Sees Process as Big Answer to Waste
By LEE DYE
Scientists have long dreamed of converting the mountains of
waste we produce in our cities and factories and on our
farms into something useful. Now they may be on the edge of
success.
A tiny Massachusetts company, working with the Energy
Department, the state of New York and several other firms, has
developed the technology to convert cellulose into an acid that can
be used to produce a wide range of products, from alternative fuels
to fertilizer. Cellulose is the sugar that makes up the cell walls of
plants, and it is the raw material for many manufactured goods, such
as paper. It is also the most common waste product of many
manufacturing processes.
Our landfills are literally overflowing with the stuff.
For 150 years, scientists have known that if cellulose is mixed
with acid and heated, it produces levulinic acid, known as a
"platform chemical" because it can be used for so many different
purposes. But the yield from cellulose conversion processors has
been low--only about 25% levulinic acid to 75% tar. That has
driven the cost of the acid up to $5 to $10 per pound, thus
thwarting its potential.
So for the last 10 years, Stephen Fitzpatrick, a chemical
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engineer who heads a three-person company, Biofine Inc., of
Waltham, Mass., has been developing the technology to produce
levulinic acid much more cheaply. A demonstration plant, funded by
a $3-million grant from the Energy Department and $1 million from
the state of New York, has converted cellulose to levulinic acid at
much higher yields. The demonstration plant produces the acid at a
cost of 4 cents to 32 cents per pound, according to the New York
State Energy Research and Development Authority.
"It's an exciting technology," said Jeff Peterson, program
manager for the state agency.
The demonstration plant at South Glens Falls, N.Y., converts
waste sludge from a paper-processing plant into levulinic acid at the
rate of about a ton per day. That's enough to prove the viability of
the technology, but much larger plants capable of converting up to
1,000 tons of cellulose a day are needed for the promising acid to
support the many applications that could grow out of cheaper
availability.
According to New York studies, that could drive the demand
for levulinic acid up from its current worldwide level of 1 million
pounds per year to as much as I trillion pounds.
At the same time, it would convert one of the most common
waste products in the world into a wide range of useful products.
The beauty of the process lies in its simplicity. There is already
an abundance of concentrated waste deposits around the world to
provide the "feed stock" for a conversion plant.
"We could plunk it down next to a paper mill, or near a number
of paper mills, and take that stuff away," Fitzpatrick said. The
"stuff," consisting mostly of cellulose fibers, would otherwise go to a
landfill where it would decay and release carbon dioxide, a
"greenhouse" gas blamed for global warming.
Fitzpatrick's process, for which he holds two patents, reduces
the time the cellulose remains in a processing vessel, called a
reactor, and causes levulinic acid to form "preferentially" to tar.
Only 25% emerges as tar, Fitzpatrick said, and it comes out almost
like coal.
The coal-like substance, he said, is a perfect fuel to run the
plant. "We can burn that and make steam and electricity for the
process," he said. "We're almost a net zero user of power to do all
this."
Douglas C. Elliott, a chemist at the Energy Department's Pacific
Northwest National Laboratory in Richland, Wash., believes the
technology could lead to a new generation of alternative fuels,
especially for fleet vehicles under federal mandate to use cleaner
fuel.
Elliott and his co-workers have created what the lab calls "the
first-ever multi-step catalytic process that converts levulinic acid into
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an alternative fuel component called methyltetrahydrofuran," more
commonly known as MTHF.
MTHF can be combined with natural-gas liquids to produce a
clean-burning fuel for vehicles, thus converting what was once a
waste product into a gasoline substitute.
"Biofine has been able to refine levulinic acid production to the
point that they can get a high enough yield to make it interesting
economically," Elliott said. "And in the process, they remove all of
the other contaminants that would hurt our catalyst and give us a
clean product to work with. That makes it a lot easier on our end to
come up with a final product of value."
The reactor at the Northwest lab would have to be scaled up
considerably to make the conversion of levulinic acid to MTHF
economically rewarding, but Elliott said that's no problem.
"A reactor like this is pretty easy to scale up," he said. "We don't
have any fancy tricks wrapped up inside the reactor. We just need
a bigger pipe."
But making things bigger also means spending more money,
possibly a lot of it.
"The biggest step is to go from a demonstration plant to a really
big commercial plant," Fitzpatrick said. "It's not a technical risk, it's
a financial one. That's the biggest downside, the fact that you are
putting $50 million into a new technology."
Fitzpatrick said two of the country's largest chemical companies,
which he declined to name, are studying the economic feasibility of
the process, and he sees a potentially global market. "Lots of
countries have no mineral resources, but they've got lots of
vegetation and lots of cellulose," he said. "One could imagine that
this could be even more broadly used worldwide."
***
Lee Dye can be reached via e-mail at
[email protected]
Copyright 1999 Los Angeles Times. All Rights Reserved
The New York Times
March 2, 1999
Early Signs of Spring and Global Warming
By WILLIAM K. STEVENS
Separate studies using different methods in the last three years have
found that as the earth's atmosphere warms, spring warmth is
arriving earlier and autumn coolness is coming later in the Northern
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Hemisphere.
But much of the evidence has been indirect, and now a direct examination
of the actual behavior of plants across Europe appears to confirm the
earlier findings.
The new evidence comes from a network of
77 research sites called the International
Phenological Gardens.
Spread across Europe from northern
Scandinavia to Greece and from Spain and
Ireland to Poland and Bulgaria, the gardens
contain genetically identical clones of various
species of trees and shrubs.
Each spring from 1959 to 1993, observers at
the sites recorded the dates when buds first
appeared, leaves unfolded and plants
flowered. Likewise, the observers noted the
dates when leaves turned color and fell from
trees.
Analyzing the resulting mass of data, two researchers at the University of
Munich in Germany have found that over the three decades, the advent of
botanical spring advanced an average of six days, while autumn was
delayed an average of about five days.
This 11-day lengthening of the growing season was caused by warmer
temperatures, concluded the researchers, Dr. Annette Menzel, a specialist
in the study of forests, and Dr. Peter Fabian, who specializes in climate,
meteorology and forests.
Their report appears in the current issue of Nature.
Since the late 19th century, the average surface temperature of the earth
has risen by about 1 degree Fahrenheit or a little more, with northern
latitudes warming more than the global average.
The dominant view among experts is that emissions of heat-trapping waste
industrial gases like carbon dioxide, a product of the burning of fossil fuels
like coal and oil, are responsible for at least some of this warming.
The dominant view also holds that if emissions of the heat-trapping gases
continue at the present rate, the average global temperature will rise by
another 2 to 6 degrees, with a best estimate of 3.5 degrees, over the next
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century.
This compares with a warming of 5 to 9 degrees since the depths of the
last ice age some 20,000 years ago.
The predicted warming, the experts say, would disrupt the earth's climate,
make both droughts and floods worse, cause the oceans to rise and push
temperate-zone climatic zones farther north.
It would also be expected to have some positive effects, not least the
lengthening of growing seasons in northern latitudes.
According to the Menzel-Fabian study, the longer growing seasons have
already arrived.
The area of the study spanned almost the entire width of the northern
temperate zone, from the sub-Arctic to the Mediterranean region.
The two scientists' analysis of the plants' spring awakening and autumn
decline found that in some research stations, in the Balkans, spring was
coming later.
They attributed this to regional patterns of climate change that were
exceptions to the larger European pattern.
That pattern, they found, was clear: Over the last three decades, the onset
of spring gradually moved earlier in the year, while the advent of autumn
became later and later. Further, they discovered, this pattern matched
what would be expected to happen on the basis of computer models of
the effect of rising temperatures on plant behavior in spring and fall.
Plants' response to seasonal change is driven mainly by changes in the
average daily temperature, said Dr. Menzel, and Europe's temperature has
been rising over the last three decades.
Modeling studies, she said, indicate that 70 percent of the lengthened
growing season can be explained by rises in daily temperature. Changes in
light, soil conditions and water supply also influence the awakening and
dormancy of deciduous plants.
The researchers attributed the rise in daily temperatures to a general
warming of the climate rather than any locally induced warming produced
by what is called the urban heat-island effect.
Cities are warmer than the surrounding countryside, but only a few of the
research sites in the International Phenological Gardens are in urban areas.
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Other recent studies have shown that buds are bursting open earlier in the
spring in Canada, and studies in Britain have found that birds are laying
their eggs earlier in the year.
In 1996, Dr. Charles D. Keeling of the Scripps Institution of
Oceanography in San Diego reported that an earlier spring in the Northern
Hemisphere was reflected in the seasonal rise and fall of atmospheric
carbon dioxide levels.
Plants "breathe" carbon dioxide.
When they drop their leaves in the fall and go dormant, atmospheric levels
of the gas increase.
When they regain the leaves in the spring, levels drop.
Analysis of these fluctuations revealed that spring was arriving across the
hemisphere about a week earlier in the 1990's than in the 1970's.
In 1997, this finding was bolstered by a study by Dr. Ranga B. Myneni of
Boston University and four other researchers, including Dr. Keeling.
Using a different method, they found that spring was arriving about a week
earlier in the early 1990's than in the early 1980's.
This study was confined to regions north of the 45th parallel, which runs
through or near Yellowstone National Park, Minneapolis, Ottawa,
Boston, Bordeaux, Belgrade and Vladivostok.
North of that line, warming in recent decades has been substantially
greater than the global average.
The Myneni study also found that fall was arriving later, with the result that
the growing season in the northern climes had increased by 12 days, give
or take 4 days.
The researchers reached this conclusion by analyzing changes in solar
radiation absorbed by plants as they performed photosynthesis. From this,
the scientists were able to infer the arrival of the seasons.
Taken together, Dr. Myneni said, all the recent studies indicate that a
warming and greening of the planet is indeed under way, and that the
growing season should lengthen further if temperatures continue to rise.
One result, a number of scientists say, is an increase in vegetation..
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Dr. Menzel and Dr. Fabian, writing in Nature, said the lengthened growing
season they found was "likely to contribute to increased biomass
formation." Biomass is the dry weight of living things, in this case plants.
Studies in Europe and Asia have indicated that forests have indeed
increased in biomass.
And Dr. Myneni and his colleagues were able to determine that because
of more vigorous plant growth associated both with warmer temperatures
and higher levels of atmospheric carbon dioxide, the amount of vegetation
in the northern regions had increased by 10 percent.
Quite apart from the effect of warming, carbon dioxide spurs plant growth.
What this carbon dioxide effect might mean for agriculture and forestry is
not entirely clear.
Some experts say that while more carbon dioxide makes plants bigger, it
does so by reducing the relative amount of nutrients in a plant.
This makes it less nutritious as food -- a person or animal would have to
eat more to get the same benefit.
On the other hand, a greener north could increase agricultural and timber
production and expand the Northern Hemisphere's wheat-growing
regions.
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RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: David B Sandalow ( CN=David B Sandalow/OU=CEQ/O=EOP [ CEQ ])
CREATION DATE/TIME: 3-MAR-1999 12:29:34.00
SUBJECT: Re: diplo meetings
TO: Todd Stern ( CN=Todd Stern/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TEXT:
Sorry to miss staff meeting. Buried by trade/environment and biosafety
protocol.
1. Recommend we schedule sinks meeting for week of March 15. (Margot
promises draft paper by COB Friday March 5; think it will take all of next
week to polish and clear paper interagency.)
2. Think we shd do developing country meeting next week. Agenda could
include (a) strategies for pushing targets w/ key countries, (b) parts of
our tool kit other than targets (CDM umbrella ag's, bilateral energy coop,
etc.), (c) resource needs. Reifsnyder doing memo on last point.
3. Need to talk about next emissions trading paper. Some in the room
were resisting this tasking; didn't see it as a high-value use of time.
Let's get a cl ear vision among the two of us; discuss w/ Frank; identify
author and timeframe.
FYI Central American Ambassadors saying double hell no to any communique
language on targets. Delivered message to Richardson at a breakfast this
morning, and to State negotiating teams.
RECORD TYPE: PRESIDENTIAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: David B Sandalow ( CN=David B Sandalow/OU=CEQ/O=EOP [ CEQ] ])
CREATION DATE/TIME: 3-MAR-1999 13:52:22.00
SUBJECT: long-term planning exercise
TO: Todd Stern ( CN=Todd Stern/OU=WHO/O=EOP @ EOP [ WHO 1)
READ:UNKNOWN
CC: Wesley P. Warren ( CN=Wesley P. Warren/OU=CEQ/O=EOP @ EOP [ CEQ ])
READ:UNKNOWN
TEXT:
Understand there's a long-term planning exercise underway for WH policy
offices. (1999? thru end of term?) Wesley Warren handling for CEQ.
Wanted to be sure you're as plugged in as you want to be on this.