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04/23/98 THU 11:24 FAX 202 690 7318
DHHS/ASPA
5
020
For male high school seniors in 1990-1994, 11.6% of African Americans, 41.1% of
American Indians and Alaska Natives, 20.6% of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders,
28.5% of Hispanics, and 33.4% of whites were current smokers. For female high school
seniors in 1990-1994, 8.6% of African Americans, 39.4% of American Indians and
Alaska Natives, 13.8% of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, 19.2% of Hispanics,
and 33.1% of whites were current smokers.
Q:
Why is there a difference in prevalence of smoking between whites and
African Americans?
A:
The trends are different for the two groups. In the late 1970s, whites and African
American high school seniors smoked at about the same rate (38% for whites and
37% for African Americans in 1977). Prevalence for whites declined to about 31% in the
early 1980s and then leveled off. Prevalence for African Americans steadily dropped to
about 9% in 1992, when it was 32% for whites. Prevalence for both groups subsequently
increased so that by 1997, 14% of African Americans and 41% of whites smoked.
We have no clear answers and need more prevention research regarding culturally
sensitive programs that work. Researchers have ruled out many factors that might have
explained the difference. The lower smoking rate for African American adolescents is
not explained by differential school dropout rates, differential misclassification bias, later
age of initiation for African American smokers, differential use of alcohol and other
drugs, or differences in background and lifestyle variables (e.g., socioeconomic status,
personal income, school performance, importance of religion). It appears that the social
acceptability of cigarette smoking has decreased in the African American adolescent
community as compared to the white adolescent community. African American girls may
not be as obsessed with being thin as white girls; hence, the possible weight controlling
effects of cigarettes may not be as attractive to African American girls as to white girls.
Also, it appears that the parents of African American adolescents are more likely than the
parents of white adolescents to express disapproval with their children's smoking and to
favor the use of tobacco-prevention policies. Finally, white girls are more likely to say
that cigarette advertising "empowers" them.
Q:
Didn't the report you just released on tobacco use among youth show a dramatic
increase in smoking in the African American community? Why isn't that increase
reflected in this SGR?
A:
Recent data on tobacco use by young people did show an increase in smoking among
African American youth. The Surgeon General's Report was already completed and
under final review before 1998 data on youth smoking became available. Rather than
delay the SGR to include these new data, we instead are including this information in
6
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"ocrText": "04/23/98 THU 11:24 FAX 202 690 7318\nDHHS/ASPA\n5\n020\nFor male high school seniors in 1990-1994, 11.6% of African Americans, 41.1% of\nAmerican Indians and Alaska Natives, 20.6% of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders,\n28.5% of Hispanics, and 33.4% of whites were current smokers. For female high school\nseniors in 1990-1994, 8.6% of African Americans, 39.4% of American Indians and\nAlaska Natives, 13.8% of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, 19.2% of Hispanics,\nand 33.1% of whites were current smokers.\nQ:\nWhy is there a difference in prevalence of smoking between whites and\nAfrican Americans?\nA:\nThe trends are different for the two groups. In the late 1970s, whites and African\nAmerican high school seniors smoked at about the same rate (38% for whites and\n37% for African Americans in 1977). Prevalence for whites declined to about 31% in the\nearly 1980s and then leveled off. Prevalence for African Americans steadily dropped to\nabout 9% in 1992, when it was 32% for whites. Prevalence for both groups subsequently\nincreased so that by 1997, 14% of African Americans and 41% of whites smoked.\nWe have no clear answers and need more prevention research regarding culturally\nsensitive programs that work. Researchers have ruled out many factors that might have\nexplained the difference. The lower smoking rate for African American adolescents is\nnot explained by differential school dropout rates, differential misclassification bias, later\nage of initiation for African American smokers, differential use of alcohol and other\ndrugs, or differences in background and lifestyle variables (e.g., socioeconomic status,\npersonal income, school performance, importance of religion). It appears that the social\nacceptability of cigarette smoking has decreased in the African American adolescent\ncommunity as compared to the white adolescent community. African American girls may\nnot be as obsessed with being thin as white girls; hence, the possible weight controlling\neffects of cigarettes may not be as attractive to African American girls as to white girls.\nAlso, it appears that the parents of African American adolescents are more likely than the\nparents of white adolescents to express disapproval with their children's smoking and to\nfavor the use of tobacco-prevention policies. Finally, white girls are more likely to say\nthat cigarette advertising \"empowers\" them.\nQ:\nDidn't the report you just released on tobacco use among youth show a dramatic\nincrease in smoking in the African American community? Why isn't that increase\nreflected in this SGR?\nA:\nRecent data on tobacco use by young people did show an increase in smoking among\nAfrican American youth. The Surgeon General's Report was already completed and\nunder final review before 1998 data on youth smoking became available. Rather than\ndelay the SGR to include these new data, we instead are including this information in\n6"
}