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Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
Date: 5 - 18 - 99
ACTION / CONCURRENCE / COMMENT DUE BY:
Subject:
Substantive Outline for Race Book
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MOORE
PODESTA
NASH
ECHAVESTE
REED
RICCHETTI
RUFF
LEW
SOSNIK
BERGER
SPERLING
BLUMENTHAL
STEIN
CAHILL
STERN
FRAMPTON
STREETT
IBARRA
TRAMONTANO
JOHNSON
UCELLI
KLAIN
VERVEER
LANE
WALDMAN
LEWIS
YELLEN
LINDSEY
HRC
LOCKHART
KAGAN
MARSHALL
SYLVIA MATHEWS
SHIRLEY SAGAWA
JOSH GOTBAUM
EDDIE CORREIA
REMARKS:
This has been forwarded to the President.
RESPONSE:
Staff Secretary's Office
STAFFING.WPD 3/17/99
Ext. 62702
'yy MAY 18 PM7:38
May 18, 1999
MEMORANDUM
To:
The President
From:
Christopher Edley, Jr. and Terry Edmonds
Subject: Substantive Outline
Date:
May 18, 1999
You requested, through Maria, a detailed outline that would convey the flow of the
arguments and policies. This is our attempt.
We continue to work at incorporating your preliminary comments and those of
White House staff reviewers, while also trying to negotiate away some of the policy
disagreements we have with White House staff. Some of the policies noted in the
outline, therefore, are disputed. Perhaps even contentious.
Sherley
Introduction
May 13, 1999
OUT OF MANY, ONE:
RACIAL AND ETHNIC JUSTICE IN 21st CENTURY AMERICA
INTRODUCTION
[Ojibway prayer]
Lofty opening; analytical and personal motivation for the book
We must embark on the new century recommitted to right the wrongs of our past and to make
real the promise of equality and justice that has eluded us throughout our history
Today
new urgency
demographic transformations
All of this is happening against a
backdrop of unparalleled peace and prosperity.
Racism has been America's constant curse
and
our constant struggle. We must face
these contradictions squarely as a critical step, not only to healing the wounds of our past, but
also of unleashing the power and promise of our future. We must become One America in
the 21st century.
I hope this report will help lay the foundation for a renewed national commitment to racial
healing in America. As a boy growing up in the 1950s and early 60s
Why launch the national Initiative on Race? (1) Our work is not yet done
(2) Our
diversity will either be the great problem or the great promise of 21st century America.
Short roadmap for the book, including summary of the vision; guiding principles, including
new covenants to define a new agenda beyond last generation's goals
Summary plan of the book - Part I, The America We See, presents the facts about race in
America today
etc.
What will the America we want look like? Summary of the vision
Opportunity will be
shared so deeply and broadly that an observer, a stranger in our land, will see no evidence of
a past with slavery or conquest or nativist discrimination; Each person takes responsibility,
not only for making the most of their own life, but also for ensuring that every other
American has an equal chance to do the same; Community so powerful that our social and
economic interactions will pull us out of ethnic enclaves; Hearts healed of the crippling
influences of prejudice and fear
Ethical precepts to guide us on this journey. (1) Out of many, one; stop living under the
delusion of separation, dividing ourselves into categories, mistakenly believing these can
p.1
Introduction
May 13, 1999
capture the whole truth about anyone. (2) We should approach this issue with proper
humility
(3) Recognize the ways we have allowed our racial differences to get inside our
heads
(4) We cannot expect government, or "leaders" to make this journey for us;
Reaching the promised land requires a journey of the heart, for each of us.
Must go beyond the agenda defined a generation ago
We must embrace new civic
covenants for the new century
(a) a covenant with our children, that each of them will
have access to a world-class education, and an equal opportunity for educational
achievement; (b) a covenant with our families, that each can live secure in their home without
fear of violent lawlessness; and (c) a covenant with our communities, that each will be part of
the nation's economic mainstream, neither ignored nor left behind.
Thanks to Advisory Board, Judy Winston; closing.
[Langston Hughes poem]
p.2
Part I: America We See
May 16, 1999
PART I: THE AMERICA WE SEE
A. INTRODUCTION
Note confusion on glass half full/empty
There is a kernel of truth in each point of view,
and in this chapter I hope to bring them to light while separating fiction from fact
demographics, race-based disparities, current discrimination, and intergroup relations.
B. DEMOGRAPHICS
Myths/Facts
Population changes over time; projections. No majority race
tremendous
Hispanic and Asian growth rates.
Increase in intermarriage brings with it complex and sometimes controversial issues
Will the black-white schism that has so defined racial struggle in America morph into new
minority - versus - minority divisions or can we build new coalitions for social change and
equal justice across all racial lines?
C. DISPARITIES
Myths/Facts
CEA report, Changing America: Indicators of Social and Economic Well-
being by Race and Hispanic Origin, documents the fact that while we have reduced or
eliminated some very harmful differences between whites and minorities, serious disparities
remain
Poverty, wages, income, wealth, health indicators
Stagnation in growth of black middle
class until last few years
Model minority stereotype of Asian Pacific Americans, but
Hmong poverty rate is 64 percent, and extreme high school drop out rates for Southeast
Asian youth.
Sharply differing majority-minority perceptions about progress; need to study the facts and
see them as a call to action.
D. DISCRIMINATION
Myths/Facts. Despite much progress and the strongest economy in 30 years, sound evidence
shows that discrimination against minorities continues today, significantly limiting and
reducing opportunities and choices for many of them.
Again, sharp perception gap on the
issue fuels debate while preventing action.
"the empathy gap"
indifference caused by
a failure to understand the obstacles faced by other groups.
p.3
Part I: America We See
May 16, 1999
Hate crimes example. But much other discrimination is subtle. Compelling findings of audit
or "tester" studies with matched pairs
Need for more information to better focus our efforts.
Reminders, though, of how far we have come. In the early 1950s
A number of
conservative authors and commentators look at this progress, however, and stop.
The
research evidence, my own observations, and conversations with many Americans have
convinced me that discrimination remains real for too many of our citizens,
The work is
not yet done
E. INTERGROUP RELATIONS
Myths/Facts
changes in personal attitudes and behavior, and in our living patterns.
Again, the picture is a mixed bag
Exhaustive research shows a substantial narrowing of
the attitude gap
America is simply a more tolerant and integrated nation today than ever
before. But there is still a group of hard-core bigots -- about 10-15 percent
Research shows the existence of attitudes we are not even aware we possess. I have seen the
results of experiments showing that juries judge defendants differently based on race; that
whites are less likely to respond to an African American in some emergency situations
Importance of honest exploration of our deep-seated views.
CONCLUSION
Summarize three themes: (1) Despite progress, considerable confusion about facts and trends
confounds our sense of direction
Gaps in perceptions reflecting the distance between our
communities and experiences. (2) Because the issue of race underlies so many pressing
challenges, racial reconciliation must rise to the top of our agenda for the 21st century
the
unfinished business of our democracy. (3) Every American shares responsibility
We all
must do our part to eliminate harmful disparities
We must find a better Workplan for the
future.
***
p.4
Part II: Vision
April 26, 1999
PART II:
THE AMERICA WE WANT:
WHAT SHOULD ONE AMERICA BE LIKE?
A. INTRODUCTION
We must begin with a vision. When I was growing up
most of us concerned
about racial harmony thought that defining what was wrong and what the future
should be wasn't all that complicated
Our vision has become clouded and the
picture increasingly complex. Some fear that it is too controversial, and the best way
to make racial progress is to focus on creating opportunity, promoting responsibility,
and be as silent about race as you can
What will One America look like if we can achieve it? Four elements: I believe we
must be guided by a shared vision of (1) the quality of the opportunity shared by all,
(2) the depth of responsibility we demand from all, (3) the nature of the community
which includes us all, and - above all - (4) the commitment we make in our hearts to
overcoming the age-old barriers of prejudice, fear and division.
[Explanation of these four elements.]
B. VEXING QUESTIONS: CAN OUR VISION OF ONE AMERICA
HELP Us RECONCILE OUR DIVISIONS?
(1) The Identity Puzzle : When is racial or ethnic group identity inconsistent with an
American identity, with building One America?
Language example; Anglo customer's anxiety. What does it mean to be
"American." We welcome legal immigrants and in return expect them to adopt
key elements of American culture while simultaneously enriching it and our
economic life. Sharing opportunity, as a practical matter, means speaking
English. And tolerance/understanding means we need to be able to communicate.
- Generalize: Similar issues of language or distinctive culture apply to varied
groups
reconciling group identity with American identity
- We can tolerate a measure of separateness, provided it doesn't seriously
interfere with the rest of us in building the prosperous community we envision
for ourselves. To become One America, we need not demand a surrender of
p.5
Part II: Vision
April 26, 1999
our distinctive group identities, because there is room for distinctiveness within
the community as a whole. But not large scale cultural secession
Interracial marriage example: Personal dimension of the same issue: mother and
father troubled by daughter's interracial relationship Is it wrong for the parents
to want their daughter to marry within their group? Is this distinguishable from
prejudice or bigotry? Somehow, we must balance our need to cling to people who
are like us, with the need to build a community in which we can all understand,
benefit from and celebrate our differences.
College campus self-segregation example
African American/Hispanic/Asian
American campus clubs
It is hard to see the problem with this, if it doesn't slip
into a separatism that substantially undermines the possibilities for enjoying the
benefits of diversity, and if it is a separateness that has neither the intent nor the
effect of hurting anyone else
We must see ourselves as a nation of individuals
who are defined only in part by our group affiliations.
Conflicts around the
world teach us that ethnic identity must be sustained within a framework of
community in which the values that unite us are made stronger than those which
tend to separate us.
(2) Representation and Difference: Will 21st century diversity alter the composition
of leadership? Should it?
Assembling a Cabinet that "looks like America"
An inclusive government
helps give people confidence that a range of voices and concerns are represented,
giving government more of the legitimacy upon which our democracy depends.
"Our turn" ethnic rivalries in for city council, school superintendent, police chief,
or other key official. I understand that race still means something, at least to many
voters. But it shouldn't mean everything. JFK example
growing numbers of
minority officials with strong blocks of white voter support
Other situations: assigning metro reporters; leadership of a PTA.
Reasons to care about diverse representation: (1) confirms openness of process,
not cronyism or the like; (2) legitimacy; (3) we need to have workplaces and civic
organizations in which people experience and bridge their differences; (4) many
organizations will simply work better if they are representative.
One of our most difficult challenges is to think through when race should matter,
and when it shouldn't. Simple answers are likely to get us off track need to
stay
focused on our vision of what kind of community and institutions we want.
p.6
Part II: Vision
April 26, 1999
(3) Personal Preferences, Stereotypes and Discrimination
While I know that in some cases this is because hearts remain locked and
poisoned, there is a far more common problem of not quite knowing in our daily
lives where a simple human tendency to prefer the familiar, including people like
ourselves, shades into the troubling use of stereotypes and eventually the clearly
wrong kinds of behavior our legal system chooses to label "discrimination."
Korean grocer example. More than a question of lawfulness. What is right? If
each of us throughout society and the economy just follows our inclination to
socialize, hire and do business based on who seems familiar, we end up with a
massive denial of opportunity to those still outside the economic mainstream.
The background of rivalry and tension
The ethnicity of the grocery store
owner and its workers would probably not matter so much if the black and Latino
residents of the community felt satisfied by their economic opportunities and
believed they had the same potential to open a store themselves.
(4) The Special Matter of Native Americans: Sacred Sites
Reconciling One America with tribal sovereignty
Example: conflict over
Indian sacred sites
Historical perspective
Devil's Tower National
Monument in Wyoming.
To spot/resolve conflicts, my Executive Order
requires dialogue
Tribes and various communities must deal with competing perceptions, values
and traditions in many contexts
cultural resources teams
As the
millennium approaches, our respect for preservation grows
"In our every
deliberation, we must consider the impact of our decision on the next seven
generations." This lesson of stewardship can serve all Americans well.
(5) Apologies for Slavery and Other Wrongs
Tuskegee
So what about slavery? Native Americans; Japanese Americans.
But, "Exactly what are we apologizing for -- I've certainly never owned slaves
Apologize to whom?" As long as there are those among us who refuse to
understand the present consequences of 200 years of discrimination and hatred
we dare not declare victory with a mere apology. After all, what good is an
apology if you don't even understand what you are apologizing for?
***
p.7
Part III, Section 1: Education
May 17, 1999
PART III: THE OPPORTUNITY WE DESERVE
SECTION 1. HIGH - QUALITY EDUCATION FOR ALL:
A NEW COVENANT FOR THE NEW CENTURY
A. INTRODUCTION
Set up: Little Rock Nine
We haven't lived up to our nation's ideals
Tackling
inequality is vitally important for several reasons
Education has been among my
highest priorities, and we have made important progress
100,000 new teachers,
reduce class size, etc
But more to do.
Diversity: Opportunities and Challenges
Increasing diversity in our schools,
Fairfax County
By 2035, there will likely
be no majority race in our public school population. This is an enormous national
asset, if we fully harness the gifts and talents
But too often, the children who need
an excellent education the most are least likely to get it. And too often, those are
children of color.
Extent and Causes of Achievement Disparities
Facts: Racial disparities throughout the K-12 (and beyond) "pipeline"
NAEP
scores; high school graduation; college matriculation
These disparities mark the
distance from the America we see to the America we deserve.
Residential race/class segregation; property tax reliance
Schools in a sea of
poverty are too often overwhelmed, or nearly so, by the challenges they face --
hunger, homelessness, security, etc.
Plus, the disparities in resources -- buildings, teacher skill, computers, etc.
These conditions are socially and economically destructive. They are also morally
unacceptable. What would our lives be like today if we had provided every American
regardless of race or class with the educational opportunity to succeed to his or her
full potential?
p.8
Part III, Section 1: Education
May 17, 1999
B. MAKING A FOCUSED ATTACK ON CLOSING THE RACIAL GAP IN K-12
ACHIEVEMENT
(1) ESEA and the Administration's Record
ESEA: Description of ESEA proposals
turn around failing schools
reward
progress in raising achievement levels
put high-quality teachers in high-poverty
schools, end so-called "social promotion"
expand after-school
building in
accountability at all levels to focus not only on improving education for every
child in America, but also, especially, on narrowing the gaps between affluent
suburbs and comparatively poor inner-cities and isolated rural areas.
(2) Building on ESEA: A Compact to Reduce Racial Disparities
Compact: Looking ahead, building on ESEA, local, state and federal officials and
others should join in a new Compact for Equal Opportunity in Education
a new
covenant to eliminate K-12 racial disparities.
Reform based on high standards and accountability for outcomes works
Goals 2000 and Title I reform
Progress
but the pace is too slow, and our
ambitions must be still higher.
Education is primarily a state and local responsibility but a child's opportunity can
be limited by the resources a local community can raise, or the accident of a state's
wealth or poverty, generous or stingy in aid to local schools
red tape
poor
coordination
Politics must stop at the schoolhouse door.
Transition: ESEA and this Compact can be important steps, but there are many
other actions we can take at all levels of government
C. OTHER MEASURES To BUILD EDUCATION EQUITY
(1) Support families and promote early learning opportunities
Parents and caregivers must be every child's first teachers. Racial disparities in
parents reading to children
Headstart
Adult literacy connection
Policies: All schools should have parent compacts that clearly define parents' role
in the school. As a national goal, I believe that every parent should be involved
p.9
Part III, Section 1: Education
May 17, 1999
in their child's school, and that employers should provide the flexibility to help
parents do so.
(2) Provide Educational Resources and Opportunities Equitably
I'll be blunt: it's easy to talk tough about standards, duck the politically difficult
task of investing the needed resources, and then blame powerless poor kids when
they can't make the grade. And it is easy to turn the standards-based reform
movement into a testing movement. It's not. It must be about excellence and
equity, and that must include fair investments.
Money isn't everything in education, but we can't expect schools to succeed
without adequate resources.
Let me mention several issues
(for a more
detailed discussion, see appendix A).
Teaching; Curriculum; Buildings; Technology; Safety
(3) High Expectations and Accountability
Students. Promoting high expectations and high standards for all students.
Ending Social Promotion
But we must do it the right way.
(4) English Language Acquisition
Another critical challenge facing American education today is the teaching of
students who are not yet fluent in English.
Exploding need; teacher shortage
FY2000 budget
Our Bilingual reform proposals - three year goal
D. RACIAL ISOLATION AND SCHOOL RESEGREGATION
The third major challenge is the problem of resegregation. After a burst of
progress in the late 1960s and early 1970s, racial isolation in our elementary and
secondary schools, particularly in urban districts, is worsening.
Why it matters
The goals of quality and integration in education are
complementary. Diversity is not about political correctness. Integration has real,
tangible benefits for all students, and for our society.
p.10
Part III, Section 1: Education
May 17, 1999
Charter schools and public school choice
CONCLUSION
Tearing down the walls of disparity and division in American education is as
vital to our future as our vigilant defense of democracy or securing our leadership
in the new global economy
How we meet the challenge remains a window on
our hearts.
***
p.11
Part III, Section 2: Jobs & Economic Development
May 18, 1999
PART III: THE OPPORTUNITY WE DESERVE
SECTION 2. COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT AND JOBS:
HARNESSING CAPITAL AND LABOR MARKETS FOR DISTRESSED COMMUNITIES
A. INTRODUCTION
In my vision of One America, no community and no family will be isolated from the
economic mainstream. Everyone who works hard and plays by the rules should be
able to raise their families in dignity
South Bronx success story
Two basic goals: (1) connecting capital and credit markets to distressed communities;
(2) breaking the back of the epidemic levels of unemployment common in so many
high poverty, often minority, neighborhoods.
B. A NATIONAL COMMUNITY INVESTMENT SYSTEM
Setup
Great Depression example: tackling problems in the housing market
major
Federally financed innovations
FHA, etc
Home ownership today
Different housing story in many minority communities
And far broader problem:
markets also fail to draw needed investment capital to fuel businesses and job
creation, and they fail to provide the personal financial services-from checking
accounts to insurance to micro-lending for entrepreneurs-that can be the gateways to
economic mobility and security.
We should do for financial markets in our distressed communities what we did for
housing markets decades ago.
Detailed exposition of National Community Investment System (NCIS) proposal
Housing analogy - FHA, Fannie Mae, FHLBB
antidiscrimination, CRA
By creating NCIS we can not only help increase home ownership and support the
construction of affordable housing, but also to expand community development and
bring the economic mainstream flowing to neighborhoods that have been left high and
p. 12
Part III, Section 2: Jobs & Economic Development
May 18, 1999
dry behind long-standing dams of segregation, discrimination and hopelessness.
bring a flood of empowerment, entrepreneurialism and jobs.
First, build upon what we've been doing: (1) preserve relevance of CRA; (2) improve
antidiscrimination compliance; (3) expand CDFIs; (4) SBA's targeted efforts; (5) still
more effective federal/state tax credits for housing, redevelopment, reclaiming of
"brownfields," and expansion of Empowerment Zones.
Second, fill out the National Community Investment Structure with new measures: (1)
follow through on the New Markets Initiative, including APICs; (2) Create better
tools to support mainstream financial institutions, and others, that invest in distressed
communities: might include combinations of credit subsidy, insurance, and tax
incentives both to attract new sources of capital and to create secondary markets, all
analogous to the creativity we have applied in housing markets.
[More detailed exposition of the above ideas.] Reflect the lessons of our work to
promote community empowerment
links to regional growth opportunities
private sector and non-profit agencies to provide technical assistance and mentoring
to small businesses
Welfare-to-Work Partnership analogy/connection
NCIS
can help provide the incentives, strategic insight and "glue" to help knit all these
pieces together. Now, while the economy is so strong, is the right time to act.
C. BREAKING THE BACK OF HYPER-UNEMPLOYMENT AMONG YOUNG ADULTS
(1) The Problem and the Diagnosis
Stunning record
Our economic expansion must be inclusive
Data:
unemployment is shockingly high among young minorities
While the
unemployment rate among African American teenagers has reached its lowest
peacetime level in four decades, it is still 6.5 times higher than the national
average
Overall numbers mask that in some neighborhoods the problems are
concentrated at epidemic levels-a disease that erodes hope.
Diagnosis: (1) skills mismatch and schooling; (2) regional labor market
disconnect in information, job networks, intermediaries, transportation, limited
housing options; (3) discrimination; (4) child care; (5) crime, with its multiple
impacts.
Now that we have diagnosed the problem, what can we do about it?
p. 13
Part III, Section 2: Jobs & Economic Development
May 18, 1999
(2) Strategy to Drive Down Unemployment Rates
No silver bullet. As with community investment, we must build a "system" of
interlocking measures, focused on a simple goal: To drive down unemployment
rates for young minority adults to the average in the regional labor market; for
those willing to work, we must build a bridge out of economic isolation.
Policy priorities:
- ready pool of workers, with the education and basic skills
- mentoring and school-to-work efforts
coupled with targeted training that is
linked to particular sectors and local employers
- link schools to regional labor markets; training at community colleges
- affordable child care
- targeted enforcement of the antidiscrimination laws in employment and
housing, especially where there is evidence of problems.
- greater focus on metropolitan-wide strategies for job placements,
transportation, education, housing. Labor markets are regional
(3) Building on the Record
Federal contribution to these efforts, although it is obviously a shared
responsibility. I believe we have made important strides in this direction during
my administration, developing models worthy of replication and expansion at the
state and local levels. Youthbuild
Work Force Investment Act
Job Corps
In particular, I encourage us all to apply the lessons learned from one of the
programs of which I am most proud - the Welfare to Work Initiative, which
brings together the mutual interests of businesses and people searching for jobs
Historically, emphasis on families through AFDC and EA; now we must address
the intolerably high unemployment rates for young people-particularly minority
youth. I have asked my Cabinet to work with the private sector, state and local
governments, and non-profit organizations to develop a [ ?? Working for Youth
??] initiative that will target the needs of younger adults the same way that we
have welfare recipients
10,000 business members to hire more than 410,000
welfare recipients, the time is ripe
We can build on the success of the past six
years to expand opportunities for the next generation.
CONCLUSION
***
p.14
Part III, Section 3: Community Security
May 18, 1999
PART III: THE OPPORTUNITY WE DESERVE
SECTION 3. COMMUNITY SECURITY, AND A CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
THAT SERVES ALL AMERICANS FULLY AND FAIRLY
A. INTRODUCTION
I ask every American who lives in a safe community to imagine what it would be like
to live in a neighborhood where you and your family feared violence every day
Our highest-crime communities want, need, and deserve strong law enforcement
But we must not substitute prisons for playgrounds, or parole officers for church
deacons and college teachers
As we redouble efforts to ensure every family's
right to a safe community, we must take action in every community across our nation
to keep young people out of crime and build trust and confidence in the criminal
justice system across racial lines.
Some of our deepest and most complex challenges of race involve criminal justice.
Today, crime rates are at their lowest levels in nearly 25 years
Yet
as the
Advisory Board on Race said in its final report, "Racial disparities persist in both the
realities and perceptions of crime and the administration of justice."
Disparity data
On victimization and offending.
Explanations
While poverty, family disruption absence of opportunity and
residential instability are terrible pressures for anyone to bear, they are not and should
not be excuses for crime
responsibility
But, we cannot deny that they
contribute to crime
Absent these factors, rates of criminal offending and
victimization do not differ significantly by race, but the communities in which these
troubling conditions exist together are often communities of color
Persons of color often have less trust and confidence in law enforcement than whites,
and these perceptions of unfairness limit the effectiveness of law enforcement
I
believe the justice system is for the most part fair
but we can do better.
Many minority communities want strong law enforcement, but bear an enormous
price for high rates of incarceration
These rates of imprisonment have substantial
social and economic effects
These conditions are intolerable.
We must do three things: (1) reduce crime and
restore order in selected communities of color where crime and fear of crime are
p.15
Part III, Section 3: Community Security
May 18, 1999
greatest; (2) youth prevention/diversion; (3) build trust and confidence in the criminal
justice system among persons of color. We have laid the foundation
community
policing
[Detail on community policing and COPS, including the new proposed expansion.]
B. TIGHTER TARGETING OF FEDERAL RESOURCES TO CRIME HOT SPOTS
In order to reduce and prevent crime in our highest-crime communities, I believe that
the federal government should work in partnership with state and local government to
promote a comprehensive community policing and crime prevention initiative
targeting neighborhoods of concentrated disadvantage, social disorder, and high crime
rates. Like multiple fire hoses aimed at the center of a blaze, this initiative would
target proven community safety efforts into a single stream aimed at crime "hot
spots."
[Description of "Hot Spots" challenge to state and local partners.]
C. OTHER MEASURES TO ENSURE PUBLIC SAFETY IN HIGHEST-CRIME
COMMUNITIES
Today, although crime rates are dropping across the nation and for all racial groups,
they remain unacceptably high in a small number of deeply poor, mostly minority
communities. These high-crime areas are concentrated in urban centers, but exist in
other areas as well, including parts of Indian country
(1) Enhance targeted law enforcement and address the problems of gangs, guns,
and drugs
Targeting. The best law enforcement strategies identify high-crime places through
computer mapping, and then increase police patrols at those high-crime places at
high-crime times. Importantly, research shows that enhancing such targeted law
enforcement does not simply displace crime, but actually reduces it.
Guns and drugs. Crack
Littleton
Brady Bill.
Gangs
Boston
Finally, while drug use is down in many places, the percentage of persons who
commit crimes under the influence of drugs is increasing, and drug markets
p.16
Part III, Section 3: Community Security
May 18, 1999
continue to threaten order in our highest-crime communities
cannot ease up
our attacks
but the war has a terrible, disproportionate toll on persons in
communities of color-compounding the destruction from the drug scourge itself.
So, with more effective enforcement, we need a reinvigorated focus on
prevention, treatment. We cannot "incarcerate" ourselves to victory in these most
needy communities.
(2) Engage the community and establish community policing
We need the right kind of law enforcement done in the right way. Research
shows that by improving the legitimacy of police in the eyes of the community,
we can not only reduce tensions, but also help prevent crime
Chicago's
Alternative Policing Strategy (CAPS)
The expansion of community policing
has contributed greatly to the decrease in crime across our nation and to better
police-community relations.
(3) Build stronger communities
While law enforcement is important, crime prevention in most communities is a
consequence not only of government or law enforcement, but is primarily based
on the strength of the community itself, and the families within it.
"collective
efficacy" We can and must take action to rebuild community infrastructure and
strengthen the forces of cohesion [link to education and other opportunity
elements of the workplan].
D. KEEP YOUNG PEOPLE OUT OF CRIME
AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
After increasing dramatically for nearly a decade, juvenile crime has been decreasing
rapidly for the last few years at rates even greater than adult crime. Too many
children are still falling prey to crime, however, as either offenders or victims
children of color are over represented
To some, these figures raise serious concerns about the fairness of the juvenile justice
system. I, too, am very troubled. But we must face facts. The numbers also reflect
disparities in the commission of crimes and the need for greater efforts to keep our
young people, especially young males of color, out of crime and the criminal justice
system.
our commitment to prevention and treatment programs
But none of
this will matter unless young people themselves seize these opportunities and take
responsibility
p.17
Part III, Section 3: Community Security
May 18, 1999
(1) Prevent Crime by Supporting Young People
Several strategies show evidence of success
requires the support and
participation of families, schools, and communities.
We launched a Values-
Based Violence Prevention Initiative
we must do more at all levels
Houston and Boston examples
(1) Early childhood and support
Perry Preschool project in Michigan
(2)
after-school programs (3) adult and/or community supervision; mentoring
programs. Community-based organizations and institutions are often the best
sources for this kind of civic investment.
(2) Promote Appropriate Punishments When Children First Get in Trouble
Rates of criminal recidivism are astounding
we can do more to intervene and
help youth and their families turn their lives around
Several strategies have
shown signs of success
- youth, gun, and drug courts, as well as drug treatment more generally.
- "restorative justice" programs
Not enough to just hope that families, and perhaps churches and schools, will
keep youngsters on the right path, or "straighten them out"
It takes hard work
by parents and others close to them and by community programs and leaders.
Our country has a higher proportion of our people in prisons and jails than any
other democracy Yes, we must redouble our efforts to create jobs so that no
community is left behind. But meanwhile, we cannot write off children and leave
them vulnerable to crime or the seduction of criminal behavior. We cannot build
the One America we want if one in six black children born today, and one in
eleven Hispanic children, can be expected during their lives to spend time in a
prison, while white children face only a one-in-40 lifetime chance of
incarceration.
E. BUILD FAIRNESS AND TRUST IN OUR CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
ACROSS RACIAL LINES
There is no more fundamental tenet of our governmental system than the entitlement
of every person, inscribed in our Constitution, to equal protection under the law
Persons of color have less confidence and trust in system than whites. In a recent poll
p.18
Part III, Section 3: Community Security
May 18, 1999
perceptions based on experiences and incidents leading some law-abiding persons
fear enforcement targeting by color
"Driving while black"
Community policing can play an important role here
The answer to the question of whether there is discrimination in the administration of
justice should not be, "We don't know there is discrimination." The answer must be,
"We know there is not discrimination, and we have processes in place to ensure that."
Clearly, we're not there yet.
(1) Combat Racial Profiling
Profiling is a difficult subject in part because many people focus on supposed
efficiencies and may not see immediately the great unfairness, the insult to our
ideals. In a sense, however, this is the perfect example of why perceptions about
the criminal justice system can differ so dramatically
Not only is racial
profiling fueled by negative stereotypes and inconsistent with our fundamental
belief in equal protection under the law, it is also simply bad policy that hinders
effective law enforcement. As Attorney General Janet Reno said
I agree with the Attorney General I believe that to achieve our vision of One
America with community security and community faith in law enforcement, all
levels of government must take this issue head on. (1) training; (2) improve data
collection; (3) civil rights law enforcement to correct situations
; (4) Finally,
we should encourage all levels of law enforcement to develop and explain clear
policies concerning racial profiling.
I have instructed the Attorney General to prepare an Executive Order for my
signature
(2) Eliminate Police Brutality
No issue looms larger than the issue of police brutality.
Most police officers
are, quite simply, heroes
(1) we know too little about police use of excessive
force
(2) but we must acknowledge that excessive use of force against persons
of color still occurs
I pledge whatever advice and assistance the experience and resources of the
federal government can offer, because police brutality is destructive of the trust so
essential to community law enforcement. We know some of what works
p. 19
Part III, Section 3: Community Security
May 18, 1999
(3) Ensure Fairness in Incarceration and Sentencing
While persons of color make up less than one-third of our nation's population,
they make up more than two-thirds of the state and federal prison populations
However, in terms of fairness in the administration of justice, the key question is
to what extent are present disparities caused by discrimination in the
administration of justice. Most of us believe that discrimination is a very small
factor, but some of our citizens feel otherwise. Still more of us suspect that, even
if there is not discrimination, there is some subtle role of racial difference and
color that has stacked the deck.
Having said that, the best available evidence indicates that most of the existing
disparities in the administration of justice-from arrest through sentencing-are
not due to discrimination, but are primarily due to underlying disparities in the
commission of crimes: once the crime is committed, the rates of arrest, conviction
and imprisonment do not seem to differ significantly by race
But racial disparities in drug arrests and sentencing are dramatic. In part, this is
an unintended consequence of the war on drugs
Tough enforcement, but we
cannot ignore the disproportionate impact.
The war on drugs is a war for our
communities and children, not a war against them. That is why I have urged
increases in support for prevention and treatment.
Crack sentencing reform
(4) Increase Diversity in Law Enforcement
Police and prosecutors, judges and jurors, are officers of our society empowered
on behalf of all of us to enforce the laws and serve us all. Quite simply, they are
likely to receive greater trust and confidence when all persons in society see
themselves reflected in those officers
We have made some important gains
One goal of COPS has been to increase diversity in law enforcement
We must
continue this progress at all levels of government and throughout the system.
CONCLUSION
***
p.20
Part III, Section 4: Civil Rights Enforcement
May 18, 1999
PART III: THE OPPORTUNITY WE DESERVE
SECTION 4. A RENEWED COMMITMENT TO CIVIL RIGHTS ENFORCEMENT
A. INTRODUCTION
On a hot August day in 1963
In a twenty-year period, we built the indispensable
legal foundation for our progress on issues of equality and opportunity
We must
go beyond the civil rights agenda of the past to fashion new civic covenants for the
new century.
while also addressing continuing civil wrongs rooted in continuing
discrimination.
Great strides
yet more covert and subtle impediments persist
And issues
beyond black-white
This is about more than enforcing laws. It is about living up
to our values and keeping our promises.
B. COMPLETING THE TRADITIONAL AGENDA:
STRATEGIC INVESTMENTS AND A STRENGTHENED ENFORCEMENT INFRASTRUCTURE
We should have bipartisan agreement on at least this much: enforce the law, and
promote voluntary compliance with it. My proposals for new enforcement
investments at the federal, state, and local levels
Beyond resources, the federal
workplan should include: (1) act more strategically to put the federal investments
where they will do the most good; (2) fresh approaches to winning greater
compliance; (3) better coordination among agencies; (4) hold ourselves accountable,
and do a better job of teaching the wider public about these issues by establishing a
permanent program of ongoing data collection measuring discrimination in various
sectors.
[Examples of investing strategically] EEOC backlogs; hate crimes; DoEd OCR; using
testers to target; ensuring that caseloads reflect the new demography
[Examples of new approaches] ADR methods
Self-assessment tools
Intergovernmental coordination.
[Examples of Improved coordination] Strengthened interagency process
Measuring discrimination: efforts must be tied to results
we know about soybean
production, but not the extent of discrimination
Authoritative information ought
to be one of the guiding forces in policy debates on race.
p.21
Part III, Section 4: Civil Rights Enforcement
May 18, 1999
C. STRENGTHENING CIVIL RIGHTS LAWS AND ENFORCEMENT STRATEGIES
Eliminate hate crimes: Data
record.
pass the Hate Crimes Prevention Act.
Expand the antidiscrimination laws to cover stores and retail transactions, under
Title II of the 1964 Civil Rights Act: Denny's incident
Eddie Bauer
Despite
numerous reports to DOJ of discrimination in the retail provision of everyday goods
and services, and despite social science research, the Federal government often lacks
authority
We need a stronger federal law.
Defend affirmative action programs and promote voluntary compliance: Adarand
July of 1995 speech at the National Archives
affirmative action as one of the tools
we still need
I fully recognize how controversial this issue has been and is likely
to remain. But
William Bowen and Derek Bok, The Shape of the River, is a
comprehensive review
Moskos & Bulter work documenting benefits in our
military, particularly the Army.
- But our review also showed that there was room for improvement.
My
Administration has taken seriously its charge to mend our use of race in federal
programs
- One other area of affirmative action policy that demands national attention-the
growing dangers of resegregation in education
deepening racial isolation in
elementary and secondary schools
the threat from attacks on affirmative action
in selective universities.
- What race-blind admissions policies reap
[Latest reports on California, Texas
experiences - which are mixed.]
- Extended discussion of affirmative action in higher education
D. DEFINE A NEW CIVIL RIGHTS AGENDA TO ACHIEVE RACIAL JUSTICE
Combat discrimination in K-12 educational opportunity: Civil rights component to
opportunity agenda discussed in Part III, Section 1 of this book. Education Secretary
Richard Riley has called education the "new civil right." I agree.
- [Strong endorsement of DoEd's policies:] Title VI prohibits not only intentional
discrimination, but also policies and practices that have an unjustified disparate
impact by race. Often misunderstood, but it makes great sense. Mere disparities,
however troubling, are not the same as unlawful discrimination. We attack such
p.22
Part III, Section 4: Civil Rights Enforcement
May 18, 1999
disparities because to do so reflects our values strengthens America. In contrast,
unjustified racial disparities are unlawful under our civil rights statutes.
- Directive to DoEd and DOJ
to develop guidance on federal law
and
identify situations in which the federal government can participate in negotiations
or, if necessary litigation, to help ensure that the promise of equal opportunity
embedded in federal civil rights laws is fulfilled in every facet of our school
systems.
- Illegal tracking and assignment to special education classes.
Tracking can be
useful, but there are abuses and dangers
I encourage educators and policy
makers to embark on a national dialogue to ensure that our educational policies
comport with our goal for equal educational opportunity, in word and in deed.
- We must not return to a system of "separate and equal" under a different guise. It
did not work in the past, and it will not work now.
Combat worker exploitation: Slavery and slavery-like practices continue to exist in
America and we need strong civil rights protections to end them
U.S. citizens,
legal immigrants, and undocumented workers are being recruited or smuggled into
this country expecting good jobs, only to be forced to work against their will under
abominable conditions
sweatshops
humanitarian concerns
And bad for
our economy.
- [Administration record and proposals to date.]
Combat discrimination in health care: Beyond poverty and more usual explanations,
health disparities are to at least some extent related to discrimination
[Summarize
discrmination data]
- Recent OCR settlements have uncovered a number of issues, including: Medical
redlining; Segregation; Language minority patients; Access.
-
Administration's 2010 Health Disparities initiative.
- Steps to strengthen enforcement: (1) civil rights protections in any Patient's Bill
of Rights; (2) aggressive enforcement of existing anti-discrimination laws,
including my proposed HHS/OCR investments; (3) educate citizens about their
rights; (4) foster change at the so-called point of service, improving the
relationships between patients of color and their health care providers.
Ensure that every American lives in environmentally safe and healthy communities:
Environmental justice. Convent, Louisiana, story
Typifies the challenges facing
too many communities of color across the country as they confront decades of neglect
and systematic exclusion from the government decisions
false and dangerous
choice of joblessness versus an unfair environmental burden. Challenge ahead is to
give communities new tools to erase the legacy of toxic burdens they face
- My Executive Order
p.23
Part III, Section 4: Civil Rights Enforcement
May 18, 1999
- We can ignore issues of environmental justice only at the risk of racial conflict
and racial tension
Local people must have a place at the table when decisions
are made
Environmental justice is inseparable from the cause of economic
justice. No community should be forced into having to choose between their
health and their jobs.
Ensure an accurate Census: Count every American because every American counts:
An accurate census is critical
In 1990, the differential undercount, including the
undercount of racial and ethnic minority groups, was the highest ever
Why?
Because we know the obstacles, we can address them.
- Take advantage of our scientific knowledge
Sampling. Accuracy, not politics.
E. PREVENT VIOLATIONS OF LAW BY REDUCING RACIAL TENSIONS
AND PROMOTING RECONCILIATION
What all levels of government can do to help communities and neighborhoods ease
racial tensions. History of creation of the Community Relations Service
CRS was
created to help our nation move from separation to inclusion
Importance of CRS
mission
lends its assistance when asked or when it learns that a community may
need its assistance
impartial mediation and conflict resolution
works on
partnerships to build peaceful communities.
Church arson example
[Preview the promising practices chapter, infra.]
CONCLUSION
America's long struggle for racial reconciliation was ennobled by what we now call
the civil rights era.
On that summer afternoon almost 40 years ago, on the steps of
the Lincoln Memorial, John Lewis joined with Martin Luther King in calling for our
long march to justice to continue "until true freedom comes, until the revolution of
1776 is complete." The American revolution is not yet complete. The civil rights
movement goes on.
***
p.24
Part III, Section 5: Native Americans
May 18, 1999
PART III: THE OPPORTUNITY WE DESERVE
SECTION 5. CREATING OPPORTUNITIES FOR NATIVE AMERICANS
A. INTRODUCTION
In 1994, I held an historic meeting at the White House with American Indian and
Alaska Native tribal leaders from over 500 federally recognized tribes. And last year
I hosted a White House Conference on economic development in Indian Country.
There I met a young man named Dominic Ortiz of the Prairie Band Potawatomi
Nation. Dominic, who runs his own business, exemplifies the new hope that is
dawning for Native Americans.
In a time of great prosperity and hope, Native Americans are still lagging behind - big
gaps in income with 31 percent living below the poverty line. Pine Ridge Reservation
in South Dakota is one of the poorest places in America. Indian Country must not be
left behind as our economy surges ahead.
Historical perspective - Before Europeans landed on these shores, Indian nations were
self-governing societies with remarkable scientific, artistic and cultural achievements.
Since our founding, U.S. has recognized many Indian Tribes as "domestic dependent
nations" with sovereign powers over their members and territory. We have entered
into numerous treaties pledging protection and guaranteeing tribal self-government.
In 1831, Chief Justice John Marshall recognized that the U.S. has a special trust
responsibility to protect Indian tribes. Regrettably, our nation has not lived up to its
legal and moral commitments to Native Americans.
The time has come to break with the past. As reflected in my Executive Order, we
must work with tribes on a government-to-government basis. And we must address
three critical concerns in Indian Country: economic development, education, and
community safety.
The Nature of the Problem. Economic and business development. While gaming
has helped reduce poverty and unemployment in a small number of tribes, the vast
majority of Native peoples still live in dire conditions. Securing business loans and
mortgages is virtually impossible. We announced a One-Stop Mortgage Center
Initiative to help, but more must be done. Education. Many, if not most, of the 185
BIA-funded elementary and secondary schools are in need of replacement or repair.
Again, I have proposed legislation to permit the leveraging of local resources to repair
p.25
Part III, Section 5: Native Americans
May 18, 1999
and replace these schools, but more must be done. We must close the achievement
gap among Indian students and improve preparation and participation in college. I
have signed an executive order to improve K-12 academic performance of Native
American and Alaska Native students, including a plan to train and recruit 1000 new
teachers for these students. Community Safety. Finally, while crime is down
dramatically all over America, violent crime is on the rise in Indian Country. Youth
gangs. Alcohol related violence. High suicide rates. Paucity of police officers in
Indian Country. We have taken steps to rectify this (COPS have funded almost 900
police officers in Indian Country since 1995).
B. Workplan for Indian Country: Education
Mentoring, Monitoring and Research for Native American Students. I have
directed the top officials in the federal government to develop a comprehensive
federal research agenda on Indian education to improve accountability, identify best
practices and better understand the barriers to Indian student achievement, such as the
frequent transfers between BIA and public schools.
Challenge to communities to increase mentoring efforts targeted to Native American
students as a way to improve academic performance, increase college participation
and, with the involvement of tribal elders, preserve culture and language.
As we work to improve all American education, make sure Indian students have equal
access to high quality curricula, teachers, classrooms and materials.
Enhance early childhood programs for Indian Children (Indian Head Start and the
BIA's Family and Child Education projects)
C. Workplan for Indian Country: Economic Development
Improve access to capital through CDFI, New Markets Initiative, Ezs and Ecs.
Ensure the dream of homeownership becomes a reality in Indian Country. My
executive order directs HUD, Treasury, Interior and tribal partners to streamline the
mortgage lending process in Indian Country. HUD's "Shared Visions" program is
working to increase affordable housing in Indian Country.
Encourage greater cooperation between state, local and tribal governments as well as
private partners to invest in economic development in Indian Country.
Invest in computer technology and infrastructure, including transportation in Indian
Country.
p.26
Part III, Section 5: Native Americans
May 18, 1999
D. Workplan for Indian Country: Community Safety
Tribal Government Based Law Enforcement Initiative. Comprehensive strategies
and coordinated funding are the most effective way federal government can empower
tribal governments to address problem of crime. Three objectives: gather insights and
information from local leaders; address community problems in a comprehensive
way; promote inter-tribal exchanges of ideas and experiences.
Here's how it would work: With help of federal technical assistance, tribes will
develop a comprehensive plan to address law enforcement and public safety concerns.
Use plans to apply for law enforcement funds with one application. Communities
will set performance goals and evaluate progress. Project can be expanded to address
other crime-related problems like alcohol abuse. This will require involvement of
other federal agencies besides Justice.
Efforts like Volunteers for Tribal Youth to help keep Indian youth out of gangs and
away from violence.
Conclusion
***
p.27
Part IV: The Community We Must Build
May 18, 1999
PART IV:
THE COMMUNITY WE MUST BUILD
A. INTRODUCTION
Building One America is a journey of the heart. One of the most powerful ways to
get there is the way Americans have always met challenges - by stepping out beyond
the boundaries of their own lives to join with others for a larger purpose. This calls
for a renewed commitment to community building and civic engagement.
B. THE EMPATHY GAP
Before discussing what we must do, I want to talk about why building One America
seems so elusive. Empathy gap - the difficulty we have in seeing others as part of our
community and our lives; relegating plight of struggling minorities as the problems of
"those people."
We can close this gap by working together across racial lines for common goals and
by greater introspection and honest dialogue around issues of race.
C. CIVIC ENGAGEMENT
You don't have to be involved in something called "politics" to make democracy
stronger. But you do have to be involved with your neighbors to make your
community stronger. Civic engagement is the cornerstone of democratic self-
government. Efforts to build One America nurtured by basic organizations of society:
schools, jobs, congregations, social and political clubs.
Ways to become involved include voting, citizen service (Peace Corps, military
service, AmeriCorps) and community groups (examples: EMPIRE in Washington
State; Bridges in Santa Ana, California; FAITHS Initiative in San Francisco; Boston
church coalition)
D. PROMISING PRACTICES
Review and examples from Advisory Board publication: Pathways to One America:
Promising Practices for Racial Reconciliation. Best programs feature at least one of
these goals: raise consciousness and encourage dialogue, educate on racial issues,
p.28
Part IV: The Community We Must Build
May 18, 1999
promote racially inclusive collaborations, expand access and opportunity, and
promote leadership and systemic change. Examples to illustrate each.
CONCLUSION
***
p.29
Part V: The Leadership We Need
May 18, 1999
PART V:
THE LEADERSHIP WE NEED
A. INTRODUCTION
Example of Dr. King: "Everybody can be great because everybody can serve." How
do we make the work of building One America the shared undertaking of the many
rather than the personal mission of the few?
New leadership has not emerged following death of Dr. King. And our national
attention to the issue of racial reconciliation has waned - perhaps because we thought
progress was inevitable; perhaps we thought it prudent to pause and digest our gains;
perhaps we thought this was work for someone else. All of this was wrong. We must
recommit ourselves to this work
Three areas for concrete action: (1) Community leadership and action; (2) sectoral
leadership and action; (3) federal leadership and action. Describe each.
B. COMMUNITY LEADERSHIP
In wake of crises like Rodney King and Jasper, Texas, communities have rallied to
work together for healing and change. We need same action in absence of crisis.
Urge Community Partnerships for Racial Reconciliation. Suggest structure and goals.
C. SECTORAL LEADERSHIP.
Call on leaders in Faith, Higher Ed, Legal, Corporate, News and Entertainment
Media, and Social Science Research communities to develop and implement own
workplans. Discuss progress to date for each, and suggested areas of focus.
D. FEDERAL LEADERSHIP
Commit federal action in three areas: (1) reviving Civil Rights Commission; (2)
making the federal government a model enterprise; (3) White House structure to help
drive the work of agencies and communities -- [the new race office] -, including
possible White House Conference on One America.
CONCLUSION
***
p.30
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
Date: 5 - 18 - - 99
ACTION / CONCURRENCE / COMMENT DUE BY:
Subject:
Substantive Outline for Race Book
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MOORE
PODESTA
NASH
ECHAVESTE
REED
RICCHETTI
RUFF
LEW
SOSNIK
BERGER
SPERLING
BLUMENTHAL
STEIN
CAHILL
STERN
FRAMPTON
STREETT
IBARRA
TRAMONTANO
JOHNSON
UCELLI
KLAIN
VERVEER
LANE
WALDMAN
LEWIS
YELLEN
LINDSEY
HRC
LOCKHART
KAGAN
MARSHALL
SYLVIA MATHEWS
SHIRLEY SAGAWA
JOSH GOTBAUM
EDDIE CORREIA
REMARKS:
This has been forwarded to the President.
RESPONSE:
Staff Secretary's Office
STAFFING.WPD 3/17/99
Ext. 62702
'Yy MAY 18 PM7:38
May 18, 1999
MEMORANDUM
To:
The President
From:
Christopher Edley, Jr. and Terry Edmonds
Subject:
Substantive Outline
Date:
May 18, 1999
You requested, through Maria, a detailed outline that would convey the flow of the
arguments and policies. This is our attempt.
We continue to work at incorporating your preliminary comments and those of
White House staff reviewers, while also trying to negotiate away some of the policy
disagreements we have with White House staff. Some of the policies noted in the
outline, therefore, are disputed. Perhaps even contentious.
Introduction
May 13, 1999
OUT OF MANY, ONE:
RACIAL AND ETHNIC JUSTICE IN 21st CENTURY AMERICA
INTRODUCTION
[Ojibway prayer]
Lofty opening; analytical and personal motivation for the book
We must embark on the new century recommitted to right the wrongs of our past and to make
real the promise of equality and justice that has eluded us throughout our history
Today
new urgency
demographic transformations
All of this is happening against a
backdrop of unparalleled peace and prosperity
Racism has been America's constant curse
and
our constant struggle. We must face
these contradictions squarely as a critical step, not only to healing the wounds of our past, but
also of unleashing the power and promise of our future. We must become One America in
the 21st century.
I hope this report will help lay the foundation for a renewed national commitment to racial
healing in America. As a boy growing up in the 1950s and early 60s
Why launch the national Initiative on Race? (1) Our work is not yet done
(2) Our
diversity will either be the great problem or the great promise of 21st century America.
Short roadmap for the book, including summary of the vision; guiding principles, including
new covenants to define a new agenda beyond last generation's goals
Summary plan of the book - Part I, The America We See, presents the facts about race in
America today
etc.
What will the America we want look like? Summary of the vision
Opportunity will be
shared so deeply and broadly that an observer, a stranger in our land, will see no evidence of
a past with slavery or conquest or nativist discrimination; Each person takes responsibility,
not only for making the most of their own life, but also for ensuring that every other
American has an equal chance to do the same; Community so powerful that our social and
economic interactions will pull us out of ethnic enclaves; Hearts healed of the crippling
influences of prejudice and fear
Ethical precepts to guide us on this journey. (1) Out of many, one; stop living under the
delusion of separation, dividing ourselves into categories, mistakenly believing these can
p.1
Introduction
May 13, 1999
capture the whole truth about anyone. (2) We should approach this issue with proper
humility
(3) Recognize the ways we have allowed our racial differences to get inside our
heads
(4) We cannot expect government, or "leaders" to make this journey for us;
Reaching the promised land requires a journey of the heart, for each of us.
Must go beyond the agenda defined a generation ago
We must embrace new civic
covenants for the new century
(a) a covenant with our children, that each of them will
have access to a world-class education, and an equal opportunity for educational
achievement; (b) a covenant with our families, that each can live secure in their home without
fear of violent lawlessness; and (c) a covenant with our communities, that each will be part of
the nation's economic mainstream, neither ignored nor left behind.
Thanks to Advisory Board, Judy Winston; closing.
[Langston Hughes poem]
p.2
Part I: America We See
May 16, 1999
PART I: THE AMERICA WE SEE
A. INTRODUCTION
Note confusion on glass half full/empty
There is a kernel of truth in each point of view,
and in this chapter I hope to bring them to light while separating fiction from fact
demographics, race-based disparities, current discrimination, and intergroup relations.
B. DEMOGRAPHICS
Myths/Facts
Population changes over time; projections. No majority race
tremendous
Hispanic and Asian growth rates.
Increase in intermarriage brings with it complex and sometimes controversial issues
Will the black-white schism that has so defined racial struggle in America morph into new
minority - versus - minority divisions or can we build new coalitions for social change and
equal justice across all racial lines?
C. DISPARITIES
Myths/Facts
CEA report, Changing America: Indicators of Social and Economic Well-
being by Race and Hispanic Origin, documents the fact that while we have reduced or
eliminated some very harmful differences between whites and minorities, serious disparities
remain
Poverty, wages, income, wealth, health indicators
Stagnation in growth of black middle
class until last few years
Model minority stereotype of Asian Pacific Americans, but
Hmong poverty rate is 64 percent, and extreme high school drop out rates for Southeast
Asian youth.
Sharply differing majority-minority perceptions about progress; need to study the facts and
see them as a call to action.
D. DISCRIMINATION
Myths/Facts. Despite much progress and the strongest economy in 30 years, sound evidence
shows that discrimination against minorities continues today, significantly limiting and
reducing opportunities and choices for many of them
Again, sharp perception gap on the
issue fuels debate while preventing action.
"the empathy gap" -- indifference caused by
a failure to understand the obstacles faced by other groups.
p.3
Part I: America We See
May 16, 1999
Hate crimes example. But much other discrimination is subtle. Compelling findings of audit
or "tester" studies with matched pairs
Need for more information to better focus our efforts.
Reminders, though, of how far we have come. In the early 1950s
A number of
conservative authors and commentators look at this progress, however, and stop.
The
research evidence, my own observations, and conversations with many Americans have
convinced me that discrimination remains real for too many of our citizens.
The work is
not yet done
E. INTERGROUP RELATIONS
Myths/Facts.
changes in personal attitudes and behavior, and in our living patterns.
Again, the picture is a mixed bag
Exhaustive research shows a substantial narrowing of
the attitude gap
America is simply a more tolerant and integrated nation today than ever
before. But there is still a group of hard-core bigots -- about 10-15 percent
Research shows the existence of attitudes we are not even aware we possess. I have seen the
results of experiments showing that juries judge defendants differently based on race; that
whites are less likely to respond to an African American in some emergency situations
Importance of honest exploration of our deep-seated views.
CONCLUSION
Summarize three themes: (1) Despite progress, considerable confusion about facts and trends
confounds our sense of direction
Gaps in perceptions reflecting the distance between our
communities and experiences. (2) Because the issue of race underlies so many pressing
challenges, racial reconciliation must rise to the top of our agenda for the 21st century
the
unfinished business of our democracy. (3) Every American shares responsibility
We all
must do our part to eliminate harmful disparities
We must find a better Workplan for the
future.
***
p.4
Part II: Vision
April 26, 1999
PART II:
THE AMERICA WE WANT:
WHAT SHOULD ONE AMERICA BE LIKE?
A. INTRODUCTION
We must begin with a vision. When I was growing up
most of us concerned
about racial harmony thought that defining what was wrong and what the future
should be wasn't all that complicated
Our vision has become clouded and the
picture increasingly complex. Some fear that it is too controversial, and the best way
to make racial progress is to focus on creating opportunity, promoting responsibility,
and be as silent about race as you can.
What will One America look like if we can achieve it? Four elements: I believe we
must be guided by a shared vision of (1) the quality of the opportunity shared by all,
(2) the depth of responsibility we demand from all, (3) the nature of the community
which includes us all, and - above all - (4) the commitment we make in our hearts to
overcoming the age-old barriers of prejudice, fear and division.
[Explanation of these four elements.]
B. VEXING QUESTIONS: CAN OUR VISION OF ONE AMERICA
HELP Us RECONCILE OUR DIVISIONS?
(1) The Identity Puzzle : When is racial or ethnic group identity inconsistent with an
American identity, with building One America?
Language example; Anglo customer's anxiety. What does it mean to be
"American." We welcome legal immigrants and in return expect them to adopt
key elements of American culture while simultaneously enriching it and our
economic life. Sharing opportunity, as a practical matter, means speaking
English. And tolerance/understanding means we need to be able to communicate.
- Generalize: Similar issues of language or distinctive culture apply to varied
groups
reconciling group identity with American identity
- We can tolerate a measure of separateness, provided it doesn't seriously
interfere with the rest of us in building the prosperous community we envision
for ourselves. To become One America, we need not demand a surrender of
p.5
Part II: Vision
April 26, 1999
our distinctive group identities, because there is room for distinctiveness within
the community as a whole. But not large scale cultural secession
Interracial marriage example: Personal dimension of the same issue: mother and
father troubled by daughter's interracial relationship Is it wrong for the parents
to want their daughter to marry within their group? Is this distinguishable from
prejudice or bigotry? Somehow, we must balance our need to cling to people who
are like us, with the need to build a community in which we can all understand,
benefit from and celebrate our differences.
College campus self-segregation example
African American/Hispanic/Asian
American campus clubs.
It is hard to see the problem with this, if it doesn't slip
into a separatism that substantially undermines the possibilities for enjoying the
benefits of diversity, and if it is a separateness that has neither the intent nor the
effect of hurting anyone else We must see ourselves as a nation of individuals
who are defined only in part by our group affiliations
Conflicts around the
world teach us that ethnic identity must be sustained within a framework of
community in which the values that unite us are made stronger than those which
tend to separate us.
(2) Representation and Difference: Will 21st century diversity alter the composition
of leadership? Should it?
Assembling a Cabinet that "looks like America"
An inclusive government
helps give people confidence that a range of voices and concerns are represented,
giving government more of the legitimacy upon which our democracy depends.
"Our turn" ethnic rivalries in for city council, school superintendent, police chief,
or other key official. I understand that race still means something, at least to many
voters. But it shouldn't mean everything. JFK example
growing numbers of
minority officials with strong blocks of white voter support
Other situations: assigning metro reporters; leadership of a PTA.
Reasons to care about diverse representation: (1) confirms openness of process,
not cronyism or the like; (2) legitimacy; (3) we need to have workplaces and civic
organizations in which people experience and bridge their differences; (4) many
organizations will simply work better if they are representative.
One of our most difficult challenges is to think through when race should matter,
and when it shouldn't. Simple answers are likely to get us off track need
to
stay
focused on our vision of what kind of community and institutions we want.
p.6
Part II: Vision
April 26, 1999
(3) Personal Preferences, Stereotypes and Discrimination
While I know that in some cases this is because hearts remain locked and
poisoned, there is a far more common problem of not quite knowing in our daily
lives where a simple human tendency to prefer the familiar, including people like
ourselves, shades into the troubling use of stereotypes and eventually the clearly
wrong kinds of behavior our legal system chooses to label "discrimination."
Korean grocer example. More than a question of lawfulness. What is right? If
each of us throughout society and the economy just follows our inclination to
socialize, hire and do business based on who seems familiar, we end up with a
massive denial of opportunity to those still outside the economic mainstream.
The background of rivalry and tension
The ethnicity of the grocery store
owner and its workers would probably not matter so much if the black and Latino
residents of the community felt satisfied by their economic opportunities and
believed they had the same potential to open a store themselves.
(4) The Special Matter of Native Americans: Sacred Sites
Reconciling One America with tribal sovereignty
Example: conflict over
Indian sacred sites
Historical perspective
Devil's Tower National
Monument in Wyoming
To spot/resolve conflicts, my Executive Order
requires dialogue
Tribes and various communities must deal with competing perceptions, values
and traditions in many contexts
cultural resources teams
As the
millennium approaches, our respect for preservation grows
"In our every
deliberation, we must consider the impact of our decision on the next seven
generations." This lesson of stewardship can serve all Americans well.
(5) Apologies for Slavery and Other Wrongs
Tuskegee
So what about slavery? Native Americans; Japanese Americans.
But, "Exactly what are we apologizing for -- I've certainly never owned slaves
Apologize to whom?" As long as there are those among us who refuse to
understand the present consequences of 200 years of discrimination and hatred ,
we dare not declare victory with a mere apology. After all, what good is an
apology if you don't even understand what you are apologizing for?
p.7
Part III, Section 1: Education
May 17, 1999
PART III: THE OPPORTUNITY WE DESERVE
SECTION 1. HIGH - QUALITY EDUCATION FOR ALL:
A NEW COVENANT FOR THE NEW CENTURY
A. INTRODUCTION
Set up: Little Rock Nine
We haven't lived up to our nation's ideals
Tackling
inequality is vitally important for several reasons
Education has been among my
highest priorities, and we have made important progress
100,000 new teachers,
reduce class size, etc.
But more to do.
Diversity: Opportunities and Challenges
Increasing diversity in our schools.
Fairfax County
By 2035, there will likely
be no majority race in our public school population. This is an enormous national
asset, if we fully harness the gifts and talents
But too often, the children who need
an excellent education the most are least likely to get it. And too often, those are
children of color.
Extent and Causes of Achievement Disparities
Facts: Racial disparities throughout the K-12 (and beyond) "pipeline"
NAEP
scores; high school graduation; college matriculation
These disparities mark the
distance from the America we see to the America we deserve.
Residential race/class segregation; property tax reliance
Schools in a sea of
poverty are too often overwhelmed, or nearly so, by the challenges they face --
hunger, homelessness, security, etc.
Plus, the disparities in resources -- buildings, teacher skill, computers, etc.
These conditions are socially and economically destructive. They are also morally
unacceptable. What would our lives be like today if we had provided every American
regardless of race or class with the educational opportunity to succeed to his or her
full potential?
p.8
Part III, Section 1: Education
May 17, 1999
B. MAKING A FOCUSED ATTACK ON CLOSING THE RACIAL GAP IN K-12
ACHIEVEMENT
(1) ESEA and the Administration's Record
ESEA: Description of ESEA proposals
turn around failing schools
reward
progress in raising achievement levels
put high-quality teachers in high-poverty
schools, end so-called "social promotion"
expand after-school
building in
accountability at all levels to focus not only on improving education for every
child in America, but also, especially, on narrowing the gaps between affluent
suburbs and comparatively poor inner-cities and isolated rural areas.
(2) Building on ESEA: A Compact to Reduce Racial Disparities
Compact: Looking ahead, building on ESEA, local, state and federal officials and
others should join in a new Compact for Equal Opportunity in Education
a new
covenant to eliminate K-12 racial disparities.
Reform based on high standards and accountability for outcomes works
Goals 2000 and Title I reform
Progress
but the pace is too slow, and our
ambitions must be still higher.
Education is primarily a state and local responsibility but a child's opportunity can
be limited by the resources a local community can raise, or the accident of a state's
wealth or poverty, generous or stingy in aid to local schools
red tape
poor
coordination
Politics must stop at the schoolhouse door.
Transition: ESEA and this Compact can be important steps, but there are many
other actions we can take at all levels of government
C. OTHER MEASURES To BUILD EDUCATION EQUITY
(1) Support families and promote early learning opportunities
Parents and caregivers must be every child's first teachers. Racial disparities in
parents reading to children
Headstart
Adult literacy connection
Policies: All schools should have parent compacts that clearly define parents' role
in the school. As a national goal, I believe that every parent should be involved
p.9
Part III, Section 1: Education
May 17, 1999
in their child's school, and that employers should provide the flexibility to help
parents do so.
(2) Provide Educational Resources and Opportunities Equitably
I'll be blunt: it's easy to talk tough about standards, duck the politically difficult
task of investing the needed resources, and then blame powerless poor kids when
they can't make the grade. And it is easy to turn the standards-based reform
movement into a testing movement. It's not. It must be about excellence and
equity, and that must include fair investments.
Money isn't everything in education, but we can't expect schools to succeed
without adequate resources.
Let me mention several issues
(for a more
detailed discussion, see appendix A).
Teaching; Curriculum; Buildings; Technology; Safety
(3) High Expectations and Accountability
Students. Promoting high expectations and high standards for all students.
Ending Social Promotion
But we must do it the right way
(4) English Language Acquisition
Another critical challenge facing American education today is the teaching of
students who are not yet fluent in English Exploding need; teacher shortage
FY2000 budget
Our Bilingual reform proposals - three year goal
D. RACIAL ISOLATION AND SCHOOL RESEGREGATION
The third major challenge is the problem of resegregation. After a burst of
progress in the late 1960s and early 1970s, racial isolation in our elementary and
secondary schools, particularly in urban districts, is worsening
Why it matters
The goals of quality and integration in education are
complementary. Diversity is not about political correctness. Integration has real,
tangible benefits for all students, and for our society.
p. 10
Part III, Section 1: Education
May 17, 1999
Charter schools and public school choice
CONCLUSION
Tearing down the walls of disparity and division in American education is as
vital to our future as our vigilant defense of democracy or securing our leadership
in the new global economy
How we meet the challenge remains a window on
our hearts.
***
p.11
Part III, Section 2: Jobs & Economic Development
May 18, 1999
PART III: THE OPPORTUNITY WE DESERVE
SECTION 2. COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT AND JOBS:
HARNESSING CAPITAL AND LABOR MARKETS FOR DISTRESSED COMMUNITIES
A. INTRODUCTION
In my vision of One America, no community and no family will be isolated from the
economic mainstream. Everyone who works hard and plays by the rules should be
able to raise their families in dignity
South Bronx success story
Two basic goals: (1) connecting capital and credit markets to distressed communities;
(2) breaking the back of the epidemic levels of unemployment common in so many
high poverty, often minority, neighborhoods.
B. A NATIONAL COMMUNITY INVESTMENT SYSTEM
Setup
Great Depression example: tackling problems in the housing market
major
Federally financed innovations
FHA, etc
Home ownership today
Different housing story in many minority communities
And far broader problem:
markets also fail to draw needed investment capital to fuel businesses and job
creation, and they fail to provide the personal financial services-from checking
accounts to insurance to micro-lending for entrepreneurs-that can be the gateways to
economic mobility and security.
We should do for financial markets in our distressed communities what we did for
housing markets decades ago.
Detailed exposition of National Community Investment System (NCIS) proposal
Housing analogy - FHA, Fannie Mae, FHLBB
antidiscrimination, CRA
By creating NCIS we can not only help increase home ownership and support the
construction of affordable housing, but also to expand community development and
bring the economic mainstream flowing to neighborhoods that have been left high and
p. 12
Part III, Section 2: Jobs & Economic Development
May 18, 1999
dry behind long-standing dams of segregation, discrimination and hopelessness
bring a flood of empowerment, entrepreneurialism and jobs.
First, build upon what we've been doing: (1) preserve relevance of CRA; (2) improve
antidiscrimination compliance; (3) expand CDFIs; (4) SBA's targeted efforts; (5) still
more effective federal/state tax credits for housing, redevelopment, reclaiming of
"brownfields," and expansion of Empowerment Zones.
Second, fill out the National Community Investment Structure with new measures: (1)
follow through on the New Markets Initiative, including APICs; (2) Create better
tools to support mainstream financial institutions, and others, that invest in distressed
communities: might include combinations of credit subsidy, insurance, and tax
incentives both to attract new sources of capital and to create secondary markets, all
analogous to the creativity we have applied in housing markets.
[More detailed exposition of the above ideas.] Reflect the lessons of our work to
promote community empowerment
links to regional growth opportunities
private sector and non-profit agencies to provide technical assistance and mentoring
to small businesses
Welfare-to-Work Partnership analogy/connection
NCIS
can help provide the incentives, strategic insight and "glue" to help knit all these
pieces together.
Now, while the economy is so strong, is the right time to act.
C. BREAKING THE BACK OF HYPER-UNEMPLOYMENT AMONG YOUNG ADULTS
(1) The Problem and the Diagnosis
Stunning record
Our economic expansion must be inclusive
Data:
unemployment is shockingly high among young minorities
While the
unemployment rate among African American teenagers has reached its lowest
peacetime level in four decades, it is still 6.5 times higher than the national
average
Overall numbers mask that in some neighborhoods the problems are
concentrated at epidemic levels-a disease that erodes hope.
Diagnosis: (1) skills mismatch and schooling; (2) regional labor market
disconnect in information, job networks, intermediaries, transportation, limited
housing options; (3) discrimination; (4) child care; (5) crime, with its multiple
impacts.
Now that we have diagnosed the problem, what can we do about it?
p.
Part III, Section 2: Jobs & Economic Development
May 18, 1999
(2) Strategy to Drive Down Unemployment Rates
No silver bullet. As with community investment, we must build a "system" of
interlocking measures, focused on a simple goal: To drive down unemployment
rates for young minority adults to the average in the regional labor market; for
those willing to work, we must build a bridge out of economic isolation.
Policy priorities:
- ready pool of workers, with the education and basic skills
- mentoring and school-to-work efforts
coupled with targeted training that is
linked to particular sectors and local employers
- link schools to regional labor markets; training at community colleges
- affordable child care
- targeted enforcement of the antidiscrimination laws in employment and
housing, especially where there is evidence of problems.
- greater focus on metropolitan-wide strategies for job placements,
transportation, education, housing. Labor markets are regional
(3) Building on the Record
Federal contribution to these efforts, although it is obviously a shared
responsibility. I believe we have made important strides in this direction during
my administration, developing models worthy of replication and expansion at the
state and local levels. Youthbuild
Work Force Investment Act
Job Corps
In particular, I encourage us all to apply the lessons learned from one of the
programs of which I am most proud - the Welfare to Work Initiative, which
brings together the mutual interests of businesses and people searching for jobs
Historically, emphasis on families through AFDC and EA; now we must address
the intolerably high unemployment rates for young people-particularly minority
youth. I have asked my Cabinet to work with the private sector, state and local
governments, and non-profit organizations to develop a [ ?? Working for Youth
??] initiative that will target the needs of younger adults the same way that we
have welfare recipients. 10,000 business members to hire more than 410,000
welfare recipients, the time is ripe
We can build on the success of the past six
years to expand opportunities for the next generation.
CONCLUSION
***
p. 14
Part III, Section 3: Community Security
May 18, 1999
PART III: THE OPPORTUNITY WE DESERVE
SECTION 3. COMMUNITY SECURITY, AND A CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
THAT SERVES ALL AMERICANS FULLY AND FAIRLY
A. INTRODUCTION
I ask every American who lives in a safe community to imagine what it would be like
to live in a neighborhood where you and your family feared violence every day.
Our highest-crime communities want, need, and deserve strong law enforcement
But we must not substitute prisons for playgrounds, or parole officers for church
deacons and college teachers
As we redouble efforts to ensure every family's
right to a safe community, we must take action in every community across our nation
to keep young people out of crime and build trust and confidence in the criminal
justice system across racial lines.
Some of our deepest and most complex challenges of race involve criminal justice.
Today, crime rates are at their lowest levels in nearly 25 years
Yet
as the
Advisory Board on Race said in its final report, "Racial disparities persist in both the
realities and perceptions of crime and the administration of justice."
Disparity data
On victimization and offending.
Explanations
While poverty, family disruption absence of opportunity and
residential instability are terrible pressures for anyone to bear, they are not and should
not be excuses for crime
responsibility
But, we cannot deny that they
contribute to crime
Absent these factors, rates of criminal offending and
victimization do not differ significantly by race, but the communities in which these
troubling conditions exist together are often communities of color,
Persons of color often have less trust and confidence in law enforcement than whites,
and these perceptions of unfairness limit the effectiveness of law enforcement
I
believe the justice system is for the most part fair
but we can do better.
Many minority communities want strong law enforcement, but bear an enormous
price for high rates of incarceration
These rates of imprisonment have substantial
social and economic effects
These conditions are intolerable We must do three things: (1) reduce crime and
restore order in selected communities of color where crime and fear of crime are
p.15
Part III, Section 3: Community Security
May 18, 1999
greatest; (2) youth prevention/diversion; (3) build trust and confidence in the criminal
justice system among persons of color. We have laid the foundation
community
policing
[Detail on community policing and COPS, including the new proposed expansion.]
B. TIGHTER TARGETING OF FEDERAL RESOURCES TO CRIME HoT SPOTS
In order to reduce and prevent crime in our highest-crime communities, I believe that
the federal government should work in partnership with state and local government to
promote a comprehensive community policing and crime prevention initiative
targeting neighborhoods of concentrated disadvantage, social disorder, and high crime
rates. Like multiple fire hoses aimed at the center of a blaze, this initiative would
target proven community safety efforts into a single stream aimed at crime "hot
spots."
[Description of "Hot Spots" challenge to state and local partners.]
C. OTHER MEASURES TO ENSURE PUBLIC SAFETY IN HIGHEST-CRIME
COMMUNITIES
Today, although crime rates are dropping across the nation and for all racial groups,
they remain unacceptably high in a small number of deeply poor, mostly minority
communities. These high-crime areas are concentrated in urban centers, but exist in
other areas as well, including parts of Indian country
(1) Enhance targeted law enforcement and address the problems of gangs, guns,
and drugs
Targeting. The best law enforcement strategies identify high-crime places through
computer mapping, and then increase police patrols at those high-crime places at
high-crime times. Importantly, research shows that enhancing such targeted law
enforcement does not simply displace crime, but actually reduces it.
Guns and drugs. Crack
Littleton
Brady Bill
Gangs
Boston
Finally, while drug use is down in many places, the percentage of persons who
commit crimes under the influence of drugs is increasing, and drug markets
p.16
Part III, Section 3: Community Security
May 18, 1999
continue to threaten order in our highest-crime communities.
cannot ease up
our attacks
but the war has a terrible, disproportionate toll on persons in
communities of color-compounding the destruction from the drug scourge itself.
So, with more effective enforcement, we need a reinvigorated focus on
prevention, treatment. We cannot "incarcerate" ourselves to victory in these most
needy communities.
(2) Engage the community and establish community policing
We need the right kind of law enforcement done in the right way. Research
shows that by improving the legitimacy of police in the eyes of the community,
we can not only reduce tensions, but also help prevent crime
Chicago's
Alternative Policing Strategy (CAPS)
The expansion of community policing
has contributed greatly to the decrease in crime across our nation and to better
police-community relations.
(3) Build stronger communities
While law enforcement is important, crime prevention in most communities is a
consequence not only of government or law enforcement, but is primarily based
on the strength of the community itself, and the families within it
"collective
efficacy" We can and must take action to rebuild community infrastructure and
strengthen the forces of cohesion [link to education and other opportunity
elements of the workplan].
D. KEEP YOUNG PEOPLE OUT OF CRIME
AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
After increasing dramatically for nearly a decade, juvenile crime has been decreasing
rapidly for the last few years at rates even greater than adult crime. Too many
children are still falling prey to crime, however, as either offenders or victims
children of color are over represented
To some, these figures raise serious concerns about the fairness of the juvenile justice
system. I, too, am very troubled. But we must face facts. The numbers also reflect
disparities in the commission of crimes and the need for greater efforts to keep our
young people, especially young males of color, out of crime and the criminal justice
system.
our commitment to prevention and treatment programs
But none of
this will matter unless young people themselves seize these opportunities and take
responsibility
p. 17
Part III, Section 3: Community Security
May 18, 1999
(1) Prevent Crime by Supporting Young People
Several strategies show evidence of success
requires the support and
participation of families, schools, and communities
We launched a Values-
Based Violence Prevention Initiative
we must do more at all levels
Houston and Boston examples
(1) Early childhood and support
Perry Preschool project in Michigan
(2)
after-school programs (3) adult and/or community supervision; mentoring
programs. Community-based organizations and institutions are often the best
sources for this kind of civic investment.
(2) Promote Appropriate Punishments When Children First Get in Trouble
Rates of criminal recidivism are astounding
we can do more to intervene and
help youth and their families turn their lives around
Several strategies have
shown signs of success
- youth, gun, and drug courts, as well as drug treatment more generally.
- "restorative justice" programs
Not enough to just hope that families, and perhaps churches and schools, will
keep youngsters on the right path, or "straighten them out"
It takes hard work
by parents and others close to them and by community programs and leaders.
Our country has a higher proportion of our people in prisons and jails than any
other democracy Yes, we must redouble our efforts to create jobs so that no
community is left behind. But meanwhile, we cannot write off children and leave
them vulnerable to crime or the seduction of criminal behavior. We cannot build
the One America we want if one in six black children born today, and one in
eleven Hispanic children, can be expected during their lives to spend time in a
prison, while white children face only a one-in-40 lifetime chance of
incarceration.
E. BUILD FAIRNESS AND TRUST IN OUR CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
ACROSS RACIAL LINES
There is no more fundamental tenet of our governmental system than the entitlement
of every person, inscribed in our Constitution, to equal protection under the law
Persons of color have less confidence and trust in system than whites. In a recent poll
p. 18
Part III, Section 3: Community Security
May 18, 1999
perceptions based on experiences and incidents leading some law-abiding persons
fear enforcement targeting by color.
"Driving while black"
Community policing can play an important role here
The answer to the question of whether there is discrimination in the administration of
justice should not be, "We don't know there is discrimination." The answer must be,
"We know there is not discrimination, and we have processes in place to ensure that."
Clearly, we're not there yet.
(1) Combat Racial Profiling
Profiling is a difficult subject in part because many people focus on supposed
efficiencies and may not see immediately the great unfairness, the insult to our
ideals. In a sense, however, this is the perfect example of why perceptions about
the criminal justice system can differ so dramatically
Not only is racial
profiling fueled by negative stereotypes and inconsistent with our fundamental
belief in equal protection under the law, it is also simply bad policy that hinders
effective law enforcement. As Attorney General Janet Reno said
I agree with the Attorney General I believe that to achieve our vision of One
America with community security and community faith in law enforcement, all
levels of government must take this issue head on. (1) training; (2) improve data
collection; (3) civil rights law enforcement to correct situations
;
(4) Finally,
we should encourage all levels of law enforcement to develop and explain clear
policies concerning racial profiling.
I have instructed the Attorney General to prepare an Executive Order for my
signature
(2) Eliminate Police Brutality
No issue looms larger than the issue of police brutality.
Most police officers
are, quite simply, heroes
(1) we know too little about police use of excessive
force
(2) but we must acknowledge that excessive use of force against persons
of color still occurs
I pledge whatever advice and assistance the experience and resources of the
federal government can offer, because police brutality is destructive of the trust so
essential to community law enforcement. We know some of what works
p.19
Part III, Section 3: Community Security
May 18, 1999
(3) Ensure Fairness in Incarceration and Sentencing
While persons of color make up less than one-third of our nation's population,
they make up more than two-thirds of the state and federal prison populations
However, in terms of fairness in the administration of justice, the key question is
to what extent are present disparities caused by discrimination in the
administration of justice. Most of us believe that discrimination is a very small
factor, but some of our citizens feel otherwise. Still more of us suspect that, even
if there is not discrimination, there is some subtle role of racial difference and
color that has stacked the deck.
Having said that, the best available evidence indicates that most of the existing
disparities in the administration of justice-from arrest through sentencing-are
not due to discrimination, but are primarily due to underlying disparities in the
commission of crimes: once the crime is committed, the rates of arrest, conviction
and imprisonment do not seem to differ significantly by race
But racial disparities in drug arrests and sentencing are dramatic. In part, this is
an unintended consequence of the war on drugs
Tough enforcement, but we
cannot ignore the disproportionate impact.
The war on drugs is a war for our
communities and children, not a war against them. That is why I have urged
increases in support for prevention and treatment.
Crack sentencing reform
(4) Increase Diversity in Law Enforcement
Police and prosecutors, judges and jurors, are officers of our society empowered
on behalf of all of us to enforce the laws and serve us all. Quite simply, they are
likely to receive greater trust and confidence when all persons in society see
themselves reflected in those officers We have made some important gains
One goal of COPS has been to increase diversity in law enforcement
We must
continue this progress at all levels of government and throughout the system.
CONCLUSION
***
p.20
Part III, Section 4: Civil Rights Enforcement
May 18, 1999
PART III: THE OPPORTUNITY WE DESERVE
SECTION 4. A RENEWED COMMITMENT TO CIVIL RIGHTS ENFORCEMENT
A. INTRODUCTION
On a hot August day in 1963
In a twenty-year period, we built the indispensable
legal foundation for our progress on issues of equality and opportunity
We must
go beyond the civil rights agenda of the past to fashion new civic covenants for the
new century.
while also addressing continuing civil wrongs rooted in continuing
discrimination.
Great strides
yet more covert and subtle impediments persist
And issues
beyond black-white
This is about more than enforcing laws. It is about living up
to our values and keeping our promises.
B. COMPLETING THE TRADITIONAL AGENDA:
STRATEGIC INVESTMENTS AND A STRENGTHENED ENFORCEMENT INFRASTRUCTURE
We should have bipartisan agreement on at least this much: enforce the law, and
promote voluntary compliance with it. My proposals for new enforcement
investments at the federal, state, and local levels
Beyond resources, the federal
workplan should include: (1) act more strategically to put the federal investments
where they will do the most good; (2) fresh approaches to winning greater
compliance; (3) better coordination among agencies; (4) hold ourselves accountable,
and do a better job of teaching the wider public about these issues by establishing a
permanent program of ongoing data collection measuring discrimination in various
sectors.
[Examples of investing strategically] EEOC backlogs; hate crimes; DoEd OCR; using
testers to target; ensuring that caseloads reflect the new demography
[Examples of new approaches] ADR methods
Self-assessment tools
Intergovernmental coordination.
[Examples of Improved coordination] Strengthened interagency process
Measuring discrimination: efforts must be tied to results
we know about soybean
production, but not the extent of discrimination
Authoritative information ought
to be one of the guiding forces in policy debates on race.
p.21
Part III, Section 4: Civil Rights Enforcement
May 18, 1999
C. STRENGTHENING CIVIL RIGHTS LAWS AND ENFORCEMENT STRATEGIES
Eliminate hate crimes: Data
record
pass the Hate Crimes Prevention Act.
Expand the antidiscrimination laws to cover stores and retail transactions, under
Title II of the 1964 Civil Rights Act: Denny's incident
Eddie Bauer
Despite
numerous reports to DOJ of discrimination in the retail provision of everyday goods
and services, and despite social science research, the Federal government often lacks
authority
We need a stronger federal law.
Defend affirmative action programs and promote voluntary compliance: Adarand
July of 1995 speech at the National Archives
affirmative action as one of the tools
we still need
I fully recognize how controversial this issue has been and is likely
to remain. But
William Bowen and Derek Bok, The Shape of the River, is a
comprehensive review
Moskos & Bulter work documenting benefits in our
military, particularly the Army.
- But our review also showed that there was room for improvement.
My
Administration has taken seriously its charge to mend our use of race in federal
programs
- One other area of affirmative action policy that demands national attention-the
growing dangers of resegregation in education
deepening racial isolation in
elementary and secondary schools
the threat from attacks on affirmative action
in selective universities.
- What race-blind admissions policies reap
[Latest reports on California, Texas
experiences - which are mixed.]
- Extended discussion of affirmative action in higher education
D. DEFINE A NEW CIVIL RIGHTS AGENDA TO ACHIEVE RACIAL JUSTICE
Combat discrimination in K-12 educational opportunity: Civil rights component to
opportunity agenda discussed in Part III, Section 1 of this book. Education Secretary
Richard Riley has called education the "new civil right." I agree.
- [Strong endorsement of DoEd's policies:] Title VI prohibits not only intentional
discrimination, but also policies and practices that have an unjustified disparate
impact by race. Often misunderstood, but it makes great sense. Mere disparities,
however troubling, are not the same as unlawful discrimination. We attack such
p.22
Part III, Section 4: Civil Rights Enforcement
May 18, 1999
disparities because to do so reflects our values strengthens America. In contrast,
unjustified racial disparities are unlawful under our civil rights statutes.
- Directive to DoEd and DOJ
to develop guidance on federal law
and
identify situations in which the federal government can participate in negotiations
or, if necessary litigation, to help ensure that the promise of equal opportunity
embedded in federal civil rights laws is fulfilled in every facet of our school
systems.
- Illegal tracking and assignment to special education classes
Tracking can be
useful, but there are abuses and dangers
I encourage educators and policy
makers to embark on a national dialogue to ensure that our educational policies
comport with our goal for equal educational opportunity, in word and in deed.
-
We must not return to a system of "separate and equal" under a different guise. It
did not work in the past, and it will not work now.
Combat worker exploitation: Slavery and slavery-like practices continue to exist in
America and we need strong civil rights protections to end them
U.S. citizens,
legal immigrants, and undocumented workers are being recruited or smuggled into
this country expecting good jobs, only to be forced to work against their will under
abominable conditions
sweatshops
humanitarian concerns
And bad for
our economy.
- [Administration record and proposals to date.]
Combat discrimination in health care: Beyond poverty and more usual explanations,
health disparities are to at least some extent related to discrimination
[Summarize
discrmination data]
- Recent OCR settlements have uncovered a number of issues, including: Medical
redlining; Segregation; Language minority patients; Access.
- Administration's 2010 Health Disparities initiative.
- Steps to strengthen enforcement: (1) civil rights protections in any Patient's Bill
of Rights; (2) aggressive enforcement of existing anti-discrimination laws,
including my proposed HHS/OCR investments; (3) educate citizens about their
rights; (4) foster change at the so-called point of service, improving the
relationships between patients of color and their health care providers.
Ensure that every American lives in environmentally safe and healthy communities:
Environmental justice. Convent, Louisiana, story
Typifies the challenges facing
too many communities of color across the country as they confront decades of neglect
and systematic exclusion from the government decisions
false and dangerous
choice of joblessness versus an unfair environmental burden. Challenge ahead is to
give communities new tools to erase the legacy of toxic burdens they face
- My Executive Order
p.23
Part III, Section 4: Civil Rights Enforcement
May 18, 1999
- We can ignore issues of environmental justice only at the risk of racial conflict
and racial tension
Local people must have a place at the table when decisions
are made
Environmental justice is inseparable from the cause of economic
justice. No community should be forced into having to choose between their
health and their jobs.
Ensure an accurate Census: Count every American because every American counts:
An accurate census is critical
In 1990, the differential undercount, including the
undercount of racial and ethnic minority groups, was the highest ever
Why?
Because we know the obstacles, we can address them.
- Take advantage of our scientific knowledge
Sampling. Accuracy, not politics.
E. PREVENT VIOLATIONS OF LAW BY REDUCING RACIAL TENSIONS
AND PROMOTING RECONCILIATION
What all levels of government can do to help communities and neighborhoods ease
racial tensions. History of creation of the Community Relations Service
CRS was
created to help our nation move from separation to inclusion
Importance of CRS
mission
lends its assistance when asked or when it learns that a community may
need its assistance
impartial mediation and conflict resolution
works on
partnerships to build peaceful communities.
Church arson example
[Preview the promising practices chapter, infra.]
CONCLUSION
America's long struggle for racial reconciliation was ennobled by what we now call
the civil rights era.
On that summer afternoon almost 40 years ago, on the steps of
the Lincoln Memorial, John Lewis joined with Martin Luther King in calling for our
long march to justice to continue "until true freedom comes, until the revolution of
1776 is complete." The American revolution is not yet complete. The civil rights
movement goes on.
***
p.24
Part III, Section 5: Native Americans
May 18, 1999
PART III: THE OPPORTUNITY WE DESERVE
SECTION 5. CREATING OPPORTUNITIES FOR NATIVE AMERICANS
A. INTRODUCTION
In 1994, I held an historic meeting at the White House with American Indian and
Alaska Native tribal leaders from over 500 federally recognized tribes. And last year
I hosted a White House Conference on economic development in Indian Country.
There I met a young man named Dominic Ortiz of the Prairie Band Potawatomi
Nation. Dominic, who runs his own business, exemplifies the new hope that is
dawning for Native Americans.
In a time of great prosperity and hope, Native Americans are still lagging behind - big
gaps in income with 31 percent living below the poverty line. Pine Ridge Reservation
in South Dakota is one of the poorest places in America. Indian Country must not be
left behind as our economy surges ahead.
Historical perspective - Before Europeans landed on these shores, Indian nations were
self-governing societies with remarkable scientific, artistic and cultural achievements.
Since our founding, U.S. has recognized many Indian Tribes as "domestic dependent
nations" with sovereign powers over their members and territory. We have entered
into numerous treaties pledging protection and guaranteeing tribal self-government.
In 1831, Chief Justice John Marshall recognized that the U.S. has a special trust
responsibility to protect Indian tribes. Regrettably, our nation has not lived up to its
legal and moral commitments to Native Americans.
The time has come to break with the past. As reflected in my Executive Order, we
must work with tribes on a government-to-government basis. And we must address
three critical concerns in Indian Country: economic development, education, and
community safety.
The Nature of the Problem. Economic and business development. While gaming
has helped reduce poverty and unemployment in a small number of tribes, the vast
majority of Native peoples still live in dire conditions. Securing business loans and
mortgages is virtually impossible. We announced a One-Stop Mortgage Center
Initiative to help, but more must be done. Education. Many, if not most, of the 185
BIA-funded elementary and secondary schools are in need of replacement or repair.
Again, I have proposed legislation to permit the leveraging of local resources to repair
p.25
Part III, Section 5: Native Americans
May 18, 1999
and replace these schools, but more must be done. We must close the achievement
gap among Indian students and improve preparation and participation in college. I
have signed an executive order to improve K-12 academic performance of Native
American and Alaska Native students, including a plan to train and recruit 1000 new
teachers for these students. Community Safety. Finally, while crime is down
dramatically all over America, violent crime is on the rise in Indian Country. Youth
gangs. Alcohol related violence. High suicide rates. Paucity of police officers in
Indian Country. We have taken steps to rectify this (COPS have funded almost 900
police officers in Indian Country since 1995).
B. Workplan for Indian Country: Education
Mentoring, Monitoring and Research for Native American Students. I have
directed the top officials in the federal government to develop a comprehensive
federal research agenda on Indian education to improve accountability, identify best
practices and better understand the barriers to Indian student achievement, such as the
frequent transfers between BIA and public schools.
Challenge to communities to increase mentoring efforts targeted to Native American
students as a way to improve academic performance, increase college participation
and, with the involvement of tribal elders, preserve culture and language.
As we work to improve all American education, make sure Indian students have equal
access to high quality curricula, teachers, classrooms and materials.
Enhance early childhood programs for Indian Children (Indian Head Start and the
BIA's Family and Child Education projects)
C. Workplan for Indian Country: Economic Development
Improve access to capital through CDFI, New Markets Initiative, Ezs and Ecs.
Ensure the dream of homeownership becomes a reality in Indian Country. My
executive order directs HUD, Treasury, Interior and tribal partners to streamline the
mortgage lending process in Indian Country. HUD's "Shared Visions" program is
working to increase affordable housing in Indian Country.
Encourage greater cooperation between state, local and tribal governments as well as
private partners to invest in economic development in Indian Country.
Invest in computer technology and infrastructure, including transportation in Indian
Country.
p.26
Part III, Section 5: Native Americans
May 18, 1999
D. Workplan for Indian Country: Community Safety
Tribal Government Based Law Enforcement Initiative. Comprehensive strategies
and coordinated funding are the most effective way federal government can empower
tribal governments to address problem of crime. Three objectives: gather insights and
information from local leaders; address community problems in a comprehensive
way; promote inter-tribal exchanges of ideas and experiences.
Here's how it would work: With help of federal technical assistance, tribes will
develop a comprehensive plan to address law enforcement and public safety concerns.
Use plans to apply for law enforcement funds with one application. Communities
will set performance goals and evaluate progress. Project can be expanded to address
other crime-related problems like alcohol abuse. This will require involvement of
other federal agencies besides Justice.
Efforts like Volunteers for Tribal Youth to help keep Indian youth out of gangs and
away from violence.
Conclusion
***
p.27
Part IV: The Community We Must Build
May 18, 1999
PART IV:
THE COMMUNITY WE MUST BUILD
A. INTRODUCTION
Building One America is a journey of the heart. One of the most powerful ways to
get there is the way Americans have always met challenges - by stepping out beyond
the boundaries of their own lives to join with others for a larger purpose. This calls
for a renewed commitment to community building and civic engagement.
B. THE EMPATHY GAP
Before discussing what we must do, I want to talk about why building One America
seems so elusive. Empathy gap - the difficulty we have in seeing others as part of our
community and our lives; relegating plight of struggling minorities as the problems of
"those people."
We can close this gap by working together across racial lines for common goals and
by greater introspection and honest dialogue around issues of race.
C. CIVIC ENGAGEMENT
You don't have to be involved in something called "politics" to make democracy
stronger. But you do have to be involved with your neighbors to make your
community stronger. Civic engagement is the cornerstone of democratic self-
government. Efforts to build One America nurtured by basic organizations of society:
schools, jobs, congregations, social and political clubs.
Ways to become involved include voting, citizen service (Peace Corps, military
service, AmeriCorps) and community groups (examples: EMPIRE in Washington
State; Bridges in Santa Ana, California; FAITHS Initiative in San Francisco; Boston
church coalition)
D. PROMISING PRACTICES
Review and examples from Advisory Board publication: Pathways to One America:
Promising Practices for Racial Reconciliation. Best programs feature at least one of
these goals: raise consciousness and encourage dialogue, educate on racial issues,
p.28
Part IV: The Community We Must Build
May 18, 1999
promote racially inclusive collaborations, expand access and opportunity, and
promote leadership and systemic change. Examples to illustrate each.
CONCLUSION
***
p.29
Part V: The Leadership We Need
May 18, 1999
PART V:
THE LEADERSHIP WE NEED
A. INTRODUCTION
Example of Dr. King: "Everybody can be great because everybody can serve." How
do we make the work of building One America the shared undertaking of the many
rather than the personal mission of the few?
New leadership has not emerged following death of Dr. King. And our national
attention to the issue of racial reconciliation has waned - perhaps because we thought
progress was inevitable; perhaps we thought it prudent to pause and digest our gains;
perhaps we thought this was work for someone else. All of this was wrong. We must
recommit ourselves to this work
Three areas for concrete action: (1) Community leadership and action; (2) sectoral
leadership and action; (3) federal leadership and action. Describe each.
B. COMMUNITY LEADERSHIP
In wake of crises like Rodney King and Jasper, Texas, communities have rallied to
work together for healing and change. We need same action in absence of crisis.
Urge Community Partnerships for Racial Reconciliation. Suggest structure and goals.
C. SECTORAL LEADERSHIP.
Call on leaders in Faith, Higher Ed, Legal, Corporate, News and Entertainment
Media, and Social Science Research communities to develop and implement own
workplans. Discuss progress to date for each, and suggested areas of focus.
D. FEDERAL LEADERSHIP
Commit federal action in three areas: (1) reviving Civil Rights Commission; (2)
making the federal government a model enterprise; (3) White House structure to help
drive the work of agencies and communities -- [the new race office] -, including
possible White House Conference on One America.
CONCLUSION
***
p.30
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Part IV: The Opportunity We Deserve
[Introduction to Part IV]
1.
A High Quality Education for All
INTRODUCTION
I was eleven years old in September 1957 and living in Hot Springs,
Arkansas. I remember listening to the radio one morning as, fifty miles away in
Little Rock, nine black students tried to walk through the doors of all-white Central
High School. I was riveted as the story unfolded. Those nine boys and girls were
not much older than I was, and I tried to imagine what it would be like to be them,
as mobs of white protesters glared, shouted, and spat at them on their first day of
school. 1
It had been three years since the Supreme Court's historic decision in Brown
V. Board of Education declared racial segregation in America's schools to be
unconstitutional, and the conflict at Central High would become the nation's first
major confrontation over court-ordered school desegregation. The courageous
efforts of the Little Rock Nine served as a catalyst for the integration of thousands
of segregated schools around the nation and, over a period of years, produced great
strides in opportunity and understanding.
On November 6, 1998, some forty years after the Little Rock Nine had first
set foot in Central High, they came to the White House to receive the
Congressional Gold Medal for their courage and their contributions to our nation.
As President, I had the privilege of hosting them. At the ceremony, my friend
Ernest Green, one of the original nine, spoke on behalf of the honorees. He said
something of great significance. Yes, the Little Rock Nine understood in 1957 the
importance of their effort to end racial segregation in their schools. But more than
anything else, the Little Rock Nine were simply seeking the highest quality
education they could find. "We simply thought we were doing the right thing,"
Ernie said, "and that it was our duty as students in Little Rock to try to advance
and receive the best education available.
Today, we have learned many lessons from our years of struggle. One of the
most important, for me, is the idea that our schools and our nation are stronger
when persons of all races learn together. I believe this in my own heart. I have
seen it with own my eyes.
ed2-5.fjw.wpd
Page 2
If America is the land of opportunity, then, for generations, education has
been the cornerstone of that ideal. During the great era of immigration, between
the mid-19th and early 20th centuries, American reformers recognized the
economic and political importance of building a common school system that would
serve all of the nation's children. The foundation of our modern democracy and
free enterprise economy has been our belief in the great capacity of all citizens to
lift up America while improving their own lives. Education, John Dewey knew,
could be America's great equalizer. 4
Challenges Ahead
Of course, we have not always lived up to that egalitarian ideal. We have
sometimes denied full and fair educational opportunity, at times through malice, and
other times through indifference or inadvertence. Today, we continue to deny
opportunity in a way that hurts disproportionately children of color. Racial
disparities in both student achievement and educational resources mean that we do
not have the kind of excellent school system that we deserve. Eliminating these
disparities are among this nation's greatest challenges.
Tackling these problems is of vital importance for several reasons. First,
education has always been important to our economic growth. It will become even
more important in the knowledge economy of the 21st century. In our
transforming world, the principal source of competitive advantage in many
industries will increasingly rely on the ability of institutions and people to innovate,
continuously learn, and productively change. And as our nation grows more
diverse, our strength will depend more and more on whether we provide
high-quality educational opportunities to those children of color who today receive
the least.
Second, education is also a powerful arena for strengthening our American
community. When young people learn together and serve together across racial and
ethnic lines they begin to break down stereotypes and the walls that have kept us
apart. I have seen this work across our nation. Our diversity is a great asset in
education, but one that we exploit too little. Supreme Court Justice Thurgood
Marshall, who led the fight for school integration a generation ago, put it best when
he said, "Unless our children begin to learn together, there is little hope our people
will ever learn to live together."
Finally, providing sound educational opportunities to our nation's youth is our
moral obligation. Remember that these are children. Each of them is eight years
old but once. The decisions we make today could leave them without the skills and
the intellectual ability that will allow them to prosper as they grow older. Or, we
can make sound choices that would allow them to discover and achieve their full,
God-given potential. If we make those wise choices today not only will we make
ed2-5.fjw.wpd
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our nation stronger and our communities more dynamic - we will also do the right
thing.
Precisely how we go about providing all of our children the opportunities they
deserve has been the difficult issue at the heart of educational politics for some
time. Many urban parents, understandably tired of waiting for their local public
schools to improve, have begun to entertain the idea of private school vouchers as
a solution. And many parents, both urban and suburban, remind educational reform
advocates that "local control" of schools is an important consideration. I
understand the impetus behind these policy ideas. But I respectfully disagree with
the policies themselves. Vouchers could damage, perhaps irreparably, the public
school system that has been one of the cornerstones of this society. And it is
important that, given the current status of residential race- and class- segregation,
local control does not reinforce racial isolation in schools.
Americans do not want either of these outcomes. 90% of all children in this
country attend public schools, and the vast majority of Americans believe in the
value of public schooling. 5 And, data also shows that the vast majority of all
adults and students, no matter what race or socioeconomic status, believe that
children of different races should attend school together.6
It is important that we meet all of people's current educational desires -
high-quality schools, local authority, and racial integration - within a school system
that is public and that reflects the best of America's democratic, common school
ideal. I believe that I have crafted a workplan that does this. But before I turn to
policy ideas, let me first outline the educational opportunities and challenges
presented by the growing diversity in our society.
Diversity: Opportunities and Challenges
America, and America's schools, are becoming more racially and culturally
diverse than ever in our history. Consider the fact that since 1976, the percentage
of minority students in public schools has increased from 24 percent to 35
percent. The number of Hispanic students has doubled and the number of Asian
Pacific American students has tripled.8 Some schools are becoming diverse in
ways we never before dreamed of. The schools of Fairfax County, Virginia, for
example, have students from more than 180 countries who speak more than 100
different languages.9 By 2035, there will likely be no majority race in our public
school population. 10
The growing diversity of our school population is an enormous national asset.
Imagine what our country would be like if we were able to fully harness the gifts
and talents of all of our young people. And imagine what our children can achieve
ed2-5.fjw.wpd
Page 4
in classrooms where students of different backgrounds, cultures, and faiths come
together to forge friendships, learn lessons, and build communities. Academic
studies have shown that when students of different races work together toward
common goals, they can break down racial stereotypes, improve race relations, and
improve student achievement. 11 These findings confirm what we already know,
in our hearts, to be true about the kinds of educational experiences we want to
provide all our children. Imagine what we could learn from them if they learned in
truly diverse classrooms.
But currently we are not making the most of our growing student diversity.
One grave challenge we face is the problem of racial disparity, especially the gap in
educational achievement between white, black, and Hispanic children. It is true
that over the last few decades, we have made important progress in educating
students of all races. Though improvement has often been slow and uneven, test
scores, high school graduation rates, and college participation rates have increased
for all racial and ethnic groups. In some cases, these improvements have been
greater for students of color than for whites, thus narrowing achievement gaps. 12
Nonetheless, as the wide disparities in SAT and other measures illustrate,
substantial challenges in education achievement remain. [Insert graphs with SAT
and NAEP trends by race.] Racial gaps in achievement persist throughout the
"pipeline" -- from preschool through higher education. Consider these stark
examples:
According to the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP),
average reading proficiency scores for 17-year-old black and Hispanic
students are lower than the average score for 13-year-old white
students 13.
Although 93 percent of whites and 87 percent of blacks ages 25 to
29 have a high school degree, only 62 percent of Hispanics and
approximately 66 percent of Native Americans are high school
graduates. 14
While the importance of a college degree is growing, so is the gap
between whites and persons of color who have a degree: 33 percent
of whites ages 25-29 have a four-year college degree or higher,
compared with just 14 percent of blacks and 11 percent of
Hispanics. 15
Clearly, it is in the national interest to have more of our students performing at the
highest levels.
I believe these disparities stem in large part from continuing gaps in
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Page 5
educational opportunity. Minority children are still less likely than white children to
have access to vital educational resources, including high-quality teachers, modern
school buildings, current technology, challenging coursework, and more. Minority
children are also more likely than white children to attend schools in high-poverty
areas, and to face threats of violence during the course of their school day. 16
Many minority students confront not just one, but all of these deficiencies in their
schools.
A second major challenge we, as Americans, face is the problem of
resegregation. After a burst of progress in the late 1960s and early 1970s,
segregation in our elementary and secondary schools, particularly in urban districts,
is worsening. Today, 9 of the 10 largest districts in America have greater than
75% minority enrollment. Moreover, within those districts, minority students are
likely assigned to racially isolated schools, in which the student population is
primarily black and Hispanic. Today, more than one-third of all black and Hispanic
students attend schools with greater than 90 percent minority enrollment. Rates of
segregation are worse for blacks than they were 15 years ago and, for Hispanics,
25 years ago. 17
Nearly 90 percent of these racially isolated schools also have a majority of
children in poverty, and therefore face the extra burdens typical of deeply poor
communities. 18 A minority student is 16 times more likely than a white
student to be in a high-poverty school. 19
In many metropolitan areas, poor, majority-black or Hispanic schools are
located very close -- sometimes minutes away by highway -- to wealthier, mostly
white institutions. And so, in the midst of burgeoning diversity, we have increasing
racial isolation.
Number of public elementary and secondary schools in the 100 largest school districts in the
United States, by specified minority membership categories, and minority students as
percentage of school district membership: School Year 1996-1997
Name of
State
Schools
0-20
21-40
41-60
61-80
81-100
Minority
Reporting
having
percent
percent
percent
percent
percent
students
District
membership
New York City
NY
1113
20
56
117
121
799
83.9
Public Schools
Los Angeles
CA
642
3
27
46
101
485
89.0
Unified
Puerto Rico
PR
1533
1533
100.0
Dept. Of
Education
ed2-5.fjw.wpd
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City of Chicago
IL
567
19
29
74
445
89.5
School Dist 29
Dade County
FL
321
4
24
58
235
86.5
School District
Broward
FL
193
17
55
52
26
43
52.6
County School
District
Philadelphia City
PA
257
6
23
34
33
161
80.2
SD
Houston ISD
TX
286
5
18
27
236
88.9
Hawaii Dept of
HI
248
5
31
92
120
76.0
Education
Detroit City
MI
258
4
3
14
237
94.8
School District
Clark County
NV
210
34
84
49
26
17
41.6
School District
Dallas ISD
TX
211
1
6
10
27
167
89.0
Hillsborough
FL
164
10
62
51
31
10
44.0
County Sch. Dist
Fairfax Cnty
VA
203
39
78
58
21
7
35.5
Public Schls
Palm Beach Cnty
FL
135
23
32
37
17
26
46.2
Schl Dist
San Diego City
CA
163
1
18
43
44
57
70.7
Unified
Orange County
FL
160
13
48
46
30
23
49.3
Schl Dist
Duval Cnty Schl
FL
154
14
55
42
15
28
46.3
Dist
Prince Georges
MD
179
6
15
33
125
83.3
Cnty Pub Schls
Montgomery
MD
182
24
56
58
38
6
45.3
Cnty Pub Schls
Think about what, in-conjunction, these two factors - gaps in
educational achievement and opportunity, and increasing racial isolation - mean for
children of color. Students attending predominantly minority secondary schools, for
example, have only a 60 percent chance of getting a math teacher with a math
degree and as little as a 50 percent chance of getting a science teacher with a
degree in the subject being taught. 20 Seventy percent of predominantly minority
schools have at least one serious building deficiency, such as poor heating, lighting,
or ventilation. 21 Black and Hispanic students are 20 percent less likely than whites
to use a computer at home or in school22, and recent studies indicate that
computers are used less effectively in predominantly minority schools. 23
Furthermore, children for whom English is a second language often do not have
enough resources to learn English and to participate fully in other subjects. In
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Page 7
California, more than 20 percent of all students are Limited English Proficient
(LEP)24, yet for every bilingual teacher who speaks Spanish or an Asian language,
there are 81 LEP Hispanic students and 561 LEP Asian Pacific American
students. 25
It is clear that we have not yet met our aspiration -- I consider it an obligation
-- to provide all children with what Ernest Green and the Little Rock Nine bravely
sought forty years ago: a high quality education for all students of all races, and the
chance for all students to learn together. To the parents of children who attend our
best schools I pose this simple question: How would you feel if you had to send
your child to a school with a leaky roof, outdated textbooks, no computers, and
teachers teaching subjects in which they lack basic competence? Too many of our
children face this reality every day. And more often than not, they are children of
color.
There are many reasons for the persistence of these problems. Most
Americans continue to live in residential neighborhoods separated by class and
race. Just a few decades ago, laws in many U.S. states mandated that white,
black and Hispanic students attend separate schools, with black and Hispanic
children relegated to inferior schools 26 Those laws are gone. But residential
segregation remains, especially in urban centers, and it has been exacerbated by
"white flight" as more and more middle class whites and others have moved to the
suburbs or sent their kids to private schools.
In addition, our system continues to fund schools based largely on local
property taxes. This has left many poor, minority communities struggling to
fund their schools from a limited and often shrinking tax base. These same schools
have trouble attracting and keeping the best teachers; they must cope with all of
the challenges of life in high poverty communities. The result is that, nearly a
half-century after Brown V. Board of Education, many black and Hispanic children
still attend inferior schools.
These conditions are socially and economically destructive. They are also
morally unacceptable. While we point fingers in every direction, individual
opportunity and our national strength suffer. How much genius and creativity are
we failing to harness because of continuing racial disparities in educational
opportunity? What would our lives be like today if we had provided every
American regardless of race or class with the educational opportunity to succeed to
his or her full potential? Would we have a cure for cancer? Or AIDS? Would we
have more efficient energy sources and technologies that greatly reduced pollution?
Would we have a new global movement for world peace and human rights? How
far would we have progressed in weaving our diversity into one great fabric of
community, and in purging our hearts of stereotypes and fears?
Each of us has both a reason and a responsibility to help overcome present
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disparities. We must build the highest quality educational system for Americans of
all ages and all backgrounds. As a former governor, I know that education is and
should be primarily a state and local issue. But in our increasingly diverse,
interconnected and global society, quality integrated education is also a national
priority. And it is a matter of fundamental fairness.
*
Throughout my presidency, education has been among my highest priorities,
and we have made important progress. [See text box on Administration proposals
and accomplishments(to come).] We have embraced the idea of high standards for
all students, and we have taken some steps to close the opportunity gap in
education. Our effort, for example, to help local schools hire 100,000 new teachers
and reduce class size in early grades will help eliminate racial disparities in class
size and have positive effects on student achievement. 29 But, much work remains
to be done. Let me discuss three primary goals for the years ahead -- not just for
federal action, but for all of us.
First, as we raise the bar for everyone, we must eliminate racial disparities in
primary and secondary educational achievement. Those achievement gaps mark
the distance from the America we see to the America we deserve. In the America
we deserve, every child will enjoy a high-quality education from preschool through
high school. This education will be bolstered by high standards and will allow every
student full and fair access to the best our schools can offer. And because the
stakes are so enormous, we need a revolution in accountability for public officials,
administrators, teachers, parents, and students themselves. In other words, we
need policies that focus not just on the administering and maintenance of schools
and programs, but also on ensuring that those schools and programs achieve the
results that they are supposed to. Without stronger mechanisms for accountability,
tied to appropriately measured educational outcomes, the goal of high quality is a
mere aspiration, not a commitment.
Second, we must close racial disparities in college participation and
graduation. Over the last three decades, the importance of a college degree to
economic advancement has grown dramatically. Today, a person with a college
degree earns 77 percent more than a person with only a high school diploma,
compared to a 57 percent advantage in earnings twenty years ago30. Yet the
proportion of blacks, Hispanics, and Native Americans receiving college degrees
remains less than half that of whites. 31 This must change. Improving K-12
achievement is the most important step, but we can't stop there. We can and
must make it possible for more students of color to go on and succeed in college.
Third, we must promote integration in education. Students need the
opportunity to learn together in ways that enrich the learning environment, improve
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race relations, and prepare them to thrive in the diverse world that awaits them.
Therefore, integration should be properly understood as one important element of
quality in our educational system. As the Advisory Board stated in its final report,
"Simply put, high-quality, integrated schools provide a more complete educational
experience for all students than high-quality, segregated schools."
In the balance of this chapter, I offer a workplan based on these three goals
that will help guide us all in the struggle for educational equity and excellence over
the coming decade. Let me first highlight the centerpiece for renewed federal
leadership, which focuses on the problem of disparities in primary and secondary
educational opportunity and achievement.
*
Centerpiece of the Federal Workplan:
The Compact for Equal Opportunity in Education
I propose a Compact for Equal Opportunity in Education -- quite simply, a
new covenant to benefit America's children. In those states and school districts
willing to enter into this covenant:
The federal government will offer substantial new funds and greatly
expanded flexibility in the use of current federal funding.
In return, the state or school district would establish a comprehensive
plan and strong system of accountability for results in closing the
measurable achievement gaps between minority and non-minority and
between poor and non-poor students in public schools.
The federal government would not dictate the means used, and the
state or district could even propose its own goals and timetables, with
all the public scrutiny that entails. But the decision to award the federal
funds and enter into a Compact would be based on a competitive,
public review of the applicant's comprehensive strategy by an
independent, diverse, peer review panel, including experts in
successful school reform strategies.
W must take this new approach because there is a tragic irony at work in
American education: too often, the children who need the most are least likely to
get it. In part, this is because of long-standing inequities in educational funding
formulas, especially the traditional reliance on local property taxes. Schools in a sea
of poverty are too often overwhelmed, or nearly so, by the extraordinary challenges
they face. Students who live in low-income neighborhoods often bring the many
burdens of their lives and their communities to school with them. Simple
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calculations of expenditures-per-pupil don't capture the subtleties, including:
homelessness, family crises, or hunger; crime in hallways, streets and homes; and
the simple, grinding pressure of poverty that may make family support harder to
come by. Add to those problems the aging inner-city school buildings, disparities in
teacher training, high proportions of students with special language needs -- and
you have a recipe for disaster.
Up until now, we have generally tackled this problem with piecemeal,
fragmented approaches, including efforts at the federal level. Over the decades, the
intentions have been good, and the progress has sometimes been meaningful.
Earlier in my Administration, we worked with the Congress to enact Goals 2000
and a major reform of the bedrock Federal grant program intended to help states
and districts educate poor children, the so-called Title I program. Now funded at
almost $8 billion per year, the program is distributed by a formula related to the
number of poor children, and the law now tells states that accept the money (all
do) that they must raise standards and use tests or some kind of assessment to
hold themselves accountable for making progress in improving education outcomes
for poor children. I believe that these reforms are moving us in the right direction,
and there are important signs of promise and progress. But the pace is too slow,
and our ambitions must be still higher.
But I believe the racial disparities and underachievement we have tolerated
for so long justify the burning impatience felt by many parents, civic leaders and
educators alike. I share their impatience, and therefore believe we need a new
approach. We can forge a new federal-state partnership to break the cycle of
disadvantage and eliminate gaps in student achievement. Still more piecemeal
programs -- federal or state -- will not bring about the sweeping changes needed to
close the substantial racial gaps in opportunity and achievement, making public
schools work for all of the public.
Let me be clear: this is not Washington encroaching on local authority. In my
years as a governor, working both within my state and on national policy, I came to
fully appreciate that education is primarily a state and local responsibility. But I
have also seen that sometimes a child's opportunity can be limited by the resources
a local community can raise with a property tax, or the accident of whether the
state is wealthy or poor, generous or stingy in aid to local schools. On the other
hand, I have seen that Federal education programs are often too confining, with
their red tape and narrow categorical purposes. And across the board, I have seen
education treated as an island, cutoff from the mainland of challenges in the
surrounding community. Yes, education is primarily a state and local responsibility
-- but to be successful, all public officials at all levels must work together, across
political boundaries in a metropolitan area, and across whatever agencies or
departments can play a role in supporting children, families and their communities.
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This Compact will provide new, greater flexibility but in return demand
greater results. It springs from my belief that, given an equal chance, all our
children can succeed. It is my hope that the flexibility built into this proposal will
spur emulation, innovation and tailoring of approaches to fit local needs. For
example, I expect but would not require that each Compact for Equal Opportunity in
Education include such things as: (a) strategies focused on putting high-quality
teachers in high-need schools, and plans to reduce disparities in other resources; (b)
ways to engage families, businesses and other local institutions; (c) strategies for
breaking through the red tape of various federal, state and local programs in
education as well as related fields, and ways to build partnerships across
jurisdictional lines of school districts and local government agencies; (d) creative
responses to the needs of immigrant children with limited English skills; (e) ways to
promote higher expectations for achievement and to take aggressive action when
there is failure; (f) practical mechanisms to identify educationally bankrupt schools
or even districts, triggering receivership; and (g) plans for accountability at all
levels, so that performance is measured fairly and has consequences.
These are not mandates. I am proposing neither a formula nor a cookbook.
Communities that are not interested in a new Compact to close achievement gaps
can simply ignore this challenge, and leave the money on the table for others. We
will continue to work with them in the basic Title I program to raise standards and
performance. But for those states and communities willing to join in this bold
national effort, the independent review panel will judge whether the programs
proposed show a strong promise of success. And states or districts must show
results over time or lose funding to others who have adopted measures that
produce progress.
As the Advisory Board on Race said in its final report to me, "To a great
extent, we know what to do to promote educational equity and excellence; we just
have to have the courage as a nation to do it. If we are successful here,
fundamental change will follow." In the long-term, if we eliminate gaps in student
achievement by race, we will ensure minority access to college and to a better
future, and we will promote integration by making all public schools, and therefore
the communities they serve, attractive to all Americans.
***
A WORKPLAN FOR THE NATION
The three goals I outlined above closing racial gaps; increasing college
participation and graduation; and promoting integration - are, of course, not only
federal priorities. Federal leadership on these issues is important. But just as
important are the contributions that all Americans, as parents and students,
teachers and businesspeople, community members and civic leaders, can make to
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our progress. Building the educational system we deserve will not be easy. But if
we work in partnership, each taking tangible steps, I believe that we will make
significant progress on the road to an educational system that is both egalitarian
and excellent.
*
Closing Racial Gaps from Preschool through High School
The Compact for Equal Opportunity in Education, together with other efforts
such as Head Start and Title I, represent an important Federal contribution to our
national effort. But there are several important steps that require engaged attention
and action from us all. We all have roles and responsibilities. Here are some key
things we can do together that I believe will help close racial gaps in educational
achievement.
Promote charter schools and public school choice
Public school choice is based on a simple idea: that children often have different
needs and different interests. Some children, for example, learn best in small
schools, with personalized attention from teachers and classes based on
small-group discussion. Other children thrive in larger schools, which can provide a
variety of academic courses as well as many sports and extracurricular activities.
Therefore all children, and their parents, deserve choice
In my administration, we have encouraged the growth of different kinds of
public schools - some small, some larger, many based on specific academic themes
- that are "chartered" by states. We have also supported student and parent
choice among those schools, as well as among more traditional institutions.
Families ought not be restricted by neighborhood, and thus restricted by race- and
class- boundaries. Charter schools and public school choice together help families
obtain the kind of education they want for their children within an egalitarian, public
school framework.
Charter schools, and public school choice, have been very successful,
particularly at raising the achievement scores of the students in poor,
majority-minority communities. District 4 in New York City's East Harlem, a
predominantly black and Hispanic area, has been transformed by charter schools
and by public school choice. The newer charter schools in East Harlem have
increased achievement levels for all students. Somewhat surprisingly, even
students in larger, more traditional schools are learning more. 32 Experts believe
that the higher scores are a result of the competition generated by charter schools.
In East Harlem, they have shown, over more than two decades, that we can reduce
racial gaps in achievement by providing all students the kinds of educational
opportunities they deserve.
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Support families and promote early learning opportunities
A child's development in the earliest years is crucial to the rest of his or her
life. Research shows that children who do not reach school ready to learn will
spend a significant amount of time catching up to their peers and may never fully
overcome initial learning gaps.33, Families are the key here. Parents and caregivers
must be every child's first teachers.
The most important thing parents can do in the early years is read to their
children. We have set a national goal of having all our children read independently
and well by the end of third grade. To help achieve that goal, researchers tell us
that parents should read to their children at least 30 minutes per day. 34 In just the
last few years, the percentage of parents who are reading to their children on a
regular basis has increased dramatically, and that increase has been greatest among
parents of color.35 This is important progress. But we can do better.
Today, parents of white children are still more likely to read to their children. 36
One reason for this difference is the gap in literacy among adults. Approximately 40
million American adults cannot read English or read only at the lowest level, and
persons of color are overrepresented in this group. 37 Adults who cannot read
cannot teach their children to read, and may not put as much emphasis as they
otherwise would on their child's school work more generally. For this and other
important reasons, we must take action to increase adult literacy.
Beyond parents' roles, we must mobilize other aspects of the caring "village"
my wife Hillary has spoken about so often. Children of all races must, but too
often do not, have access to high-quality pre-school. Quality preschool boosts child
development, which leads to higher achievement in school, better social
adjustment, and even decreased involvement in crime. 38 Head Start plays an
important role here by providing quality pre-school to nearly one million children of
low-income families. But we are currently serving fewer than half of all eligible
students, and only 32 percent of eligible Hispanic students. 39 There is more to do.
Finally, families must remain involved in their children's education throughout
school. A child's chances of success, regardless of race or class, are immeasurably
increased when his or her family participates in the child's education. The more
directly involved parents are in each child's school, the greater the return. 40 All
schools should have parent compacts that clearly define parents' role in the school.
As a national goal, I believe that every parent should do some form of volunteer
work in their child's school every month, and that employers should provide the
flexibility to help parents do so.
Overcome racial gaps in K-12 educational opportunity
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Over the last several years, we have embraced the idea of high academic
standards for all students, including the use of tests to ensure that those standards
are met. Half our states now have or will soon introduce high school tests that
students must pass to graduate These standards and tests can play a crucial role
in ensuring the quality of teaching and learning in our schools, but only if we give
all students a full and fair opportunity to meet the standards and pass the tests. If
all our children are going to be held to the same high standards, and they should
be, then all students must have an equal opportunity to meet those standards and
succeed to their full potential.
Present racial gaps in educational opportunity are dramatic, especially in our
poorest, most racially isolated communities where large percentages of minority
children are struggling to learn in our lowest quality schools. Students in these
communities face disadvantages in so many areas that it is impossible to
adequately discuss them all. But let me mention several issues that I believe are
most crucial.
Teaching. The foremost problem is the lack of high-quality teachers. Study
after study confirms what many of us have always known -- teachers are our most
valuable educational resource. 41 As class size decreases and teacher quality
increases, all students, especially poor and minority children, perform better. Yet
today, poor and minority children are more likely than their white peers to be taught
in moderately larger classes by less-qualified, less-experienced teachers. Nearly 50
percent of teachers in poor, minority schools leave after only 3 years. 42 As I noted
earlier, students of color are also more likely to be taught by teachers without
certification, without a degree in their field, and with lower test scores -- and all of
this at schools where student underachievement is commonplace.43
But this is an issue that we can do something about - and an issue on which
our action will have tangible effects. Studies show that if we can rectify these
problems, much of the racial disparity in student achievement disappears. 44 We
have already taken an important step with Federal legislation in 1998 to help
schools decrease class size. Now. all of us (the education establishment and
colleges/ universities?) must ensure, through recruitment, training, and professional
development, that the teachers in those classes are fully prepared in the subjects
they teach and in effective pedagogical methods. More of our brightest Americans
must be encouraged to become teachers; colleges must commit to better teacher
education; and more of our best teachers, including teachers certified by the
prestigious National Board for Professional Teaching Standards, must be inspired
and given incentives to teach in our highest-need communities.
Curriculum. Students of all races must have equal access to challenging
courses. This is important not only for reasons of equity, but also because studies
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have shown that high school curriculum is one of the single most important
predictors of students' college success. 45 That is why it was so important to me
that federal legislation early in my Administration gave a vital boost to the
high-standards reform movement, including the effort to ensure that poor children
are offered challenging course work. Progress, however, is too slow. Today,
poor and minority children are far more likely than middle class and white students
to take "math for consumers" rather than a solid course in algebra. Today, minority
students are far more likely than whites to attend a high school that offers few or
no Advanced Placement courses, like calculus or second-year chemistry. And,
most unfairly, research suggests that too many poor and minority children are put
in "tracks" or so-called "ability groups" that might be intended to offer extra
help47, but in reality limit students' chances to attend college. If the courses most
relevant to the jobs in tomorrow's economy are offered in suburban schools but not
in the inner-city 15 miles away, should we be surprised if America's economic
divide widens in the years ahead? [We share an obligation to face these disparities
in opportunity, and to end them].
Buildings. Teachers cannot teach and students cannot learn effectively in
overcrowded, deteriorating, or unsafe schools. What are we saying to our young
people who go to schools with leaky roofs, crumbling walls, and flooded
classrooms? We are saying that school doesn't matter, that education doesn't
matter, that they don't matter. This is the wrong message, and it is harmful.
These conditions are most dramatic in our inner cities, where large percentages of
minority students attend outdated, dilapidated schools often just miles away from
the modern suburban schools complete with the latest technology. These
conditions are also prevalent in our rural and tribal areas, where schools are
antiquated and inadequate. We cannot expect our children to raise themselves up
in schools that are literally falling down. We must keep all of our schools in
top-notch physical condition, and we must build new schools where needed.
Technology. Closely related to this is the importance of overcoming racial and
class disparities in access to technology. 46 The changing nature of the economy is
one of the major reasons that this gap is so critical. As recently as the 1950s, 20
percent of the workforce was professional, 60 percent was unskilled, and 20
percent was skilled. But today, fewer than 20 percent of the workforce is
unskilled, while more than 60% of all jobs require advanced technical and
organizational skills. 47
To prepare all students for jobs in the new economy, and to improve education
more generally, every school must have a sufficient number of computers, access
to the Internet, and training on how to use technology effectively. My
administration has established a $2 billion Technology Literacy Challenge Fund,
designed to put more computers and more trained computer teachers into
classrooms.4 The new "E-rate" championed by Vice President Gore is providing
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precious technology resources for many of our schools, but state, local and private
efforts are needed. If we fail at this, the color divide will be compounded by a
digital divide. 49
English acquisition. There is strong consensus across racial and ethnic lines
that all students should learn English, and that schools must provide the necessary
resources to help all students learn English within three years. The current needs
are great. Today, approximately children in the United States are deemed
Limited English Proficient (LEP).50 In addition to a shortage of bilingual teachers,
only 30 percent of teachers with (LEP) students in their classes have received any
training in teaching LEP students. 51 There are many possible models of success in
teaching English, and the best approach depends on each student's needs. But
whatever approach is chosen, it must be judged by its success at teaching LEP
students English and helping them achieve at the same level as students for whom
English is their first language.
At the same time, the ability to speak additional languages is a great asset in
our increasingly diverse world and global economy. We should encourage foreign
language learning, starting in early grades, so that all students are fluent in at least
one language other than English. This is one particular arena in which our nation's
growing language diversity can be beneficial. If we want our children to know
many languages, it helps that they go to school with children who speak many
languages.
Safety. Most of our schools are safe, but violent crime and fear of crime are
real factors in about 10 percent of schools. 52 Moreover, while the numbers are
low, black and Hispanic children are significantly more likely than whites to fear
being attacked in school, to report having street gangs in school, to see a gun in
school, and more.53 Let me be clear: Violence destroys opportunity. That is why
I have proposed a comprehensive school safety initiative that supports efforts by
schools and communities to eliminate guns, drugs, and violence from our
schools. 54
Hold high expectations for everyone
In addition to providing better resources, we must promote high expectations
for all students. In large part this means holding all students to high academic
standards and making sure that tracking does not restrict learning opportunities.
Too often, students are tracked based not on their educational needs but on their
skin color or accent. This is discrimination in the form of low expectations by
teachers and other adults.
Building higher expectations often starts with simply expecting more from
students. Consider this: Surveys show that African-American and Hispanic students
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feel they can bring home lower grades than their white and Asian Pacific American
peers before their parents will get upset. 55 Other surveys show that minority
students most hope to impress their teachers, not their parents, with their
academic performance. 56 The data suggests that if students of all races are to be
inspired to succeed, parents must demand more, and teachers must expect a lot.
Peer influence is also important. Too many children of all races seem to look
down on academic work. Research suggests that this situation is even more
dramatic for minority students, who may see academic achievement as a betrayal.
As Stephen Carter, a professor at Yale law school, laments, "[A] growing ethic in
many inner-city schools insists that achievement itself is somehow a sign of a lack
of solidarity -- that people doing well in school is something that only white people,
or black people who are trying to be white, would seriously want to do [W]hat
our kids need is an end to the foolish and destructive notion that achievement is a
betrayal. What is needed most is a rededication to excellence. "57 We must
convince students of all races that being smart and doing well in school is not
about acting "white" or any other color. Role models are important here, and I urge
people who succeed to reach back to their communities to show students that
educational achievement is the key to success in all aspects of life.
In the end, however, the expectations of teachers are probably the safety net
for kids who can't find encouragement or support from peers or parents. We need
to support those teachers who provide, daily, structure and security for their
struggling students. But we also need to realize that there are millions of students
winning As and Bs from their teachers while scoring miserably on all kinds of
standardized tests that compare them with students elsewhere. These kinds of
"social promotions" move a student along, but don't serve those students in the
long-run. Many of these social promotions occur because teachers and
administrators simply don't expect that certain kids can and should achieve at
grade level. Others occur because it is extremely difficult to hold back entire
classes of students, even if all of those students have not yet learned enough to
earn a grade-level promotion.
We need to end a system that tolerates, and even encourages, social
promotion. We should support students who need extra help with policies like
extended learning time, after-school programs, and tutoring. We must enforce civil
rights laws to ensure that no-social promotion policies aren't abused, and invoked
to hold behind those students whom teachers and administrators believe "can't
learn." But, overall, we must make sure that students aren't simply given credit for
"seat time," but really learn the kinds of lessons and skills that they will need for
future success.
*
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Let me explain briefly why I believe that private school vouchers, paid for with
the public's tax dollars, are a far less promising approach than the workplan I have
described. In recent years, some individuals and interest groups have suggested
that private school vouchers are a viable way of dealing with the many problems
plaguing poor, inner-city schools. Vouchers could allow some students to leave the
public school system for private and parochial institutions. Therefore, proponents
argue, vouchers will provide financial disincentives to struggling public schools,
pushing them to change.
I sympathize with those who are so frustrated with our current public education
woes that they see vouchers as a last resort. But my workplan addresses voucher
proponents' major concerns, and does so in a way that preserves the democratic
ideal of public schooling.
First, the workplan does provides incentives for school change. My plan
provides monetary rewards to schools that achieve the results we all want -- a
reduction in the racial achievement gap. My plan also provides schools with tools --
high expectations, clear standards, and well-trained teachers -- that we know are
the keys to educational success.
Second, while providing mechanisms for all schools to improve, my plan also
encourages public school choice. Research shows that public school choice, which
allows families to choose from among the public schools in their city or town, and
which promotes the growth of small alternative schools alongside larger, more
traditional institutions, can significantly improve student achievement. These
achievements have been highest for African-American and Latino students. 58 And
so public school choice will provide parents the kind of opportunities they think
vouchers can offer, but will do so within the framework of America's egalitarian,
common school model.
*
Increasing College Participation and Graduation
While improving K-12 opportunity and achievement is the long-term solution in
education, we must take additional action to increase college participation and
graduation. Let me mention just three that are central to our pursuit of racial and
ethnic justice.
Expand college enrollment and financial aid
We must continue to expand college access and ensure that all students who
want and deserve to go to college can afford it. I am proud that we have made
much progress in this area. But much more can be done. Black, Hispanic, and
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Native American students are still less likely to go to college than white or Asian
Pacific American students. In many cases, this is simply because students from
disadvantaged backgrounds are less. aware of college options and of how to take
advantage of those options. Evidence shows that we can increase participation in
college by building partnerships between colleges and high-poverty schools.6
These partnerships can increase college expectations and provide support services,
such as mentoring and tutoring. We have taken important action to develop these
partnerships through our GEAR UP program. We must build on that to ensure that
every degree-granting college partners with high-poverty schools to make the dream
of college a reality for more low-income and minority students.
Over the last several years, we have retooled and dramatically increased
financial aid for college, including substantial increases in Pell Grants, which are
received by more than half of all minority college students.6 Nonetheless, the
high cost of college remains the major reason why many students decide not to
attend college62 and why too many minority students drop out.63 Money for
college is available to all who need it, and we must get that message out. But we
must also take additional action to help families that face undue hardships due to
the loss of a college student's contribution to family income.
Xxx those for whites. Of those students beginning college in 1989 and seeking a
bachelor's degree, 48 percent of white students and 47 percent of Asian Pacific
American students earned a degree by 1994 compared with 34 percent of blacks
and 32 percent of Hispanics.6 Studies show that support services such as
counseling, tutoring, and mentoring in college can significantly increase graduation
rates, especially for Hispanic students.65 We should expand these efforts.
Community colleges play an important role in expanding educational
opportunity, especially for Hispanic students. These colleges also serve as a bridge
to further education. Studies show that where there are clear agreements linking
2-year and 4-year colleges, more minority and other students successfully transfer
from community college and more transfer students receive bachelor's degrees. 66
Two-year and 4-year colleges must build strong, clear relationships to enhance
coordination, increase student transfer rates, and increase graduation rates.
Finally, students of color are underrepresented across the board in graduate
education. Recent changes in some universities' affirmative action policies have led
to some precipitous, and well-publicized, drops in black and Hispanic law and
medical school attendance. The University of Texas, Houston law school, for
example, educates % of all Hispanic lawyers in the United States. In 199 they
admitted X number Hispanic students; in 199 after changes in UT's admission
policies, the school admitted X number. This is but one example. We must all be
vigilant [more info here about administration policy]
This situation is especially dramatic in the science and technology arenas.
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Almost 94 percent of all doctorates in science and engineering are earned by whites
or Asian Pacific Americans, and the number of black doctorates is smaller now than
20 years ago.67 This is untenable. As a simple demographic matter, as well as a
democratic one, if we want breadth, depth and excellence in these professions, we
must be inclusive, and we must reach out to black and Hispanic students.
Support minority-serving institutions and build college partnerships
Third, we must support minority-serving institutions, including historically black
colleges and universities (HBCUs), Hispanic-serving institutions (HSIs), and Tribal
colleges. These institutions have played and continue to play a vital role in
educating students of color. Sixteen percent of black college students attend
HBCUs, but HBCUs award 28 percent of all bachelor's degrees received by blacks.
And HSIs award more than 50 percent of all bachelor's degrees received by
Hispanics.68
Minority-serving institutions typically go the extra mile to retain their students,
and more colleges should follow their lead. For example, Xavier University of
Louisiana, a small, historically black university with only 3000 students, leads the
nation in producing black physics, chemistry, and biology graduates and sends
more black graduates to medical schools and pharmacy schools than any other
college or university in the nation. Norman Francis, President of Xavier
University, attributes Xavier's success to demanding hard work while providing all
students with the support services they need to succeed, including advising,
tutoring, and assistance in applying to graduate schools.
[Morehouse/Spelman/Howard also have some amazing stats here.]
In addition, we must encourage partnerships between minority-serving
institutions and predominantly white research universities. These partnerships can
enrich academic offerings available to students. In addition, the partnerships can
increase diversity by providing opportunities for students and faculty to interact in
different environments. 70 [what does this mean? Is there a partnership example
out there?]
*
Promoting integration to enrich the learning experience for all students
Parents, students, institutions, and communities should be able to choose a
racially and ethnically diverse education. Segregation in elementary and secondary
schools is worsening, both because of housing and demographic trends and
because of a shift away from legal actions requiring school desegregation.
Furthermore, diversity in higher education, though strongly supported by the higher
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education community and the nation, is under attack on several fronts.
We must renew our belief in the value of integration in education. As my
Advisory Board said in it final report, the goals of quality and integration in
education are complementary. Diversity is not about political correctness. It has
real, tangible benefits, not only for all students, but to our society. Diversity
improves teaching and learning by providing a range of perspectives that enrich the
learning environment. It teaches good citizenship by giving students the
opportunity learn with, learn from, and build relationships with people different than
they are. It improves students' preparation for employment by teaching them how
to function in work settings with people of different backgrounds and beliefs. And
it fosters the advancement of knowledge by encouraging students to study a broad,
rich variety of issues and cultures.
Integration is vital to the healthy functioning of our economy, our democracy
and our society. To encourage it, we must take several actions:
Reduce racial segregation among and within schools
Today, 67 percent of black students and 74 percent of Hispanic students
attend primary and secondary schools with greater than 50 percent minority
enrollment, and more than one-third of black and Hispanic students attend schools
with more than 90 percent minority enrollment. 71 We must reduce this racial
segregation and isolation among schools. The single most important thing we can
do to promote integration is to make all schools excellent, and to make sure that
that excellence attracts a diverse student population. There are also innovative
ways to give more parents and children the option of an integrated education.
We should expand interdistrict magnet and charter schools. Many of these
schools are small, and therefore can provide students important individualized
teaching. Many of them also build their curriculum around exciting themes, like
science and technology or performing arts, and so attract students of all
backgrounds who share the love of a certain subject. We must also support
schools that are located in large employers' facilities and on university campuses.
These can help break down the class- and race-barriers that still plague our
neighborhood schools. And, finally, we must attack the residential problem directly
by promoting housing integration efforts that will allow neighborhood schools to be
truly multi-racial.
Even in so-called integrated schools, too many students are resegregated into
different classes, with students of color overrepresented in remedial and special
education classes. 72 Furthermore, students sometimes self-segregate in
inappropriate ways. We must take action to ensure that tracking based on biased
expectations and faulty policies does not resegregate students. [does this repeat
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the high expectations section?]
Promote the benefits of diversity in higher education
We must also increase integration in higher education. College and university
leaders have long known that diversity in the student body is essential to providing
everyone on campus with a complete educational experience. According to Neil
Rudenstine, President of Harvard University, "The conception of a diverse student
body as an educational resource -- comparable in importance to the faculty,
library, or science laboratories is the most direct expression of an idea that we
have seen emerging over the course of more than a century." Studies show that
where the resource of racial diversity is used effectively, all students benefit. 73
However, diversity in higher education is poorly understood in the public arena and
is under attack on several fronts. Most dramatically, in states where affirmative
action has been outlawed, we have seen a dramatic decrease in the numbers of
students of color accepted at the most prestigious institutions. For example, in
1998, the University of California, Berkeley had to reject more than 800 highly
qualified black, Hispanic, and Native American applicants each of whom had a 4.0
or higher GPA and scored 1200 or higher on the SAT. 74
I address elsewhere the issue of affirmative action. But here I want to make
the more general point that as a nation we must recognize the great value of
diversity in higher education. In their recent book The Shape of the River, William
G. Bowen and Derek Bok showed that college students of all races want a diverse
educational experience. According to surveys of black and white graduates of
selective universities who began college in 1989, a majority of both blacks and
whites believe that "the ability to work effectively and get along with people of
different races and cultures" is "very important. "75 A majority of both blacks and
whites also believe their undergraduate experience was of "considerable value" in
developing those skills based on interactions with students of different races. And
the vast majority of both blacks and whites believe that their school should
continue to place the same or greater emphasis on diversity. 76 What was true for
elementary and secondary schools is just as true for college: property understood,
diversity and integration are important parts of educational excellence.
We must preserve and develop appropriate mechanisms to ensure diversity in
the short- and long-term. Furthermore, colleges and universities must promote the
educational benefits of diversity by creating supportive campus environments and
by promoting positive cross-racial interactions among students.
***
Conclusion
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Tearing down the walls of disparity and division in American education is as
vital to our future as the defeat of fascism was in World War II, or the global
stabilization of struggling economies is today. For too long we have professed
support for equal opportunity without grappling with the glaring inequities faced by
too many of our children. I know this won't be easy. But we must not fail to act.
The costs of delay are mounting. Our children and our nation are in danger of
falling behind in a world that is forging ahead.
Remember, these are all our children. As I have said, each of them is eight
years old but once. If we do not prepare them well, they may spend a lifetime
struggling to find a way in from the cold margins of the new economy. And if our
children learn apart, they won't know how to live together. This requires more than
passing laws against hateful conduct. It requires a passage of spirit, from the old
world of racial separation, to a new world of shared hopes, common values, and
unity. Education is the vessel that will get us there. It must be our number one
priority. Nothing less is at stake than the strength of our economy, the vitality of
our democracy, and the soul of our nation.
How we meet the challenge remains a window on our hearts.