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Health Care Files
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9
Senator pressed for stand on health care
INDEX
P.02
Classified
01
Comics
D6
Deaths
By LOUTA BALDOR
B4
nine others had 51 point to make
get by returning to sign onto the
Editoriate
AB
Washington buseeu
"Senator Licberman has best-
leadership's bill. and instead stalk-
Horoscope
ISS
WASHINGTON A deflamt
eally done norbing bet oppose con-
ing out R
Lottery
A2
(MO) 224-0041
Peggy Shoney set ON the floor in
issues," salet Showey earlier
stance with a small grown of Rc-
Morter
A7
5
5
U.S. Sex Joseph Lieberman's of.
Friday. "The people of Connection
publicans nd Democrats.
Sectors
g
time, her voice house From shout-
want real boath care reform. If he's
On the receptionists dicaks la
Sports/Plus
C1
not willing to listen to constituents,
the Connecticut Democrat's office.
lag, while a riog of police officers
BS
$208)
slood Just OUR of reach.
then the only thing we have left is
there are two stacks of phone logs,
WomenWise
01
5
In a few minutes she would do-
to put constant pressure OR him."
Each page represents a caller with
YourMoney
D4
5
liberately silde shrough the door-
Pressure has been the name of
an opinion or health care. On Fri-
way imo the hall, forcing the Capl-
the same in recent months, as lane.
day alone they had fielded bas-
101 Police to arrest her and shop
makers moved closer to . vote OR
dreds of calls by 2 p.m.
Members of Citizen Action, on advocacy group, handed out "do Har bills"
Union leaders, insurance tab
PRINTED WITH
plastic restralats around her witsis
revanuping the country's beath care
poking fun.et Liebermen outside the building housing the senator's office.
The Connecticut activisi was latent
system. And. once again, Lieber-
byists. business executives, and rop-
SOY
on being arrested. Sho and the
man has made himself R prime tar-
See LISBERMAN on M
©1994 Connectitut Past
(A1)
Post
Lieberman pressured from all sides on health care
CT,
Continued from A1
And then there was the mooting
tiento decision in . shroud of cour
with President Clinton
The Connection Business and
sion. In the end, supporters say, he
man's, Arriemen says the senner will
3/8
reseatatives from an endires acray
"It IVES friendly
He said he
Industry Association would like so
probably will vote for the reforms
"do the right thing" and vote for
of citizen groups and other health
howed I could support [de bill!!"
bill, much to be did the beudget after
are him stick to his gons and elimi-
the Mixtred bill in its flast Sonm.
care interests, have filed into Lia
said Licborama, adding, "You have
name the employer mandam. The
months of study and contempla-
this he and others acknowledges
berman's offloes in Washington
to listen and then do what you
tion.
American Federation of State
that h may be difficult for вдурне
and Connecticut for months.
think is best. It's busy. but [ don't
County and Municipal Employees
to successfully pressure the senator.
Last Thursday, when the Health
In the health care distute, Lic-
feel pressure m their sense."
wants the mandate to stay. Bock
Care Express buses arrived in
berman has opposed employer
groups have met with the servizer.
** is one of the chief recipi-
In fact, observers
Washington fillod with thousands
mandates that would require busi-
eye Lieberram with some resigna-
and continue to make their vicws
ents of health care and insurange
a
of "reform riders," lobbying for
includes to pay E portion of their em-
tion. This is a familiar situation for
known to him.
TROREY and thus he has bace on-
health cere, several From Connecti-
playees health care oosts. He also is
Lieberman. said CBIA vise
willing to support comprehensive
the deliberative senator.
cut met whin Licberman. Most had
concerned about the cost of the leg-
prexident Jan Spegele, "is parties.
health cure that covers everyone
"This is the way Joe Liebeman
health care problems to share with
islation and the increased govern-
makes decisions. He is a very
bady sensitive to this issue and that
and contains costs." said Ed Rosh-
their senator.
ment intervention in the health
thoughtful man. the sometimes
is apprectmed."
child, spokesmen For Citizen Ac-
His state colleague, Sen. Chris-
care system.
painful to wrich, but for the most
A mandate, she argued could
tian, which sponsored the protest At
topher Dodd ner key player
On Friday be shid those contin-
Licberman's office.
part be votes right in the end," sild
cost jobs in the state because small
ue to be concerns that he and others
m forming portions of the leader-
Debbie Wabite, 0 former Connect.
businesses won't be able to afford
Critics charge that Licberman
ship's health care bill relating to
will (ry to address in amendments
icea political adviser who is work-
to pay. Under the Senate emegiority
has soki this soul by laking neudy
children and he hesitated when
next week when the bill comes up
ing with the Democratic National
leader's bia, the raandate would not
$475,000 from health-care interests
for debate in the Senate.
asked if he would be lobbying his
Committee to pass health care 10.
kick in until 2000, and only if 95
in his re-election campaign.
junior person.
He has provised supporters
form. "There's a lot of pressure on
percent of the people in individual
But Lieberman denied the VALI
"I would love him to be sup-
that he will not be the person who
him from both sides. it's probably
states were not insured.
sums from health care interests has
postive of the bill," said Dodd
stands in the way of health care re.
the most important vote &c'll ever
Paul Amenta, AFSME's keisia
form. And he said there Is DO singu.
skewed his thinking on the legisla
"But he doesn't need to be hounded
cast."
live director in Connecticut, point-
far issue that would force him to
tion. The money, be said. amc
by his colleague he's being
Liebenman, however, has been
ed out that the taxpayers pay for
hounded by everyone else" Stift,
vote agalnst the bill. There are just
from organizations with & wide va.
DC
criticized in the past for publicly
Congress' health care.
0 number of changes be would like
nicty of instructs. But in the cad. he
Dodd said he planned to "sit dom
agonizing over difficult votes Part
"We're the employer mandate
said, his decision will be based on
to see
and chin" with Liebereum before
of it, they charge. is R play to appear
for Congress our people went
the rote.
Meanwhik. the pressure contin-
only one thing "I'm doing what I
more conservative: to mask his ul-
what they're he said.
think is best for the people of Con-
P.
ues.
A long-time friend of Lieber-
noolicus"
PAGE
24
11TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright 1994 The Bureau of National Affairs, Inc.,
DAILY LABOR REPORT
AUGUST 4, 1994
1994 DLR 148 d14
LENGTH: 1366 words
SECTION: CURRENT DEVELOPMENTS.
TITLE: SENATORS PREPARE TO MODIFY MITCHELL HEALTH PLAN AS THEY WAIT FOR BILL
LANGUAGE.
TEXT:
As senators waited Aug. 3 for the release of legislative language for
Majority Leader George Mitchell's (D-Maine) health care reform plan, discussion
among various faction focused on how to modify the bill during Senate floor
debate.
Without legislative language, however, senators said that decisions on how to
proceed would have to wait.
A group of Senate Republicans and business organizations banded together to
denounce the "rushed, secretive manner" in which health care legislation is
being drafted in the Congress and called for full debate on the legislation that
was unveiled Aug. 2 (147 DLR A-19, 8/3/94).
The bipartisan moderate coalition met behind closed doors to discuss what
direction that group would take, especially given that several individual group
members have indicated some support for the Mitchell approach.
Separately, the committee report accompanying the Senate Finance Committee
bill was made available Aug. 3. Although now trumped by Mitchell's offering, the
report illustrated that once individual amendments were tallied up, the drafted
legislation differed somewhat from the bill members believed they crafted in
committee.
Factions Positioning
The bipartisan group of moderates will take a long look at the Mitchell bill,
once legislative language is available, and decide where to go from there, group
member Sen. John Breaux (D-La) said.
According to Breaux, since some of those members have indicated that the
Mitchell bill would be acceptable, the group must decide how best to proceed and
maintain the centrist position.
Breaux was upbeat, however, even though he said he would prefer to see
modifications. He said he still was working on an approach with Sen. Joseph
Lieberman (D-Conn) that would achieve universal coverage without any mandate.
Breaux acknowledged that no decision has been made on whether the two senators
would offer their alternative, especially if Mitchell has the votes for his
triggered mandate, Breaux added.
PAGE 25
DAILY LABOR REPORT, AUGUST 4, 1994
Lieberman also said the two were unsure about how they would proceed at this
point, but remarked he was was leaning toward Mitchell's approach. Breaux said
he has not decided how he would vote on the Mitchell bill if it were presented
as is.
Fellow mainstream coalition member Sen. Kent Conrad (D-ND) told reporters he
could support the Mitchell package and called the fact that the bill was deficit
neutral "significant." The bill, which CBO has estimated would achieve 95
percent coverage within six years without a trigger, is fully in concert with
President Clinton's vision for reform, Conrad said.
While Conrad predicted the chances of passage were good because the
provisions of the Mitchell bill closely follow those outlined by a mainstream
coalition, other mainstream coalition members were not as sanguine.
Sen. John Chafee (R-RI), leader of the mainstream group, and others listed as
the plan's key faults the inclusion of an employer mandate and of premium caps,
and the fact that the plan would add expensive new entitlement programs, while
falling short in the area of tort and malpractice reform.
Breaux added that problems with the premium assessments and the position on
abortion taken in the Mitchell plan also must be addressed.
Liberal Democrats want the bill to be stronger, believing that 95 percent
coverge is not good enough. Sen. John Rockefeller (D-WVa) stated his intention
to offer amendments to the bill, and Sens. Paul Wellstone (D-Minn), Howard
Metzenbaum (D-Ohio), Paul Simon (D-Ill), and Russell Feingold (D-Wis) will offer
their recommendations at an Aug. 4 news conference.
GOP Opposition
Sen. Phil Gramm (R-Texas) called the Mitchell bill a "one-way ticket to more
taxes, more deficit, and more bureaucracy."
He said that the American public would tell their congressional
representatives to oppose the bill if they ever got a look at the bill's
provisions, and called for a section-by-section debate on the Mitchell bill.
Knowledge of the bill is the Democrats' "enemy," Gramm said, advocating a
week-long national forum to help the American public understand the bill's
provisions. After that, members of the public will contact their congressional
representatives and tell them to oppose the bill because it is "bad for the
health of Americans," he said. Gramm also predicted that debate on the Mitchell
bill would be fought out "line by line."
According to Sen. Paul Coverdell (R-Ga), members of Congress have been
subjected to a "midnight raid" in which legislation they are asked to vote on
has not been written and exists only as a press release.
The Mitchell bill imposes "17 new taxes on the American middle class while
promising them subsidies,' which the middle class also will pay for, Sen.
Malcolm Wallop (R-Wyo) stated.
Minority Leader Robert Dole (R-Kan), meanwhile, is not expected to release
his health reform alternative for some time because Dole has "no priority in the
PAGE 26
DAILY LABOR REPORT, AUGUST 4, 1994
pecking order" for drafting legislation, Coverdell told BNA. He characterized
the Dole bill as extensive, but less complicated than Mitchell's bill,
addressing mostly targeted reforms.
Finance Report Released
Separately, the cost of accelerated subsidies for pregnant women and
children, approved by the Senate Finance Committee was higher than anticipated,
forcing drafters of the final bill to include a temporary increase in the
tobacco tax and in the assessment on high cost plans for the period 1997-2002,
according to the committee report made available Aug. 3.
According to the report, the $ 1 per pack increase in cigarettes approved by
the committee would take effect Jan. 1, 1995. An additional 30-cents-per-pack
increase would be in effect from Jan., 1, 1997, to Dec. 31, 2002, however, to
offset the additional costs of the accelerated subsidies for pregnant women and
children under 18.
Similarly, the 25 percent excise tax on high cost plans would be increased
for that time period to 29 percent.
Under the proposal unveiled Aug. 2 by Mitchell and the plan offered in the
House by Majority Leader Richard Gephardt (D-Mo) the tobacco tax would be hiked
only 45 cents per pack. House Ways and Means Committee member Bill Brewster
(D-Okla) remarked Aug. 3 to the American League of Lobbyists that he expected
that the 45-cents-per-pack increase would be retained in any final bill.
Debate Expected To Start Aug. 9
Meanwhile, Mitchell told health reporters Aug. 3 that the bill would be
brought to the Senate floor Aug. 9, for a day of opening statements by members,
with consideration of amendments to begin Aug. 10.
"I expect the amendments to be many and the debate to be lengthy," he said,
reiterating that the Senate will remain in session six days a week until action
on the bill is completed.
Asked whether he would try to bring up the employer mandate provision for a
vote early to assuage House members wary of Senate action, Mitchell replied, "I
don't have any plan one way or the other."
Mitchell defended his plan against criticism that it falls short of achieving
true universal coverage, suggesting that movement toward full coverage was
sufficient. "It will be a very substantial achievement for our society if we
reverse the downward trend in the percentage of Americans who have health
insurance,' he said.
While critical of market-based reforms in the past, Mitchell acknowledged
that his plan relies heavily on managed competition principles. "There are many
advocates of the managed competition approach [in the Senate], he said. "They
lie at the heart of the bill that's been proposed.'
Mitchell acknowledged concerns raised by the Congressional Budget Office and
others that the plan may be burdensome on states to administer, particularly the
task of determining eligibility and distributing subsidies. But he maintained
PAGE 27
DAILY LABOR REPORT, AUGUST 4, 1994
that his approach is "superior" to other available alternatives.
Asked how much support the plan has among Senate Democrats, Mitchell replied
would be "unwise and presumptuous" to speculate at this stage, but quickly added
he believes it has "strong support. " As for Republicans, Mitchell said he did
not think the GOP would filibuster the bill.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
PAGE 32
15TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright 1994 National Journal Inc.
National Journal's CongressDaily
August 4, 1994
SECTION: HEALTH
LENGTH: 1334 words
HEADLINE: Senate GOP Vows Slow Health Debate
BODY:
Key Senate Republicans Wednesday committed to slowing down work on Majority
Leader Mitchell's healthcare reform bill, pledging to take at least a week of
floor time just to explain the legislation. "We'll spend all of August here if
we have to," Finance ranking member Bob Packwood, R-Ore., contended at a press
conference, although he and other Republicans stopped short of calling for a
filibuster. Sen. Larry Craig, R-Idaho, threatened to go "page by page, paragraph
by paragraph, until we really understand what it means." And Sen. Phil Gramm,
R-Texas, declared that no one person will be able to comprehend the entire bill
by next week, so he said he will divide up the measure, assign sections to
individual GOP senators and have them explain their designated portions on the
floor. That process should take a week, he said, "and after that, the bill is
dead."
Democrats chided the Republicans for their scheme, saying the American
people will recognize the actions as gridlock, for which the GOP will have to
pay a high price. (Republicans) know everything in these bills, they're just
delaying. Delay, delay, delay," Sen. Jay Rockefeller, D-W.Va., asserted.
And Sen. Tom Daschle, D-S.D., added, "These are the same Republicans who
cosponsored the (Minority Leader) Dole (healthcare) bill sight unseen."
Dashcle noted Mitchell already has agreed to Dole's request for a week to
look at the bill. Mitchell has said he plans to begin Senate floor debate on the
legislation next Tuesday, and open the debate for votes by Wednesday.
Dole for his part in a TV interview earlier Wednesday said "as of now, (a
filibuster is) not a strategy," adding, II If something develops during that
debate, which may last two or three weeks, that makes any bill so bad, my view
is we could probably defeat it with 51 votes. You wouldn't need a filibuster."
At their press conference, the GOP members suggested Republicans would
rather wait until after the August recess before starting debate on the bill,
but contended the Democrats fear the criticism that will build regarding the
legislation during the break. "They don't want that pause to occur," Sen. Paul
Coverdell, R-Ga., said.
Gramm added that "knowledge of this bill is their enemy," while
acknowledging, "I think it's clear we're not going to get a pause," so
Republicans therefore are forced "to debate this bill at length."
At the press conference, the American Council for Health Care Reform, which
is suing First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton's Health Care Task Force for keeping
PAGE
33
Copr. 1994 National Journal's CongressDaily, August 4, 1994
its meetings secret, called for holding up floor debate until after the
mid-September trial on that issue.
The council claimed the Republicans were joining them, but Packwood stopped
short of endorsing the plan. Instead, he asked what was wrong with two, three or
four weeks of debate.
Gramm also said Republicans would be happy to put off votes for this year
and take healthcare reform to the voters. "If President Clinton would like to
make the 1994 election a referendum on health care, we are prepared to do that,"
he said.
In other Senate healthcare action Wednesday, Sen. Joseph Lieberman, D-Conn.,
told CongressDaily he is continuing to work on a compromise to the dispute over
employer mandates, and said he envisions a proposal to remove the employer
mandate element from Mitchell's bill.
At the White House Tuesday night, Lieberman had told reporters he and Sen.
John Breaux, D-La., are "working on a plan that we think, laid on top of what
Sen. Mitchell has proposed, can guarantee universal coverage."
While citing positive movement toward universal coverage in Mitchell's bill,
Lieberman Wednesday said the approach "still does not have the support of a lot
of members of the mainstream group", referring to a Senate bipartisan mainstream
group in which he is participating.
Preliminary cBo estimates found that Mitchell's bill would reach 95 percent
coverage of the population by 2000. The bill would trigger a commission to
recommend additional steps if that is not achieved, and Congress in a specified
timeframe then would have to vote on those recommendations. If 95 percent was
achieved, the commission would make recommendations on obtaining an even higher
level of coverage.
The procedure until that point has drawn widespread support, but what comes
next has split the bipartisan mainstream group. Failing congressional action, a
50-50 employer-individual mandate automatically would take effect.
Lieberman emphasized Mitchell's approach would get to 95 percent coverage
even before the mandate comes into question, calling that a good achievement.
And he acknowledged Mitchell "moved in the direction of the mainstream group,"
despite his concerns over the employer mandate.
Lieberman said he is continuing to work with Breaux in the context of the
mainstream group to develop a plan that might be based on Mitchell's procedure,
but which would exclude the potential mandate at the end of the process. When
asked whether there was enough support to remove the mandate portion,
Lieberman said, "some think so," while contending it would be a "very close"
vote."
The mainstream group has somewhat split over the Mitchell provision, with
some Democrats buying into the approach and most Republicans disliking the end
mandate provision.
Lieberman said the matter will be difficult to resolve, contending the
'mandate question has taken on a life of its own", and noting the word "mandate"
PAGE 34
Copr. 1994 National Journal's CongressDaily, August 4, 1994
has taken on a symbolic importance for senators on both sides of the issue.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE-MDC: August 4, 1994
PAGE 15
9TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright 1994 News World Communications, Inc.
The Washington Times
August 5, 1994, Friday, Final Edition
SECTION: Part A; NATION; INSIDE POLITICS; Pg. A8
LENGTH: 1530 words
BYLINE: Alan McConagha; THE WASHINGTON TIMES
BODY:
COMPETING MORALITIES
In a White House meeting earlier this week, Deputy Secretary of State Strobe
Talbott argued that offering incentives to Haitian leaders is "morally
repugnant, the New York Times reports.
The Times' Elaine Sciolino wrote that Defense Secretary William J. Perry -
"in a sharp exchange" - said Mr. Talbott represented a strange morality.
Mr. Perry argued it would be immoral for the United States not to do
whatever it could to avoid the loss of lives of American soldiers and
expenditure of taxpayers' money, Ms. Sciolino said.
CHICAGO REVISITED
The Democrats formally named Chicago the site of their 1996 convention, the
first time the city will have hosted a national convention since 1968, when the
Democratic gathering was marred by violence during the Vietnam War.
Mayor Richard M. Daley, whose late father was mayor during that ill-fated
1968 convention, hailed the announcement: "We worked hard to get the convention
because it will be good for the people of Chicago."
ENTITLED
Treasury Secretary Lloyd Bentsen started his day in the rear quarters of the
Senate banking committee, greeting colleagues from his 22-year Senate career,
the Associated Press says.
Throughout his testimony on Wednesday the senators had trouble thinking of
him as "Mr. Secretary." They called him senator, they called him Lloyd and they
called him Mr. Chairman, recalling his direction of the Senate Finance
Committee.
"I understand the confusion of titles," Mr. Bentsen said.
He said a young man on an elevator in Washington looked at him for a long
moment the other day and said, "I know, you're Senator Bentsen.
I went
to a political rally of yours in Texas.
PAGE
16
The Washington Times, August 5, 1994
"Whatever happened to you?"
HOW IT SEEMED
President Clinton's news conference prompted this reaction, collected by
Hotline:
NBC's Tim Russert: "He tried to be presidential,
but that undertow of
Whitewater kept pulling him back to Washington."
On "CBS This Morning," the New Republic's Fred Barnes said, "I don't think
he did that well on substance; he was awfully fuzzy. He said Whitewater is no
problem basically, and Whitewater is a problem."
Senate Minority Leader Bob Dole: "He's a quick study, he knew his issues.
One thing when you're having a press conference, you can editorialize a lot.
You can talk about all the good things and gloss over some of the bad.
Overall, he did a good job."
NEW DIRECTIONS
CBS' Rita Braver reported: "Worried about the president's low public
approval ratings, the White House has developed a new strategy for him: fewer
off-the-cuff remarks, comments restricted to controlled settings where he seems
more presidential and a White House team constantly talking up successes like
the president's deficit-reduction package.
But despite the president's
best intentions, Democrats and Republicans alike believe the administration has
failed to define itself."
NOT THE HEAT BUT
In its editorial "Asides" earlier this week, the Wall Street Journal
lamented that "August isn't three days old and already enough weirdness has
fallen from the skies to fill 31 days.
"Michael Jackson announced he's married Elvis' daughter. The Woodstock
reunion announces it's folding because the class of '69 is off on family
vacations. Millionaire baseball players may 'strike.' Bill Clinton pounds his
podium in Jersey City and, ominously, the presidential seal falls off.
"Treasury aide Josh Steiner tells the Senate that what he wrote in his diary
actually meant precisely the opposite. Roger Altman apologizes for saying
earlier he had one contact with the White House about Whitewater, when actually
Treasury had about 40 contacts.
"Must be the humidity."
IT'S AT THE TOP
Columnist William Safire of the New York Times opines, " [Deputy Treasury
Secretary Roger] Altman, no ax murderer, is a political zombie. Other members
of Treasury's briskly walking dead showed how a pattern of legalistic half-truth
telling has permeated the Clinton culture.
PAGE
17
The Washington Times, August 5, 1994
"The clank of falsity goes to the top, Mr. Safire concluded, adding that
reports now contradict Hillary Rodham Clinton's statements about the removal of
Whitewater-Madison files from the office of late White House aide Vincent W.
Foster Jr.
"Mrs. Clinton's answer was not an outright lie; only 'incomplete,' intended
by the first lady to mislead," said Mr. Safire.
"Deceiving the press with a half-truth is not crime. But willfully failing
to answer fully to the Congress is a violation of 2 U.S. Code Section 192. Only
a misdemeanor - but it helps preserve the American system of checks and
balances."
SHUFFLE
Rep. Rick Santorum, Republican candidate for the Senate in Pennsylvania,
dropped campaign manager Ed Hodges, who was "on loan" from the National
Republican Senatorial Committee. The campaign said a new manager will be named
next week. Santorum consultant John Brabender: "We pretty much know what's
going to happen. People will be very impressed."
STERN CHICKENS OUT
Radio host Howard Stern yesterday dropped his bid to become governor of New
York, saying he would not comply with state laws that require him to disclose
his earnings and total wealth.
Mr. Stern said at a news conference that he had told more about himself
than any other candidate, but his personal finances are no one's business.
Mr. Stern announced in March that he would run for New York governor,
seeking to unseat Democratic incumbent Mario Cuomo. Mr. Stern was endorsed by
the state's Libertarian Party.
THE MITCHELL BILL
Politically, Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell's health care bill may
have the best chance of any similar proposal, say Hilary Stout and David Rogers
of the Wall Street Journal.
Sen. Joseph Lieberman, Connecticut Democrat, was quoted as saying, "It was
a very significant first step forward. He's in the range of 51 votes, but he's
a long way from 60" needed to stop a filibuster.
The proposal faces significant opposition: No GOP support is anticipated and
Mr. Mitchell appears to have already lost at least five of his 56 Democrats.
The left is also restive.
"If a bill resembling the Mitchell approach is enacted, the path toward
universal coverage will be slower, probably more expensive to the federal
government and more unpredictable than the systems proposed by President Clinton
and House Democrats," the Journal contended.
SASSER'S SLIM LEAD
PAGE 18
The Washington Times, August 5, 1994
Roll Call's current count in the contest for Senate majority leader: At
least 21 senators solidly back Jim Sasser of Tennessee; 19 support Tom Daschle.
At most, 10 are uncommitted. The Daschle camp claims, however, that two
publicly uncommitted members are pledged to the South Dakotan. The Capitol Hill
newspaper finds that average age of the Sasser backers is 62; Daschle
supporters, 55.
ANXIETY AT PENTAGON
Ranking officials at the Pentagon fear the dispatch of 2,000 troops on a
humanitarian mission to Rwanda could be the beginning of potentially dangerous
commitments of American forces to Africa.
With Somalia still in mind, U.S. News & World Report's "Washington
Whispers" column says officials fear involvement in Sudan, the scene of more
than 10 years of civil war. Other explosive points: Zaire and Burundi.
WILLY LOMAN POLICY?
Observing President Clinton's success with Mideast ceremonials and in
selling U.S. products aboard, the Boston Globe's David Shribman said this is
the kind of thing governors do and the president cannot "simply be a combination
of Willy Loman and Martha Stewart."
Vice President Al Gore told reporters at a breakfast that "there are no
changes in the foreign-policy team in prospect" during the same week Republicans
thrashed the administration in a foreign policy forum.
Mr. Shribman agreed that the departure of Secretary of State Warren
Christopher won't end the problem: "It is the departure of Gov. Clinton that is
necessary. He has to be replaced by President Clinton."
HYATT: OOPS
The Columbus Dispatch reports that legal entrepreneur Joel Hyatt, Ohio's
Democratic candidate for the Senate, has trumpeted his support for women's
rights but actually crusaded against his college turning coed.
Mr. Hyatt told the Dispatch he was wrong in 1991 when he sought to keep
Dartmouth College all-male: "Adding women to campus helped enrich the experience
that Dartmouth male students had in a way that I didn't see as a kid when I
wrote the article."
Then Hyatt spokesperson Dale Butland attacked GOP opponent Lt. Gov. Mike
DeWine for issues involving women when he was out of college.
PUNDIT LENO
NBC's Jay Leno on the congressional baseball game: "Actually, Congress has a
lot in common with real baseball players. They are all millionaires. They all
think working three hours a day is hard work. And they are all going home in
August without finishing up what they started."
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
PAGE 20
10TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) The Bureau of National Affairs, Inc., 1994 BNA HEALTH CARE
DAILY
Aug. 4, 1994
LENGTH: 1693 words
BODY:
Health Care Reform
REACTION TO MITCHELL PLAN MIXED;
MODERATES, REPUBLICANS CRITICAL
WASHINGTON (BNA) -- Senate reaction to the health care reform bill
unveiled Aug. 2 by Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell (D-Maine) was
mixed, with liberal Democrats calling it a step in the right direction, but
moderates and Republicans criticizing the measure.
Mitchell's bill would rely on market-based reforms as an inducement to
increase insurance coverage voluntarily, but would trigger an employer
mandate if 95 percent of the population were not covered by 2000.
Clinton Praises Bill
President Clinton Aug. 2 lauded the Mitchell bill, saying it maintains key
elements of the White House's initial health care reform package.
"The Senate bill provides for universal coverage, enables Americans to
keep their current insurance and their doctor, maintains quality health care,
and provides greater opportunity to keep health coverage affordable, the
president said. "It builds on the current system of shared responsibility
which we already knows works."
Clinton urged Congress to move forward on health care reform, saying, "We
have come this far, and we must not turn back now." He dubbed as
"unacceptable" any bill that falls short of universal coverage and that fails
to contain rising health care costs. "Achieving universal coverage remains a
critical goal," the president said. "This is a debate that we must win and
that we will win."
White House Press Secretary Dee Dee Myers, during a press briefing, stated
that the only way to achieve universal health care coverage is through shared
responsibility, and that suggests some sort of employer mandate.
Conrad Says Outlook Is Good
Following a Democratic policy luncheon, Sen. Kent Conrad (D-ND) told
reporters Mitchell's package was well received by senators, calling the fact
that the bill was deficit-neutral "significant." The bill, which CBO has
estimated would achieve 95 percent coverage within six years without a
trigger, is fully in concert with the president's vision for reform, he said.
Conrad predicted the chances of passage were good because the provisions
of the Mitchell bill closely follow those outlined by a mainstream coalition.
PAGE
21
BNA HEALTH CARE DAILY (c) BNA, Inc.,
Sen. Howard Metzenbaum (D-Ohio) agreed that Mitchell's bill was a "major
move in the right direction," and said there was no feeling of discord during
the luncheon briefing. He said, however, that he was concerned because the
bill fell short of 100 percent coverage, contained no employer mandate, and
took too long to become operative.
Metzenbaum said he was "leaning in support" of the majority leader's bill,
but was not prepared to say what his final vote might be.
Similarly, Sen. Paul Wellstone (D-Minn) said he planned to offer
amendments to improve Mitchell's bill before making a decision about how he
would vote. Wellstone, who advocates a single-payer health care system, also
said that Mitchell had done a great job in crafting his bill and praised the
inclusion of a single-payer option for states in the final version of the
bill.
"George Mitchell has taken a major step forward on health care legislation
based on market reforms rather than relying on bureaucratic mandates and
regulations,' Sen. John Breaux (D-La) said in a press release. "It's a good
start and Congress should now begin its work on the floor," Breaux added.
Mainstream Group Critical
Mitchell's plan met with a cooler reception from the bipartisan Mainstream
Coalition, which faulted the plan as relying too heavily on regulations and
government control, but acknowledged it reflected some movement toward the
center.
Sen. John Chafee (R-RI), leader of the mainstream group, told reporters
the plan was marred by "real, excessive regulation" and was not aimed at
winning bipartisan support. "This really is not designed for a big
bipartisan vote. We had hoped for a big bipartisan vote, and we think it is
very important that something not just squeak by," he said.
Sen. David Boren (D-Okla), another mainstream member, said the plan needed
to be re-worked to win the support of a wide margin of lawmakers of both
parties. "The main reason we need to go back to the drawing board is that we
are once again following a 51-vote strategy, which is not the best for this
country," Boren said.
A health plan that passes Congress on a partisan margin would be open to
changes every time the presidency or congressional leadership changed
parties, he said.
Mainstream Coalition members charged the plan included premium caps and
employer mandates, and would add expensive new entitlement programs, while
falling short in the area of tort and malpractice reform.
Chafee criticized the plan for including an employer mandate, despite the
plan's delayed phase-in and qualifications on the imposition of an employer
requirement. "Even though it is out in the distance
the employer mandate
is there," he said.
Mainstream member John Danforth (R-Mo) agreed, adding, "We rejected the
PAGE
22
BNA HEALTH CARE DAILY (c) BNA, Inc.
idea of an employer mandate. That idea has now crept back into Senator
Mitchell's proposal. It's watered down, but it is an employer mandate.'
Moreover, Sen. David Durenberger (R-Minn), another mainstream group
member, said the plan included "some form of premium cap" that would leave
the package "substantially to the left of the American public."
Danforth said the premium tax proposal in the Mainstream Coalition's bill
was preferable to the caps in Mitchell's package, because a cap approach
would require more government involvement and regulation.
Danforth and Chafee further charged the bill's tort reform provisions were
too weak.
"We believed medical malpractice reform was essential -- a cap on damages
and incentives to proceed with incentives for alternative dispute resolution.
These have been scrapped," Danforth said.
Sens. Bob Kerrey (D-Neb) and Joseph Lieberman (D-Conn) stressed that the
plan, despite moving in the right direction, should have put more emphasis on
cost containment through market based changes.
The Mainstream Group planned to meet Aug. 3 to go through Mitchell's bill
and determine where modifications are needed. Even though the plan passed by
the Finance Committee reflected largely what the coalition proposed in
anticipation of that panel's mark up, and Mitchell's plan drew heavily from
Finance's final product, there are areas of significant difference.
A draft document obtained by BNA illustrates where the Finance Committee
bill and the original Mainstream proposal diverge, and according to Chafee
the next step is to take the legislative language for the Mitchell plan, and
see where the two approaches agree and disagree.
Asked whether the Mainstream Group planned to offer its proposals as a
single substitute amendment or as a series of amendments, Chafee said the
group still had not reached a decision on which strategy to follow.
"Clinton Bill By Another Name"
The Senate Republican leadership criticized Mitchell's proposal as a
re-packaged version of the Clinton health plan and as including more than a
dozen new taxes.
Senate Republican Leader Robert Dole (Kan) acknowledged the bill included
some acceptable features, but numerous provisions to which he objected.
"Taken in its totality, the Mitchell bill is very similar to President
Clinton's proposal in that it prescribes more government, more taxes, and
more entitlements," Dole told reporters.
Senate Finance Committee ranking Republican Bob Packwood (Ore) said the
plan would impose 17 new taxes, including a tax on every health insurance
premium. He noted the bill approved by the Finance Committee in early July
contained a dozen new taxes.
PAGE 23
BNA HEALTH CARE DAILY (c) BNA, Inc.,
Moreover, Dole warned that Mitchell's plan contains a triggered mandate
that ultimately will cost jobs, that it mandates a comprehensive standard
benefits package that will raise costs for many individuals, and creates
three new entitlement programs at a cost of at least $172 billion over five
years.
In response to a question about whether Republicans plan to filibuster the
bill, Dole said that would depend on whether Mitchell proceeds fairly in
directing floor action on the bill.
Packwood further suggested that Republicans may insist on "substantial
debate" on the proposal, which should not be labeled a filibuster. "What is a
legitimate length of time to debate this bill without being accused of a
filibuster? A day? A week? Would it be immoral to spend a month on it? I
don't think so," Packwood asked.
NAM Expresses Concerns
The National Association of Manufacturers issued a statement saying
Mitchell's bill is an improvement over the House leadership package, but "we
still have some concerns about it." The bill "wisely stays away from creating
a new entitlement program, NAM President Jerry Jasinowski said, but he added
that provisions in the bill "would force employers to reduce existing health
care coverage and employment."
Citizen Action Executive Director Ira Arlook denounced the Mitchell bill
for not achieving 100 percent coverage. "We oppose this bill because it
delays any guarantee of coverage until the next century and because it will
shift premium costs onto families, many of whom will not be able to afford
it,' Arlook said.
Arlook also criticized the bill for caving in to senators who have strong
ties to health care special interest groups.
The American College of Physicians voiced its support for the bill and its
trust in market forces to keep costs down. The group also praised the bill
for building on existing changes in the market.
However, ACP said it advocates some strengthening of the bill with
amendments.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
94561799
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FUG-03-1994
DOOD
Volume CLVI, Number 215 Copyright 1994, The Hartford Courant Co.
Senate leader
introduces A.C 0.1 C
health plan 8/3/94
Mitchell bill
Vote count
falls short of
for option
Clinton goal
still unsure
Combined Wire Services
By JOHN A. MacDUNAL
Courunt Staff Writer
WASHINGTON Bowing to po-
Titical reality. Senate Majority
WASHINGTON Senate Ma-
] ender George J. Mitchell present-
ed a health-care reform plan Tues-
jority Leader George J: Mitchell
was on his way to brief fellow Dem.
day that would provide coverage
for as many as 30 million unin-
ocrais on his health care plan Tues.
day afternoon when
sured Americans, short of Presi-
dent Clintun's pledge to guarantee
News
he passed a bust of
Theodore Roosevelt
coverage for all.
analysis
in the U.S. Capitol. At
In the face of fierce business op-
the same time a re-
position, Mitchell shelved Clin-
porter asked, "Is it
ton's proposal that all employers
finished?"
be required to share in the cost of
their workers' health insurance.
"Finished for now," Mitchell Te-
Insecad. his plan would rely on
plied with at smile.
government subsidies, Insurance
The Maine Demorret, a former
reforms and voluntary action by
federal judge, words
employers to extend coverage to 95
wisely. By day's and Mitchell had
percent of Americans by 2000.
finished the task of presenting an
Insurance companies couldn't
important new health care reform
deny coverage for pre-existing
option to Congress But he still
health problems. and people could
faced the difficult task of getting
take their insurance with them
enough votes to get H through the
when they switched jobs.
Senate.
With the release of the Mitchell
On the positive side, some from
plan, the stage for the congression.
his perty who had complained
al health care debate is set. Friday,
about other Democratic bills talked
House Majority Leader Richard A
positively shout his proposal. im-
Gephardt, D-Mo., released his pro-
proving the chances for reform leg-
posal, which is significantly more
islation this year.
far-reaching than Mitchell's and
Sull, other moderate Democrats
includes an employer mandate
- who could determine the late of
similar to Clinton's
Mitchell's proposal - remained
"I did not have a plan that could
critical. And most Republicans
were hostile.
have gorten us to higher than this,"
said Mitchell, 8 Maine Democrat.
Mitchell had a difficult task, as
"This is the best that I can do." He
several senators acknowledged.
He had to move to the right in
Please sec Mitchell, Page A4
Please see Vote, Page A4
AUG-08-1994
09:28
FROM
SEN.
CHRIS
DODD
TO
94561799
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AUG-03-199 39:05 FROM SEN, DODD L. U LIQ
12322241123
P.03
Vote count for option still uncertain
$ Continued from Page 1
Although Mitchell was careful
kept faith with Clinton's pledge of
not to make comparisons, it was
health care coverage for everyone,
hopes of picking up the votes of the
clear his proposal relles less heavily
Dodd said, "As far as I'm con-
more conservative members of his
on government than the plan an-
cerned, yes."
own party. But he could not move so
nounced Friday by House Demo-
Dodd said he was optimistic that
Car Iv the right that he lost the liber-
cratic leaders. Perhaps the biggest
Mirchell's plan would give moder-
als.
difference is that House Democrats
ates the "comfort zone" they need-
Initial reviews were positive, but
call for creating a new Medicare
ed to back the proposal.
far from conclusive. and Mitchell
program that eventually could cov-
This was the group- numbering
said be WBA not surprised that many
cr 90 million Americans, more than
perhaps a dozen that Mitchell
senators wanted time to study his
one-third of the entire population.
seemed to have most in mind as he
plan
Critics see that as a first major
put together his plan. Some were
What they will find is a proposal
step toward a Canadian-style gov.
serisfied Tuesday; others were not.
that tries to keep faith with Presi-
ernment-financed health care sys-
Sen. David Boren. D-Okja., called
dent Clinton's desire to provide
tem. It was designed, analysis sus-
on Mitcheil to "go back to the draw-
health care insurance for all Ameri-
gested, to appeal to the large block
ing board" and scale back his pro-
cans, but does SO without using
of House Democrats who favor the
posal even more.
much of the structure Clinton pro-
Canadian-style plan. There is. no
But Sen. Kent Conrad, D-N.D.,
posed.
such bioc in the Senate.
thought otherwise. "The reaction
Gone are the mandatory purchas-
Democratic leaders in both bod.
was very, very favorable," Conrad
ing pools, insurance premium caps
les had to fashion bills in ways "we
said. Mitchell's plan was close to
and an immediate requirement that
felt would best meet the number of
what the moderates were seeking.
all employers provide health bene-
our membership," Mirchell said.
he said. "It's very well done."
fits to their workers and pay 80
In crafting his plan, Mitchell
And while be continued to have
percent of the premium.
seemed to have held his liberal base
reservations. Sen. Joseph 1. Lieber-
Still, the Congressional Budget
and opened up the prospect of win-
man, D-Conn., sounded much more
Office, the official scorekeeper on
ning over enough of the moderates
positive about Mitchell's proposal
these mattens. has informed Mitch-
to give his proposal a chance of
than most of the Democratic plans
ett his plant will-produce coverage"
passing:
that came earlier
for 95 percent of Americans by the
Liberals like Sen. Pattl Wellstone,
-*I definitely like the direction,"
year 2000, he said.
D-Mian., complained that Mitchell
Lieberman said. "I think he's taken
"The legislation I will propose
did not do enough and promised to
a giant step forward. I think it does
meets the needs of those whom the
fight for changes. But, significantly,
improve the chances for passage."
current system has failed with the
Wellstone did not say say he would
That leaves only the Republicans,
least disruption to the parts that
vote against Mitchell's proposst.
who, with three or four exceptions,
work will," Mitchell said.
More importantly. Sen. John D.
seem determined to oppose any bill
Mitchell's plan achieves this
Rockafeller, D-W.Va., was enthusi-
drafted by a Democral.
through a system of voluntary pur
astic. "It's the only way to get 51
chasing pools, targeted subsidies to
votes in the Senate," said Rockefel-
Senate Minority Leader Robert J.
the uninsured and a backup system
ler, one of the Senate's strongest
Dole. R-Kan., found the plan too
of employer payments that would
health care refurm advocates. "I
costly and said it involves too much
start in the year 2002 if Congress
think it's a very strong starting
government regulation.
falled to approve other means of
point."
As Dole made those comments,
cuvering those who remained out.
Sen. Christopher J. Dodd, D-
few noticed he was standing just
side the insurance system. And
Conn., who bas worried that the
one floor above the bust of Roose-
even than, the employer share
chances of reform were slipping
velt, a Republican who was the first
would be 50 percent, not the 80
away, also was ready to embrace
president to call for a national
percent Clinton advocated.
the Mitchell plan. Asked if Mitchell
health care system for the country.
AUG-08-1994 09:30 FROM SEN. CHRIS DODD
TO
94561799
P.04
Health Care Activists Protest Lieborman's Stand on Health Care<
Eds: STANDS for item slugged AM-CT--Lieberman-Health Care on
digest<
With AM-Health Reform moving on national wire<
BY MELISSA B. ROBINSON Associated Press Writer
WASHINGTON (AP) Shouting Say it ain't so Joe!', about two
dozen health care activists Friday stormed the office of Sen.
Joseph Lieberman to accuse him of selling out the public in
favor of insurance interests.
The protest was among several reported on Capitol Hill as
Congress moves closer LO debating and voting on bills to change
the nation's health care system. The Senate is expected to open
debate Tuesday.
Altogether, 40 people were arrested and charged with
demonstrating in a Capitol building, a misdemeanor. By carly
evening, most had been released without bail pending a court
date, police said.
Leaders of the demonstration outside Lieberman's office said
he was targeted because he was one of the top recipients of
campaign contributions from the health care industry,
especially insurance companies.
The boisterous group filled the hallway and doorway to the
office, shouting slogans, singing songs and holding a mock
trial where they accused Lieberman, a Connecticut Democrat, of
taking bribes.
They passed out fake money giant yellow $100 bills featuring
Lieberman's photo that stated he received nearly $495,000 in
health industry-generated contributions since 1979.
Lieberman was not in the office at the Lime, and police
quickly broke up the protest, leading at least seven people,
who represented Connecticut Citizen Action, among other groups,
away in handcuffs.
He's been bought, said Michael zaslow, a soap opera actor
who lives in New York City and Roxbury, Conn. You don't give
a guy $495,000 without getting a quid pro quo, and that's what
they've done. That's an unprecedented bribe.
Lieberman, who has gained attention as one of the centrist
lawmakers who has not yet. signed onto the compromise health
care bill offered by Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell,
D-Maine, insists that his health care views have not been
tainted by campaign money.
I've worked very hard on this issue, Lieberman said in a
telephone interview Friday. I'm doing what I think is best
for most people in Connecticut, and it really doesn't have
anything to do with campaign contributions.
Lieberman has been working with a group of about a dozen
moderate Republicans and Democrats to draft legislation that
they hope to offer as amendments to Mitchell's bill.
Among Lieberman's concerns is how Mitchell's plan, which
relies heavily on federal subsidies to expand coverage, would
be financed, and a mandatory employer contribution that would
kick in if 95 percent of Americans weren't covered by the year
2000.
Licberman, however, noted that Mitchell's version of the
AUG-08-1994 09:30 FROM SEN. CHRIS DODD
TO
94561799 P.05
employer mandate is significantly watered down from President
Clinton's, and, alone, would not stand in his way of supporting
a health care bill.
-Lieberman Protest, Conn Bjt, 450<
Health Care Activists Protest Lieberman's Stand on Health Care<
By MELISSA B. ROBINSON Associated Press Writer
WASHINGTON (AP) Shouting Say it ain't so Joe!', about two
dozen health care activists stormed the office of Sen. Joseph
Lieberman to accuse him of selling out the public in favor of
insurance interests.
Friday's protest was among several reported on Capitol Hill
as Congress moves closer to debating and voting on bills to
change the nation's health care system. The Senate is expected
to open debate Tuesday.
Altogether, 40 people were arrested and charged with
demonstrating in a Capitol building, a misdemeanor. By early
evening, most had been released without bail pending a court
date, police said.
Loadors of the demonstration outside Lieberman's office said
he was targeted because he was one of the top recipients of
campaign contributions from the health care industry,
especially insurance companies.
The boisterous group filled the hallway and doorway to the
office, shouting slogans, singing songs and holding a mock
trial where they accused Licborman, a Connecticut Democrat. of
taking bribes.
They passed out fake money giant yellow $100 bills featuring
Lieberman's photo that stated he received nearly $495,000 in
health industry generated contributions since 1979.
Lieberman was not in the office at the time, and police
quickly broke up the protest, leading at least soven people,
who represented Connecticut Citizen Action, among other groups,
away in handcuffs.
He's been bought, " said Michael Zaslow, a soap opera actor
who lives in New York City and Roxbury, Conn. You don't give
a guy $495,000 without getting a quid pro quo, and that's what
they've done. That's an unprecedented bribe.
Lieberman, who has gained attention as one of the centrist
lawmakers who has not yet signed onto the compromise health
care bill offered by Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell,
D-Maine, insists that his health care views have not been
tainted by campaign money.
I've worked very hard on this issue, Lieberman said in a
telephone interview Friday. I'm doing what I think is best
for most people in Connecticut, and it really doesn't have
anything to do with campaign contributions.
Lieberman has been working with a group of about a dozen
moderate Republicans and Democrats to draft legislation that
they hope to offer as amendments to Mitchell's bill.
Health vote may be crucial test for Lieberman
8
P.I
By MAT thew DALY
Hilliad
say be is not . slave to the
FROM
Now, Lleberman faces what ultimately may
Courant Staff Writer
left or right, but only to "the
right thing."
Campaign
be judged as the most important first-term test of
his political allegiance the Senate health care,
SEN.
Maybe there's something about that seat in
But like Welcker, Lieb-
votes this summer.
the Senate. Win election to it, and you start
erman's independent ways
acting like a political maverick.
have sometimes angered
Aid and comfort
GOOD
For nearly two decades as a Republican U.S.
those who would appear to
The cross endorsement has ruffled feathers
CT.
senator, Lowell P. Weicker Jr. cultivated an tm-
be his natural allles. Most
in the Democratic Party and in its core coalition
age as an independent thinker not boind by.
recently, Lieberman bucked, the Democratic
labor unions, consumer advocates and wom-
traditions of party, loyalty: Weicher delighted in
state chairman by seeking the endorsement of A
en's groups.
torneenting presidents in bis own party and
Connecticut Party, founded four years ago by,
New, on health care reform, the Issue those
COOC
feuded for years with GOP leaders in his home
who else Lowell Welcker Jt.
groups and the White House - care most
state.
Democratic Chairman Edward L Marcus
about, Lieberman again has gone his own way.
New conses Denio-crat Joseph E Liebermas,
had tried for months to keep Democrats off the
Not only did he anob President Clinton -
TO
who narrowly defeated Wetcher in 1988 and
ACP line, fearing the endorsement could hurt
his fellow graduate from the Yale School of Law
assumed that seat. In the years since, Liebermen
the party's naminee for governor.
and longtime friend - by refusing to back his
SEN.
has turned into something of a mirror image of
But Lieberman, in true Welckeresque fash-
call for basic health coverage for all Americans,
his former opponent.
lon, went his own way.
but has even given aid and comfort to the Sen-
Like Welcker, Lieberman has fushioned a
"I am proud of my affiliation with the Dem-
ate's Minority Lender, Rebert 3. Dole, R-Kan.,
FROM
reputation as a politician who appeals to 6.
ocratic party," he wrote in R letter seeking the
the administration's highest-ranking enemy on
broad, bipartisan range of "moderate" voters.
ACP endorsement, "but in my role as a senator,
health care.
Conservative on fisca! and military Issues, and
have tried
lo be the kind of leader who puts
progressive on social issues, Lieberman likes to
the public interest above partisým politics."
Please see Health, Page M
PAGE
3
3RD STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright 1994 Federal Information Systems Corporation
Federal News Service
AUGUST 5, 1994, FRIDAY
SECTION: BROADCAST INTERVIEW ABOUT COMMERCE OR TRADE
LENGTH: 4747 words
HEADLINE: JOHN MCLAUGHLIN'S: "ONE ON ONE"
WITH GUEST, SENATOR JOHN H. CHAFEE (R-RHODE ISLAND) FOR BROADCAST: WEEKEND OF
AUGUST 6
BODY:
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Health Care Home Stretch: Both chambers of the U.S. Congress are
on the threshold of deciding the fate of one-seventh of the American economy --
$900 billion; namely, health care. What will emerge from the upcoming debate?
We'll ask the key player in the debate, the Republican from Rhode Island,
Senator John Chafee.
NARRATOR: From Washington, DC, John McLaughlin's "One on One," an unrehearsed,
probing, inside exchange with and about the people making the news. Sponsored
in part by the Archer Daniels Midland Company ADM, supermarket to the world;
and by the Mutual of Omaha Company, protection for your changing world.
Here's the host, John McLaughlin.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: In a prime-time news conference this week, President Clinton
taunted the Republicans.
PRESIDENT CLINTON: (From videotape.) My own view is that the questions now
should shift to the members of the other party, to the congressional
Republicans. Are we going to cover all Americans or not? Are we going to have
a bill that provides health care security or not? If you don't like our
approaches in the Senate and the House, what is your alternative? MR.
MCLAUGHLIN: Some believe that Mr. Clinton's statements are more than a taunt;
they were the set-up in the blame game. If he doesn't get a health care bill
this fall, Mr. Clinton will blame the Republicans.
Do you think that the Republicans are being set up in a blame game?
SEN. JOHN H. CHAFEE (R-RI) I don't think any game like that is going to
succeed. First of all, the Republicans don't have a majority in either branch,
nor do we have the administration
But I must say, rather than getting into a blame game, I'd like to see a darned
good bill pass, a bill that accomplishes the goals that certainly the group I'm
associated with, the so-called mainstream group has. We have two objectives: we
want to work toward covering everybody. That doesn't mean right off the bat
we'll get everybody, but that's the goal -- to cover everybody. And secondly,
and just as importantly, is to do something about these costs.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: I want to pursue this political angle, though, of the president.
He -- President Clinton says that he reached out to you Republicans and you kept
moving farther away. This is what he said Wednesday night.
PRESIDENT CLINTON: (From videotape.) At one time, there were two dozen
Republican senators on a bill to give universal coverage to all Americans. They
have all abandoned that bill. We have reached out to them, as was our
responsibility, to try to work together in a bipartisan fashion, and every time
we have done it, they have moved away.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Were the Republicans on board 24 of them?
PAGE
4
Federal News Service, AUGUST 5, 1994
SEN. CHAFEE: Or a little less than that, but --
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Was that your bill?
SEN. CHAFEE: That was the -- that was the bill we had which revolved around the
individual mandate.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: What do you think of his complaint?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, I don't -- I think it's unfortunate he gets into that. I
don't think that we ought to be into the yam, yam, yam, whose fingerpointing is
that --
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Well, is he correct? Did you move away?
SEN. CHAFEE: There is less support for that bill than there was originally,
that's a fact, but I might say that a lot of other people have had differences
with legislation they originally proposed. Take a look at Senator Mitchell's
bill. That's a long way from the bill that Senator Mitchell was originally on,
so things have evolved. After all, how many months have gone by? We introduced
that bill in the last part of last year, so things have developed, we've has
more hearings, we've had a Finance Committee measure come out, and I find no
embarrassment in
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: But didn't you meet with President Clinton on the 15th of June?
SEN. CHAFEE: Oh, yes, I did, as did --
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: And you came out of that meeting, and what did you think when
you came out of that meeting?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, when I came out of that meeting I really felt that he was
willing to give up the so-called employer mandate, and that he seemed to be much
more receptive to the direction that I and those of us in the mainstream were
going to go.
Now subsequent to that, others went down in the following days and day and
didn't have the impression I had.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: This is the way it was described by Joe Klein in Newsweek
magazine. He says: "The meeting between Chafee and Clinton started cool.
Chafee listed his disagreements with the president's plan, but quickly warmed as
the discussion turned to Chafee's proposal. 'It was a positive kind of wonkish
meeting, said a Clinton aide. Chafee certainly thought so. He walked out
thinking he had a deal." Which you just said here. "He didn't. 'I've seen
others go in there and walk out on Cloud Nine,' says a Senate staffer. 'Clinton
plays with them, humors them, but never quite agrees.' Or maybe he does agree
and the staff rushes to pull him back. Whatever, the effect is the same --
nothing happens. 'It's really a despicable, candy-assed way of doing business,
says the Senate source."
Do you think that's a fair description?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, I think that's a little rough in the description, but --
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: But does he move back and forth? You heard what he said in
Boston, right?
SEN. CHAFEE: Yeah, I --
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Then he comes back here and he denies that he's going to --
there's going to be any compromise at all. How do you explain this behavior?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, I'm not sure. I think that the president gets carried away.
The president has a habit of speaking to small groups, and in these small groups
there's sort of a back and forth, a give and take, rather than a set speech to a
large group. And when you're giving the set speech to the large group, you're
working from a text and you're pretty well focused. When you're in a small
group back and forth and I guess you can call them casual comments come in that
later he feels he can't quite support.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: That's a very benign interpretation of his behavior.
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, I'm being
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Some would not be so benign.
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Federal News Service, AUGUST 5, 1994
SEN. CHAFEE: Some wouldn't be so charitable. MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Why the rush in
getting this through now? The polls show that 61 percent of the American people
would want to see it debated this, a health care bill, but they want to see it
voted on next year. Do you see a political intent in this -- namely, that the
Democrats feel that, if they don't present to the voters on November 8th a
signed bill, that they're going to suffer even more losses in the House and the
Senate? And do you feel that, because of those losses in the House and the
Senate, they have to have the bill now because there'll be more Republicans
coming into government and those Republicans will not leave one shred of Bill
Clinton's bill left in the final health bill that comes out? Is that what
they're thinking?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, that could be the thinking. But I sincerely believe -- now,
time is racing by, but I sincerely believe that we can get this thing done in a
measured and orderly way in the time that's left. Now, whether I could say that
a week from today I don't know. But as you know, the majority I'm just
addressing the Senate. The majority leader's already said that we're going to
miss a good portion of our recess. So we're going to start next week, and I
think that we can do a sensible job in the time that's allotted to us. And that
is the balance of August. I hope we can at least have a week's recess.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: You want to try to save the Mitchell bill, is that correct?
SEN. CHAFEE: No, no. No, that's not accurate. What I want to do is to have us
arrive at a good, sensible health care measure that doesn't have intrusive
government in it, does not have price controls, does not have the heavy hand of
-- as I mentioned, of government setting -- determining this, that, how many
young doctors can train for such and such a speciality. All of that is bad, and
so much of that is in the Mitchell bill. But I still think that we can come up
with a good, sensible bill that's going to serve the American people. He's going
to have insurance market reform. He's going to have the small business permits
be allied in purchasing. He's going to have tort reform in the form of medical
malpractice
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: It's not in there now.
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, that -- in the Mitchell -- that's right. In the Mitchell
bill they have some of these things, but not to the proper degree.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: We'll be right back with Senator John Chafee of Rhode Island to
talk health care and the bill that's coming out of Congress.
(Announcements.)
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: You say you are going to produce a bill next week. Well, there
is now a bill that's getting a lot of attention. This the bill. I'm almost
herniating as I pick it up. You know, 15 pounds, I would say.
This is -- what is this?
SEN. CHAFEE: That's the Mitchell bill -- 1,400 pages.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Okay, now, do you people in the Senate have to review this
before you say okay to it, before you vote positively on it?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, I -- it would be inaccurate to say we personally would review
it, but I must say our staffs would, yes.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Okay, now, you want to propose amendments to this bill. Do you
need a laboratory piece to work on to focus this -- the concentration of the
Senate, right? And this is that laboratory piece. And you hope to amend it, as
I see it, so that it becomes acceptable to you and the moderate, pivot group
that you represent.
SEN. CHAFEE: That would be our hope.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: And that moderate, pivot group, I would say, the mainstream
coalition with John Chafee are the following people: you've got Kit Bond, John
Chafee himself, of course, John Danforth, Dave Durenberger, David Boren, John
Breaux, Bill Bradley, Ken Conrad -- I don't know about Kent Conrad, I think
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Federal News Service, AUGUST 5, 1994
Mitchell may have won him over -- Bob Kerrey and Joe Lieberman. And the thought
is that you -- if you develop a satisfactory number of amendments that are
accepted, then there will be something passed.
Now as you see this -- and the others will join you -- as you see this, what do
you like and what do you dislike? Let's start with what you like.
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, what we do like is that he's put off the employer mandate,
and it's not -- and it's not up -- right up front, not -- doesn't come right
into action first, he's put it way at the end. Now we don't like it being at
the end, but it's a lot better being at the end in connection with the so-called
trigger.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: That's a placement consideration. SEN. CHAFEE: Yeah, but it's
much more than that. It's the prominence of it. But nonetheless, he's
recognized that.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Can you accept the hard trigger that he describes in it?
SEN. CHAFEE: No, no, we can't, we can't, but that's a difference.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Is there any kind of trigger that you can accept?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, not that would involve a so-called employer mandate, that
requires if such and such occurs, then in kicks a requirement that every
employer pay -- whether it's 80 percent or 50 percent of every one of his or her
employees, we think that that's really very, very severe on small businesses.
In my state it would be extremely severe.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Do you think any kind of employer mandate can get out of the
United States Senate?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, we hope not, but there are -- but I don't want --
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Well, but, could it be done on a partisan basis? He's got --
SEN. CHAFEE: No.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Obviously he has the Democratic he has a number of Democrats
-- 56 Democrats in the Senate.
SEN. CHAFEE: That's right.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: But he's short -- I understand he's short nine. Is that right?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, I hope he is. It's hard to keep these counts.
But let me go on to some other things. There are a lot of other things -- too
much time has been spent dwelling on the so-called employer mandate. I think
that there are other things that, as I mentioned before, there's an awful lot of
government intrusion in that bill. And I don't want to get into every detail
about it, and I must say it gets pretty darn complicated, hut in effect, he has
the government setting the premiums that the insurance companies can -- in some
instances can charge, and we just think that's bad business.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Well, don't you support part of that yourself with your
community rating position? SEN. CHAFEE: No. No, well, that's a different
thing. Community rating isn't the government setting the rate. Community
rating just says that if a -- if an insurance company is to offer insurance,
they've got to offer it to everybody, to the senior and to the young man as
well. Now we have a variation in that, by the way.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Does this document also provide for the U.S. government to set
the number of doctors that should go into certain specialties?
SEN. CHAFEE: That's right. And I think that's bad. If a young fellow wants to
be an ophthalmologist and go through that specialty training, three cheers.
Now, it may well be that he's not going to get a job, because I think under this
managed care, and with more and more people being in health maintenance
organizations -- HMOs -- you're going to find that the specialties, the demand
for the specialties is clearly going to decrease.
MR., MCLAUGHLIN: What about the federal employee health plan for all? That's in
here too.
SEN. CHAFEE: To a degree, yes.
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Federal News Service, AUGUST 5, 1994
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: To a degree. Is that not back-dooring single payer?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, I think it is. I think you're right on that, and -- but
anyway, that's something that's there.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Is the overall strategy -- you mentioned there's an overemphasis
on employer mandate -- do you think there's an overemphasis on universal
coverage? I mean, you agree -- doesn't everybody agree in principle with
universal coverage?
SEN. CHAFEE: That's right, and I think the president got himself way out on the
end of a limb when he gave that speech before the Congress saying if it doesn't
have universal coverage -- cover everybody! -- then I'm going to veto it. Now,
what's he mean by universal coverage? I think that this bill here, and indeed,
this follows what we did in the finance committee -- this says -- we strive for
95 percent. If we reach 95 percent that's pretty darn good, because we think we
can keep going on from -- that's not the end of the day.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: But you know that rhetorically and for debate purposes the
president and Hillary are funneling all arguments, all problems with this bill
into just one heading and that's universal coverage. They're defining the terms
of the debate, and they're saying that you and others like you in the Republican
party, are relatively unconcerned about those who can't get universal coverage.
They're still playing that record at you, and the idea is that the people who
want universal coverage in the bulk will seize upon that and see that that's the
only problem with this bill.
Now you have said, and Dole has said, that there are a lot of other problems
with this bill other than universal coverage. But they're defining the debate
in those terms, they're sluicing and shoehorning everything into that as though
-- if you get over that hurdle, then there's nothing else wrong with this bill.
But there's a lot wrong with this bill, is there not?
SEN. CHAFEE: Sure. But let me go back. Of course, their definition of
universal coverage seems to vary. For instance, the president himself has said
if you get 95 percent coverage that's fine. Now, is that universal coverage? We
thought so in the Finance Committee, we thought that was a very, very worthy
goal to try to attain, and that's what we had.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Is there a tax fairness issue here?
SEN. CHAFEE: Yes, there is. Unfortunately, Senator Mitchell doesn't allow the
solo entrepreneur, the farmer, or the individual self-employed fellow -- might
be a carpenter -- to deduct 100 percent of his health care premium. Yet if you
work for a big company, that's not taxable to you.
MR., MCLAUGHLIN: Do you think that Clinton can get the liberals to support this
bill, or any Senate finance plan, for that matter? I'm talking about Dingel, I'm
talking about Waxman, and Pete Stark and Rockefeller and Kennedy. If this is
amended to your satisfaction, then he's got a problem with his left. If it's
not amended to your satisfaction then he's got a problem with people on his
right. Some Republicans and some Democrats. Right?
SEN. CHAFEE: Right. I think it's far better off for them to have a bill that
has less regulatory things, less government intrusion in it. I think that will
fly much better, not only in the Senate, but with the public of the United
States of America.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: We'll be right back with Senator John Chafee, and we'll play a
little biography of Senator Chafee.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Senator Chafee, here's a profile of your distinguished career.
Born: Providence, Rhode Island, 71 years of age. Wife: Virginia. Five
children. Episcopalian. Republican. Harvard University: Doctor of Laws.
United States Marine Corps: Captain, World War II, '42 to '45, fought in the
Battle of Guadalcanal; plus combat in the Korean War, '51 to '52.
Rhode Island House of Representatives: minority leader, six years. Rhode
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Federal News Service, AUGUST 5, 1994
Island: governor, six years. Nixon administration: secretary of the Navy, three
years. United States Senate, Rhode Island: 18 years and currently. Senate
assignments: Finance Committee, Small Business Committee, Environment and Public
Works Committee, Select Intelligence Committee. Republican Task Force on
Health Care: chairman, four years and currently. Americans for Democratic
Action, ADA -- premier liberal rating system: out of a perfect liberal 100, 55
in '93; 58, lifetime.
You know, you are free to use that biography in your upcoming election run in
November. (Chuckles.)
SEN. CHAFEE: Couldn't do better. (Chuckles.)
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: How is that shaping up, by the way?
SEN. CHAFEE: It seems to be so far so good, but you know, Rhode Island is a very
Democrat state. You can't take anything for granted.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: You served in Guadalcanal, you served in Korea. Have you
thoughts on the prospect of an invasion of Haiti?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, yes, I certainly have. I think, first of all, before we get
talking invasion of any place, we want to determine whether this country -- that
is, the place we're involved with -- is of significant national importance to
us. And I don't see it. I don't see what our great national interest is in
Haiti.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Well, did you hear the president the other night? Wednesday
night?
SEN. CHAFEE: I --
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Do you think he satisfactorily cleared that hurdle? SEN.
CHAFEE: No, I don't think so. I know that he dealt with it, but it didn't meet
it to my satisfaction.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: You're a member of the --
SEN. CHAFEE: And frankly, I don't see why we have the embargo on Haiti, I just
don't see why we're involved to the depth that we are.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: What about the restoration of Aristide to power? You're a member
of the Intelligence Committee, you were briefed on Aristide. Can you tell us
anything about that briefing and what do you think of the logic of returning him
to power?
SEN. CHAFEE: No, I -- set aside the being on the Intelligence Committee, I just
don't think that it behooves us to get this deeply involved in restoring Mr.
Aristide the presidency. It's -- if -- it just doesn't affect us that much. I
-- we cannot interfere in every country, even though it is in our hemisphere.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: I have one quick question on health care before we leave the
subject. You are supporting a 29 percent excise tax on expensive insurance.
SEN. CHAFEE: Uh-huh.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Right?
SEN. CHAFEE: It's not 29, but never mind, go ahead.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: What is it?
SEN. CHAFEE: Twenty-five.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Twenty-five?
SEN. CHAFEE: Yeah, I'm -- go ahead.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Okay, and I think Mitchell is, too, isn't he?
SEN. CHAFEE: That's right. He has one, too. It's -- his is much more
complicated, we think, than ours.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Well, why are you involved in what many people see as a
middle-class tax increase?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, the purpose of this tax is not to raise revenue, it's to get
people to choose the less expensive plans. In other words, under our -- set
aside what Senator Mitchell does, just take what we do, which is part of the
Finance Committee measure. It says that if one takes a plan that is in the very
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Federal News Service, AUGUST 5, 1994
expensive category, that there is a tax applied to it. And as I say, the
purpose isn't to raise revenue. Yes, if we raise some revenue, that's fine, but
the purpose really is to get the people to choose the less expensive plans.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: So it's social engineering affected by economic incentives, is
that --
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, you can label it what you want, but the --
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: You're going to -- you could --
SEN. CHAFEE: -- the way -- the way I -- the way I'd label is to get the thrust
toward less heavy expenditures in the whole health care field.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: But you could drive fee-for-service plans off the market, and
that would affect those in rural areas who don't have managed care, and it would
also affect some unions that don't have adequate managed care.
SEN. CHAFEE: I don't think that that follows. I think that it is true that
probably the fee for service, where you can go out and choose any doctor you
want, any hospital you want are going to end up more expensive than the HMOs, no
question.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Senator, we'll be right back.
(Announcements.)
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Killer question: If Senator Mitchell gets 50 votes for his hard
trigger on employer mandate, will you join a Republican filibuster?
SEN. CHAFEE: That's too iffy a question, John. I'm not going to answer a
question like that.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Can you conceive of any circumstances where you would join a
Republican filibuster?
SEN. CHAFEE: I -- I'm not going to speculate on that. Let's see -- we've got --
this thing has got a long way to play out.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Thanks so much for being my guest, Senator John Chafee.
END OF REGULAR SEGMENT PBS SEGMENT FOLLOWS
PBS SEGMENT
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Can I talk to you a little bit about the conference report?
We've got a bill in the House, we've got a bill in the Senate relating to
health care reform, correct?
SEN. CHAFEE: Right.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: What do you think of the House bill?
SEN. CHAFEE: I think it's terrible.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Why?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, it has all kinds of provisions in it -- well, let me just
give you an example. It takes all the Medicaid population, it takes all the
self-employed, it takes numerous other people and puts them under Medicare, and
no matter what you say about Medicare, no one can say that Medicare has
controlled costs. It's just been a disaster financially. Medicare is all right
for the beneficiaries, but for the U.S. government that's paying the bill, it's
just been an un --
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Mitigated, yeah.
SEN. CHAFEE: -- mitigated disaster, and so that's the first thing that's
completely wrong with it. They've got a whole series of other provisions in
there that really make it so that HMOs can't function successfully -- that's one
of the provisions --
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: You're talking about Part C of Medicare.
SEN. CHAFEE: That's right.
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: Now, if you did flood that sector with the populations you are
talking about, how many people would you be moving into there?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, I've seen different estimates that get up into the -- into
over a hundred million people with the --
MR. MCLAUGHLIN: A hundred million?
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Federal News Service, AUGUST 5, 1994
The probability is heightened because the composition of the Senate and the
House will be more hospitable to the type of plan you are talking about. So why
are you so dedicated to rushing this thing through before the end of this August
recess?
SEN. CHAFEE: Well, I don't like the word "rush." I said before that I think we
can move with deliberateness and common sense and caution and thoroughness in
the time we're going to be here -- not one, but two extra weeks. So there's
three solid weeks in which we can deal with this matter.
Now if we can't, then that's that. But I think -- and I'd -- I also said that
this thing is getting dicey now. We're getting up close to the margin and time,
but I still think there is enough time, but not much extra.
END
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17TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
The Associated Press
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press. These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Associated Press.
August 3, 1994, Wednesday, PM cycle
SECTION: Washington Dateline
LENGTH: 936 words
HEADLINE: Mitchell Pitches Compromise Health Reform Plan
BYLINE: By CHRISTOPHER CONNELL, Associated Press Writer
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
BODY:
A sobered President Clinton, touched by the story of a man who buried his
uninsured wife two days ago, declared today it was time for members of Congress
to "make the tough decisions and not to walk away" from health-care reform.
As Clinton put fresh pressure on Congress to act, Senate Majority Leader
George Mitchell voiced confidence that legislators would approve health reforms
this year, and Minority Leader Bob Dole indicated a Senate filibuster was
unlikely.
Under sunny skies, the president and Hillary Rodham Clinton welcomed hundreds
of "Health Security Express" bus riders to the South Lawn to culminate their
trek to Washington to press for health reform.
John Cox, who lost his wife, Jan, to stomach cancer while he was traveling
with the caravan, told a hushed White House crowd: "We buried her Monday and I'm
here today to tell Congress that right is right."
"Unless we can ensure universal health coverage to all Americans, then life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness for some is just a dream," said, Cox, a
Christian broadcaster from Athens, Texas. His wife's cancer bills were not
covered by insurance because the illness was deemed a pre-existing condition.
Clinton embraced Cox, wiped away a tear and then declared in a cracking
voice: "Congress has to decide whether it's going to listen to the insurance
companies or to Jan Cox's last wish."
He said Congress had signed on to make the tough decisions and not to walk
away," adding that legislators can't duck "those that are difficult,
controversial and make people mad."
Mitchell said his compromise plan to get 95 percent of Americans covered by
the turn of the century represented an attempt "to come up with a rational and
coherent plan that represents what is best for the country and
has some
reasonable chance of being enacted."
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36
The Associated Press, August 3, 1994
But Dole said Mitchell will "need a great deal of flexibility" to push a bill
through.
Some moderate Democrats who have dug in their heels against any forced
contributions by employers expressed misgivings Tuesday about Mitchell's
backstop provision that could require some employers to pay half their workers'
premiums in the year 2002 and beyond.
"You just can't sell mandates to the United States Senate," Dole said today
on NBC television.
"There's no filibuster strategy," the Republican leader said. "But lets face
it, we need a long debate on it."
Mitchell, at a breakfast with health reporters, said, "I don't think there's
going to be a filibuster. I don't have any plans to break a filibuster."
Mitchell said he was certain that health care reform will be enacted, but
added, "there is not a chance in the world that this bill will pass the Senate
unchanged."
Clinton lauded the compromise proposal, saying it "provides for universal
coverage (and) enables Americans to keep their current insurance and their
doctor." He said it would achieve "what the American people want - health
coverage that can never be taken away."
House leaders delayed until Monday the deadline for their bill and rival
plans to be submitted to the Rules Committee.
The long-awaited debate will open Tuesday in the Senate, and later in the
week in the House. Mitchell has vowed to make the Senate work six days a week
until it is done.
House Speaker Thomas Foley said today he couldn't guarantee that the House
would act on health care before its scheduled August recess, due to start Aug.
12. "The scheduling is getting pretty tight," Foley said.
Health coverage is expected to be the main topic of Clinton's scheduled news
conference tonight.
Democrats in both chambers have made major alterations to the battered plan
that Clinton proposed in December, but House Majority Leader Richard Gephardt's
bill stayed closer to the White House mark. It included a requirement that
employers contribute 80 percent of the premiums and promised to cover everyone
by 1999, a year behind Clinton's schedule.
Mitchell said most of his subsidies - upwards of $ 900 billion over 10 years
- would come from savings in Medicare and Medicaid; most of Medicaid would be
scrapped, with the poor getting help to buy private insurance instead.
Citing a drop in the percentage of Americans with health insurance from 90
percent in 1980 to 85 percent today, Mitchell said, "If we can reverse the
downward trend, move up to 95 percent and have a mechanism in place for going
the rest of the way, it will be a truly significant and lasting achievement."
PAGE 37
The Associated Press, August 3, 1994
The retiring majority leader, who gave up a shot at the Supreme Court to
concentrate on enacting health reform, said, "I did not have a plan that could
have gotten us to higher than this. This is the best I can do."
But Dole said Tuesday that, "It's not going to fly."
Some 100 million people would get some form of subsidy under Mitchell's plan,
said the Kansas Republican, whose less sweeping alternative is backed by 40 of
44 Senate Republicans.
Sen. Nancy Kassebaum, R-Kan., said Mitchell's bill "sands down some of the
sharp edges in the Clinton plan," but still promised too much and smacked of
heavy-handed government.
Sen. Joseph Lieberman, D-Conn., said Mitchell could get 60 votes if he
dropped the distant employer mandate.
That requirement would only be triggered in 2002 if voluntary measures had
failed to produce 95 percent coverage by 2000 and Congress did nothing to insure
everybody else. Even then, the mandate would only hit firms with 25 or more
employees in states with less than 95 percent coverage; those businesses would
split the premiums with their workers. Workers in smaller firms would have to
buy their own coverage.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE-MDC: August 3, 1994