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Slate
Page 1 of 5
IHI
time, learn more
Illons of privately
available instantly:
Slate
9
hey,
wait a minute
Child Abuse: Threat or
Menace?
How common is it really?
By Douglas J. Besharov with Jacob W. Dembosky
(1,121 words; posted Friday, Oct. 3. to be
composted Friday, Oct. 10)
With a new government-funded study
in hand, Secretary of Health and Human
Services Donna Shalala diagnosed a rising
epidemic of child abuse last month. She
reported that "child abuse and neglect
nearly doubled in the United States
between 1986 and 1993"--and that was
only the beginning of the ugly news. The
number of "serious" cases had quadrupled,
and the percentage of cases being
investigated by the authorities had actually
declined by 36 percent, trends that she
called "shameful and startling."
Is Shalala right? Is an unheeded child-abuse
epidemic raging in America? Or, as I think is more
likely, is the methodology behind the study and the
interpretation of its numbers flawed? And if
Shalala overstated the child-abuse peril, is she
undermining public interest in the problem by
making it appear too big and difficult to fix at a
reasonable cost?
Look at the Numbers
A
The secretary drew her statistics from the
National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and
Neglect, which was conducted by Westat Inc., a
consulting firm that conducted similar studies in
1980 and 1986. In the new study, about 5,600
professionals, a representative sample, were asked
by Westat whether the children they had served
appeared to have suffered specified harms or to be
living under specified conditions. Westat then
10/4/96
10:58:39 AM
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Page 2 of 5
determined if the reported "harms" and
"conditions" met the study's definitions of "abuse"
1
and "neglect," and generated estimates of
incidence.
The odd thing about Shalala's claim that the
number of children abused and neglected doubled
from 1.4 million in 1986 to 2.8 million in 1993 is
that no other signs point to such a dramatic
increase in child abuse and neglect. Fatalities
arising from child abuse have held roughly steady,
ranging from 1,014 in 1986 to 1,216 in 1993,
according to the National Committee to Prevent
Child Abuse.
O
f the 1.4 million additional cases reported,
almost 80 percent fall into three suspect
categories. (Anywhere from 13 percent to 34
percent of the 2.8 million children suffered more
than one type of abuse or neglect. Unfortunately,
the study did not "unduplicate" these reports.
Nevertheless, the proportions I describe below
provide a general picture of what is happening.)
New Cases of
Endangered children account for 55 percent
Child Abuse and Neglect
*
of the increase. These are cases where the child
Endangered
1986-1993
was not actually harmed by parental abuse or
neglect, but was "in danger of being harmed
60
according to the views of community professionals
55
50
or child-protective service agencies" [emphasis
45
added]. (See Figure 1.)
PERCENT
40
35
Emotional abuse and neglect account for
30
20
Emotional
another 15 percent of the increase. The great
25
Mattreatment
Physical
15
Neglest
Educational
Neglect
Physical
majority of emotional-abuse cases, according to the
10
Abuse
Sexual
Abuse
1986 Westat study, involved "verbal assaults," and
5
more than half of the emotional-neglect cases
0
involved "the refusal or delay of psychological
TYPE OF MALTREATMENT
care."
Educational neglect--the chronic failure to
send a child to school--added another 8 percent to
the total of new cases.
"D
efinitional Creep"?
All these cases warrant attention, but
the explosion of numbers may be caused
by the growing reportorial sensitivity of
professionals, that is, "definitional creep."
Professionals who become more sensitive to
possible abuse, or more adept at noticing it, would
make more reports to Westat--even if the actual
incidence had not risen. In endangerment cases, at
least, the study seems to accept this explanation.
According to Shalala, the number of "serious"
cases increased between 1986 and 1993 from
"about 143,000 to nearly 570,000." Her comments
left the impression that the cases involved
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Page 3 of 5
life-threatening assaults, but the study defines
"serious" cases as any in which the child suffered
"long-term impairment of physical, mental, or
emotional capacities, or required professional
treatment aimed at preventing such long-term
impairment." Emotional maltreatment accounted
for fully half of the increase in serious cases. (See
Figure 2.)
New Cases of
n cases labeled as serious physical abuse, the
"Serious" Abuse and Neglect
reported injury could be mental or emotional.
1986-1993
Even in these "serious" cases, the study
Emotional
Maitreatment
seems affected by definitional creep. For example,
in three categories (sexual abuse, physical neglect,
and emotional neglect), the number of cases
50
45
40
Physical
Neglect
described as "moderate" declined even as the
35
number of "serious" ones increased--strongly
PERCENT
30
suggesting that cases once viewed as only
25
20
Sexual
Abuse
15
Physical
Educ ational
moderately threatening have now been "upgraded"
Abuse
Neglect
to the most dire category.
10
Uninvestigated Cases?
5
0
Shalala's assertion that investigations of child
TYPE OF MALTREATMENT
abuse and neglect cases have dropped by 36
percent deserves closer scrutiny. In producing the
number of uninvestigated cases, the study
compared the number of cases identified by
professionals with those known to local agencies.
Of the cases not investigated, 33 percent involved
educational neglect. (See Figure 3.)
Investigated Cases of
The main flaw here is that most
Child Abuse and Neglect*
educational-neglect cases are handled by the
1993
schools; reports are made to protective agencies
only when all else fails.
500
Emotional
Maltreatment
Educational
Another 30 percent of uninvestigated cases
THOUSANDS OF CHILDREN
400
Physical
Neglect
Physical
Abuse
Neglect
involved emotional abuse and neglect. But
child-protective agencies usually avoid these cases
300
Sexual
Abuse
because they tend to involve subjective judgments,
and there is little that a quasi-law-enforcement
200
agency can do about them.
100
Definitional creep is clearly at play here, too.
0
Professionals who are increasingly willing to
TYPE OF MALTREATMENT
identify situations as harmful aren't necessarily
Known to CPS
Unknown to CPS
ready to equate them with the sort of abuse and
neglect they are legally obliged to report. And even
if they did report these instances, child-protective
agencies would still be expected to screen them
out.
D
oes Shalala Believe Her Own Hype?
Probably not. Radical action would be
required if Shalala's figures were even roughly
correct. But instead of proposing radical action
when she released the report, she outlined modest
steps that had long been planned and budgeted.
10/4/96
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Page 4 of 5
Having worked in the field for 30 years. I can
testify firsthand that the problem of child abuse
and neglect is real. But however well meant,
exaggerating the severity of abuse endangers
children. In the late '80s, for example, the nation
was told that 375,000 drug-exposed babies were
born each year; Washington policy-makers were
immobilized by estimates that tens of billions of
dollars were needed to protect these children. In
fact, the true number was closer to 35,000, and a
decade later, the government has yet to mount a
meaningful program for the children of addicts.
Overstatement may also obscure genuinely
worrisome findings. Some of the increases in
sexual abuse, physical abuse, and physical neglect
uncovered by Westat may well reflect a true
deterioration of conditions in disorganized,
poverty-stricken households. But Shalala paid
scant attention to this possibility.
And to claim recklessly that too few cases are
investigated is to play with fire. Child-protective
agencies are already overwhelmed investigating
about 2 million reports a year, two-thirds of which
are dismissed as unfounded or inappropriate. For
many in the field, the most pressing need is to
discourage inappropriate reporting--not to blithely
call for more.
Links
The National Incidence Study is scheduled to
be released this fall. For immediate resources
on child abuse and neglect, see the National
Committee to Prevent Child Abuse and the
National Data Archive on Child Abuse and Neglect
at Cornell University.
Douglas J. Besharov is a visiting professor at the
University of Maryland's School of Public Affairs,
where Jacob W. Dembosky is a research assistant.
Besharov was the first director of the U.S. National
Center on Child Abuse and Neglect. His most
recent book is Recognizing Child Abuse: A Guide
for the Concerned.
Graphs: Third National Incidence Study of Child
Abuse and Neglect
* Figures for specific types of maltreatment
exclude endangerment cases. Percentages total
more than 100 because some children counted
under more than one type of abuse.
Percentages total more than 100 because some
children counted under more than one type of
abuse.
*
These exclude cases of endangerment.
10/4/96
10:58:40 AM
Slate
http://www.slate.com/Email/96-10-23/Email.asp
The Current National Debt is:
Slate
23
(posted Wednesday. Oct. 23)
Fact Abuse
The "Hey, Wait a Minute" column by Douglas
J. Besharov and Jacob W. Dembosky ("Child
Abuse: Threat or Menace?") seriously
misrepresents the methodology, findings, and
conclusions of the recently released Third National
Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect
(NIS-3). As the NIS-3 project director and the
supervisor responsible for implementing the NIS-3
definitions, we want to set the record straight. We
address only some of the misinformation here.
In light of Besharov's criticisms, it is
noteworthy that he participated in the Conference of
Experts convened in late 1991 by the National
Center on Child Abuse and Neglect (the NIS-3
sponsor) specifically to refine the NIS-3 design.
Together with the rest of the conferees, Besharov
recommended no changes in the NIS methodology
and definitions. Now, five years later, Besharov
opines that the NIS methodology and definitions
are flawed. The NIS-3 findings may run counter to
his position, but it is important for Besharov and
Dembosky, and for readers of SLATE, to get the
facts straight.
First, when Besharov and Dembosky
characterized the 1.4 million additional children
who joined the ranks of the maltreated between
1986 and 1993, they summed up the NIS-3
estimates in inappropriate ways to draw their
conclusions. In doing so, they overstated the
percent of children who were harmed only by
emotional or educational maltreatment (actually 9
percent, not the 23 percent they indicated) and they
understated the percent of new children who were
harmed by physical abuse, sexual abuse, or physical
neglect (actually 37 percent, not the 22 percent they
implied). Besharov and Dembosky also glossed
over how these percentages translate into numbers
of children. The 37 percent just mentioned refers to
over one-half million additional children who were
harmed by physical abuse, sexual abuse, or physical
neglect in 1993--over and above the number who
were harmed by these forms of mistreatment in
1986. An estimated 1,249,000 children were
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harmed by these forms of maltreatment in 1993.
Also, in discounting the rise in incidence found in
the NIS-3, Besharov and Dembosky contend that
"fatalities arising from child abuse have held
roughly steady" between 1986 and 1993. But this is
contradicted by the numbers they themselves cite,
which show that fatalities have risen by 20 percent
during this period. from 1.014 to 1,216.
Second, Besharov and Dembosky
misrepresented the NIS methodology for
classifying the severity of injury or harm. (We wish
we could ascribe this to misunderstanding. but we
clarified this issue for them before their article's
publication and they published their misinformation
anyway.) In fact, the classification of a child as
seriously injured/harmed is relatively objective in
that it does not rely on a blanket judgment by a
respondent. The criteria for defining serious harm
or injury are standardized; they are applied to the
described injury itself, not to the respondent's
judgment about that injury: and they have been
consistent across the three incidence studies. So the
recent quadrupling of the number of seriously
injured children cannot be ascribed to some vague
form of "definitional creep."
Third, Besharov and Dembosky's claim that
increased sensitivity accounts for the rise in the
number of seriously injured children does not make
sense in the context of the patterns of NIS findings,
which do provide evidence of progressively
heightened sensitivity for more subtle maltreatment
cues. Respondents' sensitivity to moderate injuries
increased between the NIS-1 in 1980 and the NIS-2
in 1986, but did not change after that. Between the
NIS-2 and the NIS-3, respondents showed increased
awareness of endangerment (i.e., maltreatment
events that did not yet cause harm). Note that the
significant increases found in the NIS-3 were
discontinuous across the outcome spectrum,
occurring in only two categories: serious
injury/harm and endangerment, both of which
essentially quadrupled since the NIS-2 in 1986. If
Besharov and Dembosky want to discount both
increments by appealing to the same process
(enhanced sensitivity) then they need to explain (1)
why this process applied discontinuously in the
NIS-3 and did not affect the intervening category of
moderate injury or harm, and (2) how the NIS-2
respondents managed to overlook three-fourths of
the children who had been seriously injured while
at the same time evidencing greater sensitivity in
identifying moderately injured children. Seriously
injured victims of maltreatment are relatively
unlikely to escape detection by the study
methodology, so the rise in incidence in this
category cannot be plausibly explained as due to
heightened awareness. Considering all the evidence,
2 of 7
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the most reasonable interpretation is that there has
been a real increase in the incidence of seriously
injured children. More than one-half million
children were seriously injured by abuse or neglect
in 1993.
Fourth, Besharov and Dembosky take issue
with the documented drop of 36 percent in the rate
of Child Protective Services investigations by
pointing out that the set of uninvestigated cases
includes educational neglect and emotional
maltreatment. But a careful reading of their
discussion reveals that they do not address the drop
per se. Instead, their entire discussion emphasizes
their "take" on the relative inappropriateness of
CPS investigations for emotional and educational
maltreatment. However, educational neglect and
emotional maltreatment have always been included
in the incidence studies. and eliminating them from
the picture would not eradicate the significant drop
in the overall rate of CPS investigations from the
NIS-2 to the NIS-3. In fact, the percentages of
children whose maltreatment was investigated
decreased significantly in all categories except
educational neglect--from 64 percent to 45 percent
among physically abused children, from 75 percent
to 44 percent among sexually abused children, from
57 percent to 35 percent among physically
neglected children, and from 40 percent to 26
percent among children seriously injured by any
maltreatment.
Finally, contrary to what Besharov and Dembosky
convey, the NIS-3 report does not "blithely call for
more" reporting. Nor did we "claim recklessly that
too few cases are investigated." Instead, we
concluded that the NIS-3 findings "emphasize the
need for better targeting, whether by reporters in
referring children to CPS, by CPS screening
practices in connection with reports, or by both."
--Andrea J. Sedlak, Ph.D.
associate director of the Human Services Research
Area at Westat Inc.
--Diane D. Broadhurst, M.L.A.
senior researcher at Westat Inc.
Douglas J. Besharov Replies:
It is difficult to respond to Sedlak and
Broadhurst's letter. First, I have great respect for
their past work, and appreciate the constraints they
faced in this project--as government contractors in
an underfunded study. Second, words like
"misrepresented" and "misinformation" are, in the
world of policy analysis, fighting words. Third,
their study is complicated. and numbers can be
thrown back and forth until the eyes of the average
reader glaze over. Most important, my complaint is
not so much with the study as with the
10/25/96 14:10:39
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interpretation of its findings--and especially with
the spin given to it by political appointees in the
Department of Health and Human Services.
Hence, I will deal with the personal attacks in
their letter and then go on to my larger policy--and
ethical--concerns about their response.
In their letter, Sedlak and Broadhurst correctly
point out that I participated in a 1991 Conference of
Experts that discussed the study's methodology. In
fact. as director of the National Center on Child
Abuse and Neglect in the mid-1970s, I helped
design the study in the first place--long before
either Sedlak or Broadhurst were involved. So, I
know well the strengths--and weaknesses--of the
study's approach to the difficult task of counting
illegal behaviors toward children that largely occur
behind closed doors.
They claim that, after the 1991 meeting, I
"recommended no changes in the [incidence
study's] methodology and definitions." But they
conveniently leave out two important facts. First, at
that meeting, I pointed out that the methodological
changes that were planned for the study all would
have the effect of raising the count of abused and
neglected children. In fact, Sedlak and her
colleagues described (in a report to HHS) how they
planned to "fine-tune" the study to "ensure that
categories of key participants who were most likely
to encounter suspected maltreatment cases in the
[1986 incidence study] are given higher probability
of being included in the [new study]." In other
words, they proposed to change the study's
methodology so that more reports would be made to
Westat. Second, I did urge that the study's
conclusions be modified--six months before it was
released to the public. On Dec. 7, 1995, Secretary
Shalala issued a press release stating that "the
number of abused and neglected children rose
sharply from 1.4 million in 1986 to 2.9 million in
1993." I tried to get a copy of the report, but was
informed that no one outside the government would
be given a copy until it was complete. In other
words, Shalala issued her press release based on an
uncompleted report.
Like others, I tried to get more information
about the study from Westat, but was rebuffed. In
fact, Sedlak sent me a memorandum stating that
"the continued contacts from your office on the
matter give the appearance of efforts to place me
and my staff in a compromising position in relation
to our client, NCCAN. Please ensure that your staff
refrain from further contacts of this nature."
Concerned, I wrote to Secretary Shalala in
March, stating: "The Westat findings may be
extremely significant, but there is reason to doubt
that they reflect an actual increase in abuse and
neglect." I went on to explain what the problems
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seemed to be. and to offer my assistance in
interpreting the study's results.
In a bureaucratic nonresponse. a political
appointee replied by enclosing a defense of the
study prepared by Sedlak and stating, "I believe that
the enclosed memo concerning the study adequately
addresses your concerns."
I mention this history, rather than dueling with
Sedlak and Broadhurst's statistics, because I think
that it exemplifies their selective presentation of
information.
The last time Sedlak conducted an incidence
study, it had to be revised and reissued almost three
years later because technical problems in the
analysis inflated the estimated number of abused
and neglected children by 11 percent.
This time around, the problem seems to be
more severe. The plain fact is that no attempt was
made to conduct the kind of second-level analysis
that would have explored whether the increases
were real. (The data that they cite in their letter to
contradict us, by the way, were not presented in the
original report and, in any event, are too incomplete
for these purposes.) I realize that one reason this
essential work was not performed was that the
government was unwilling to pay for it. But that is
no excuse for announcing that "child abuse and
neglect nearly doubled" without also cautioning the
reader about the study's limitations. I hope that,
before three years pass, a revised report that does so
will be issued.
Moreover, I doubt that the people at HHS
seriously believe that child abuse doubled in seven
years. If it had, America would be in the midst of a
child-abuse crisis. Decisive and perhaps radical
action would be required, not the puny list of
previously planned and budgeted activities that
Shalala described in her press release: A
demonstration program in Illinois, $23 million in
prevention grants, $2.5 million to maternal and
child-health programs, past initiatives to fund
family preservation programs and to oppose
child-welfare block grants, and an "unprecedented"
level of technical assistance to the states (again,
though, not an increase).
But the real reason I write is because of the
broader problem created by exaggerating social ills.
Cynics might chalk up this latest report as yet
another well-meaning effort to build support for
child-abuse programs. After all, goes the thinking,
if the American people believe that child
maltreatment is a big problem, they might be
willing to spend more money on treatment and
prevention programs. Richard Gelles, a longtime
leader in the field and author of The Book of David:
How Preserving Families Can Cost Children's
Lives, says that he used to "go along" with past
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exaggerations. but has come to appreciate the harm
that they have done.
Exaggerating the severity of cases is what
columnist Charles Krauthammer has called
"defining deviancy up." The more it seems that
such serious maltreatment is common, the less
likely are agencies to respond firmly. To put it
bluntly. society can consider a tough response to
150,000 serious cases a year--but 560,000 is an
entirely different matter, politically and
programmatically.
I have worked in this field for almost 30
years--first as a young prosecutor in New York
City, later as the director of the HHS National
Center on Child Abuse and Neglect. and more
recently as a trainer and consultant--and I know that
child abuse and child neglect are profound national
problems. But, time after time I have seen how such
overstatements have made the problem seem too
big to handle or have distorted policy-making. I am
afraid that Shalala's remarks will do the same.
Slate - E-Mail to the Editor 11/6/96
http://www.slate.com/Email/96-11-06/Email.asp
HUG ME.
the road is calling.
Slate
24
ANSWER IT. ©LEXUS
mail to the editors
(posted Wednesday. Nov. 6)
Abuse Redux
I agree with the overarching point of Douglas J.
Besharov and Jacob W. Dembosky's article, "Child
Abuse: Threat or Menace?" I am sorry that they
were not given more space to flesh out the details
and evidence that support their position. I do
believe that the administration has used the
National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and
Neglect (NIS-3) for purely political purposes--to
demonize welfare reform and draw attention away
from the fact that it (the administration) has no plan
to rectify the crisis that afflicts the child-welfare
system.
Community professionals now see more abuse
and neglect because they are trained to see more.
Clearly, child-welfare professionals want--and
need--to point to bigger numbers in order to bid for
what they perceive to be diminished resources.
However, there are survey data (that Deborah Daro
and I collect) and data on homicide that indicate
strongly that it is very unlikely that there is any
kind of major increase in the rate of child
maltreatment in the country.
As to whether an effort should be mounted to
get a better analysis of the report--well, the social
scientist in me always wants more honest data
analysis. On the other hand, many social scientists,
myself included, find the NIS studies of such
limited value that we rarely use the data or even
reference the studies beyond a cursory mention that
they have been conducted.
On balance, though, I think that as the
administration is going to fall back on NIS-3 to
support anything they plan to do--and to block
programs they don't want--it is wise to push for a
more honest accounting of the study.
--Richard J. Gelles
director, University of Rhode Island Family
Violence Research Program
Kingston, R.I.
1 of 5
11/08/96 10:27:54
CDF State of America's Children,1994 1994
CHILDREN IN THE STATES
88,89,90,91,93
Children Reported Abused or Neglected,
Distribution by Race and Ethnicity, 1991
Number
Native Asian/Pacific
reported
Total
White
Black
Latino
American
Islands
Other
Alabama
43,969
100.0%
61.5%
38.0%
0.2%
0.0%
0.2%
-
Alaska
8,983
100.0
55.3
83
2.8
30.7
15
1.4%
Arizona
44.844
100.0
57.9
7.9
25.3
39
0.4
4.0
Arkansas
39.687
100.0
697
29.5
0.4
0.3
01
0.1
California
416,757
100.0
53.2
12.1
29.3
0.6
3.3
15
Colorado
50,874
1000
618
14.2
21.7
1.2
1.0
-
Connecticut
22,080
100.0
54.9
26.2
18.1
0.1
0.6
1
Delaware
7.941
100.0
51.5
429
4.2
0.0
0.1
1.3
District of Columbia
9.444
100.0
2.9
87.5
5.1
-
-
4.4
Florida
184,370
100.0
63.6
36.1
-
0.1
0.3
-
Georgia
68,057
100.0
51.6
45.1
1.2
0.1
0.3
1.8
Hawaii
5,017
100.0
17.7
3.9
0.4
0.9
50.0
27.1
Idaho
19,507
100.0
806
0.5
12.4
1.7
07
4.2
Illinois
117.912
100.0
45.7
46.4
6.3
0.1
0.3
1.2
Indiana
63.192
100.0
80.7
17.4
1.4
0.0
0.1
0.2
Iowa
27,553
100.0
86.7
9.4
1.7
1.3
0.5
0.4
Kansas
19,280
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Kentucky
52,912
100.0
83.2
13.5
0.3
0.0
0.3
2.6
Louisiana
44,612
100.0
41.5
56.4
-
-
05
2.2
Maine
9.503
-
--
-
-
-
-
-
Maryland
46,806
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Massachusetts
58,218
100.0
58.2
19.6
156
0.1
1.6
4.9
Michigan
113,932
100.0
64.1
33.0
2.1
0.6
0.2
-
Minnesota
26.663
100.0
68.4
170
3.8
8.6
2.1
-
Mississippi
20,138
100.0
44.1
55.4
0.1
0.1
0.2
0.1
Missouri
76,249
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Montana
11,029
-
-
-
--
--
-
-
Nebraska
17,087
100.0
78.6
11.6
4.8
4.5
0.5
-
Nevada
20.573
100.0
70.1
17.3
8.1
1.4
1.4
1.7
New Hampshire
10,480
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
New Jersey
53,750
100.0
36.6
44.5
16.3
0.1
0.7
1.8
New Mexico
18.234
100.0
40.4
2.9
44.8
11.8
0.2
-
New York
212,420
100.0
44.8
34.0
16.8
0.2
0.5
3.7
North Carolina
71,427
100.0
52.0
43.4
-
2.2
-
23
North Dakota
6,435
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Ohio
144,218
100.0
67.0
28.4
1.2
0.1
0.2
3.0
Oklahoma
21.328
100.0
70.5
14.3
1.8
12.4
-
1.0
Oregon
37,648
100.0
83.0
6.0
6.6
2.9
1.4
-
Pennsylvania
23,861
-
-
I
-
-
-
-
Rhode Island
13,820
100.0
71.2
15.2
10.0
0.4
1.2
1.9
South Carolina
30,978
100.0
44.9
53.6
I
-
I
1.4
South Dakota
11,205
100.0
46.3
-
-
51.6
-
2.1
Tennessee
29.715
100.0
69.5
29.4
0.2
0.1
0.1
0.7
Texas
153,753
100.0
42.2
25.2
31.0
0.1
0.5
0.8
Utah
23.254
100.0
83.6
1.9
6.4
5.3
1.5
1.3
Vermont
2.689
100.0
98.4
0.6
0.2
0.2
0.3
0.2
Virginia
50.732
100.0
55.3
37.4
2.9
0.0
0.4
4.0
Washington
59,311
-
-
|
-
-
-
I
I
West Virginia
22.221
-
-
-
-
-
-
I
Wisconsin
44,963
100.0
68.2
24.0
37
3.1
1.0
-
Wyoming
5,379
100.0
73.6
2.0
B.1
101
-
1.2
United States
2,695,010
100.0%
58.2%
27.9%
10.0%
14%
0.8%
1.7%
Note: States cannot be compared or ranked because of differing definitions and reporting requirements Furthermore, only some of
the states report unduplicated counts, and not all states report data for all the racial and ethnic groups.
Source: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect. National Child Abuse and
Neglect Data System, Working Paper 2. [99] Summary Data Component. Calculations by Children's Defense Fund
88
CHILDGEN'S DEFENSE FUND
Children Younger Than 18 in Foster Care, FY 1990-FY 1992
Last day
Last day
Last day
Percent change
FY 1990
FY 1991
FY 1992
FY 1990-1992
Alabama
4,420
4.383
4.133
-6 5%
Alaska
3.852
1,942
1.496
-612
Arizona
3.379
3.618
3,909
15.7
Arkansas
1.351
1.326
1,981
46.6
California
79.482
80,880
83,849
5.5
Colorado
3.892
5,519
4.390
12.8
Connecticut
4,121
4.202
4,252
32
Delaware
663
655
638
-3.8
District of Columbia
2,313
-
2,152
-7.0
Florida
10,664
10,235
9.928
-6.9
Georgia
15.179
15,500
16,999
12.0
Hawaii
1,659
1,600
1.214
-26.8
Idaho
548
877
1,235
125.4
Illinois
20,753
23,776
29.542
42.4
Indiana
7,492
8,126
8,455
12.9
Iowa
3,425
4,609
3.606
5.3
Kansas
3.976
7.112
7.838
97.1
Kentucky
3,810
6.422
6,966
828
Louisiana
5.379
5,799
5.722
64
Maine
1,745
1,814
1.944
11.4
Maryland
6.473
4.859
5,816
-10.1
Massachusetts
11,856
13,232
13,147
10.9
Michigan
9,000
11,282
11.121
236
Minnesota
7,310
7.898
7.895
8.0
Mississippi
2.832
2,830
3.169
11.9
Missouri
8,241
7.143
8.171
-.8
Montana
1.224
1,494
1,691
38.2
Nebraska
2,543
2,660
2,985
17.4
Nevada
2.566
1.563
1,664
-35.2
New Hampshire
1,505
2,095
2.630
74.8
New Jersey
8,879
8,451
8,024
-96
New Mexico
2,042
2,304
2.118
3.7
New York
63,371
65.171
62,705
-1.1
North Carolina
7.170
9,619
10,275
43.3
North Dakota
393
695
759
93.1
Ohio
18,062
17,298
17,099
-5.3
Oklahoma
3,435
3,803
2,892
-15.8
Oregon
4,261
3,996
4,031
-5.4
Pennsylvania
16,665
17,508
18,491
11.0
Rhode Island
2,680
3,311
2.755
2.8
South Carolina
3,286
3,698
5,066
54.2
South Dakota
567
613
674
18.9
Tennessee
4,971
5,217
5,312
6.9
Texas
6,698
7,200
9.965
48.8
Utah
1,174
1,405
895
-23.8
Vermont
1,063
1,088
1.162
9.3
Virginia
6.217
6,590
6.305
14
Washington
13,302
13,956
11,327
-14.8
West Virginia
1,997
1.997
2.315
15.9
Wisconsin
6,037
6,403
6,812
12.8
Wyoming
484
605
907
87.4
United States
404.407
424.379
438.427
8.3%
Note: States cannot be compared or ranked because of definitional variations.
Source: American Public Welfare Association, Voluntary Cooperative Information System Calculations by Children's Defense Fund.
89
CHILDREN IN THE STATES
Number of Children Living in Group Quarters Due to Own or Family Problems,
by Race and Ethnicity, 1990
Total,
Native
Asian/Pacific
Other
all races
White
Black
Latino
American
Islander
Race
Alabama
3,455
2,058
1,347
36
18
23
9
Alaska
598
301
44
25
238
10
5
Arizona
3.019
2.014
441
815
265
43
256
Arkansas
1.696
1,146
514
29
16
1)
11
California
25,235
13.105
6.569
8,459
519
1.098
3.944
Colorado
2.457
1.894
304
560
90
22
147
Connecticut
3,572
1.768
1,446
701
35
25
298
Delaware
364
151
200
21
1
3
9
District of Columbia
1,704
258
1.404
51
5
15
22
Florida
8,876
4,824
3,739
813
73
58
182
Georgia
4,490
2,150
2.268
81
20
23
29
Hawair
644
180
47
117
12
392
13
Idaho
881
755
8
119
37
11
70
Illinois
6,908
3,650
2.890
590
47
82
239
Indiana
4,596
3,400
1,076
141
28
17
75
lowa
2.233
1.954
178
82
40
19
42
Kansas
2.148
1.525
392
196
58
59
114
Kentucky
2.160
1,706
409
23
18
4
23
Louisiana
3,942
1.910
1.976
75
21
17
18
Maine
606
575
9
7
12
8
2
Maryland
3.879
1,424
2.372
124
23
36
24
Massachusetts
4.620
2,985
1,126
841
33
76
400
Michigan
6.043
3.119
2.637
268
128
25
134
Minnesota
2.916
2,041
490
129
273
35
77
Mississippi
1.667
895
746
17
11
11
4
Missouri
4,231
2,714
1,413
84
40
21
43
Montana
573
408
18
28
121
8
18
Nebraska
1,561
1,132
259
124
87
15
68
Nevada
1,265
819
298
189
45
32
71
New Hampshire
601
561
25
18
1
5
9
New Jersey
4,998
1.465
3.132
707
27
36
338
New Mexico
1,238
726
74
488
235
7
196
New York
20,008
6,587
11,189
4,982
147
197
1,888.
North Carolina
4.187
2,284
1.741
65
119
19
24
North Dakota
660
347
6
18
302
4
1
Ohio
7,539
4,473
2,891
180
40
26
109
Oklahoma
2,566
1,753
449
102
306
13
45
Oregon
2,122
1,707
131
188
146
40
98
Pennsylvania
9,494
4.782
4,263
664
51
50
348
Rhode Island
563
399
133
48
6
6
19
South Carolina
3,037
1.691
1.308
26
13
7
18
South Dakota
947
513
13
29
396
7
18
Tennessee
4.236
2.951
1.213
57
30
23
19
Texas
13.434
8,904
2.931
3.579
88
123
1,388
Utah
1,299
1.126
28
148
40
22
83
Vermont
177
171
2
4
3
0
I
Virginia
4.771
2.578
1.962
243
30
66
135
Washington
3.187
2,179
574
249
269
55
110
West Virginia
926
822
79
X
14
5
6
Wisconsin
3.191
1.936
1.056
167
107
20
72
Wyoming
501
432
8
66
22
to
37
United States
196,021
109.248
67,828
26,781
4,706
2,930
11,309
Note Latino persons may be of any race
Source US Department of Commerce. Bureau of the Census. 1990 Census of Population and Housing. special Group Quarters
tabulation
90
CHILDREN DEFENSE FUND
Number of Children Living in Group Quarters Due to Own or Family Problems,
by Reason, 1990
Home-
Mental/
Abuse or
Drug or
Adult
Juvenile
Physical/
lessness
emotional
neglect
alcohol
corrections
delinquency
medical
Alabama
703
414
769
156
345
686
382
Alaska
134
93
86
93
I
172
19
Arizona
580
420
240
90
261
1.293
135
Arkansas
215
297
446
72
172
262
232
California
6.416
3,600
1.965
590
2.890
9.084
690
Colorado
470
738
183
(11)
81
801
109
Connecticut
1.531
763
298
108
270
428
174
Delaware
120
101
38
17
12
76
0
District of Columbia
1,118
87
65
16
213
54
151
Florida
1,648
1.475
888
465
2.267
1.544
589
Georgia
758
996
042
181
1,030
662
221
Hawaii
312
77
0
155
52
41
7
Idaho
185
153
60
86
++
280
73
Illinois
1,479
1.331
1.218
162
799
1.351
568
Indiana
679
828
1.316
116
357
1.109
191
lowa
344
751
211
113
90
532
192
Kansas
383
719
325
28
323
269
101
Kentucky
422
528
263
101
178
515
153
Louisiana
413
979
272
207
680
1.113
278
Maine
106
12
%
63
21
283
25
Maryland
812
968
310
45
516
1.007
221
Massachusetts
1.693
1.244
625
107
136
453
362
Michigan
983
1,328
549
44
592
2,293
254
Minnesota
429
655
167
323
303
821
218
Mississippi
223
306
269
60
114
562
133
Missouri
725
1,000
1,000
166
344
735
261
Montana
106
85
48
22
11
285
16
Nebraska
117
275
653
63
94
280
79
Nevada
160
173
199
18
292
359
64
New Hampshire
84
62
86
111
2
183
73
New Jersey
2.529
636
187
166
319
990
171
New Mexico
184
135
279
94
114
267
165
New York
8,305
4,220
1,495
378
1,751
2.846
1,013
North Carolina
529
1.008
1.056
79
533
580
402
North Dakota
50
69
95
22
10
318
96
Ohio
1.100
1.240
1.168
135
176
3,402
318
Oklahoma
614
622
316
255
147
468
144
Oregon
610
384
182
118
60
718
50
Pennsylvania
2,305
1,879
1,212
320
281
3.161
336
Rhode Island
114
56
127
13
3
243
7
South Carolina
321
399
739
18
203
1.082
275
South Dakota
150
96
194
11
56
326
114
Tennessee
506
1,171
886
184
168
947
374
Texas
2.116
3.567
2,939
733
1,264
2,271
544
Utah
112
644
0
21
30
452
40
Vermont
32
29
95
I
3
14
"
Virginia
816
992
518
88
171
1.832
354
Washington
1,061
432
159
114
177
1,071
173
West Virginia
185
58
177
32
77
228
169
Wisconsin
488
1,034
243
135
109
1,085
97
Woming
95
101
53
20
22
210
()
United States
45,576
39.230
25,407
6,784
18,164
50,044
10.816
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce. Bureau of the Census. 1990 lensus of Population and Housing, special Group Quarters
tabulation.
91
CHILDREN'S DEFENSE FUND
Maximum Number of Children Allowed per Caretaker and Maximum Group Size
in Child Care Centers, by Age of Children
Children per caretaker
Group size
12
2
4
12
2
.4
months
years
years
months
years
years
Alabama
6
8
20
6
X
20
Alaska
6
6
10
-
-
-
Arizona
'JI
10
15
-
-
-
Arkansas
6
1)
15
-
-
-
California
+
12
12
-
-
-
Colorado
5
7
12
10
14
|
Connecticut
4
+
10
8
8
20
Delaware
7
10
15
-
-
—
District of Columbia
4
4
10
8
8
20
Florida
6
11
20
-
-
-
Georgia
S
10
18
12
16
30
Hawaii
5
%
16
12
-
-
Idaho
12
12
12
-
-
-
Illinois
4
S
10
12
16
20
Indiana
+
5
I2
10
15
-
lowa
4
6
12
-
-
-
Kansas
5
7
12
11)
14
24
Kentucky
6
10
14
12
20
28
Louistana
8
12
10
-
-
-
Maine
4
5
8
12
15
24
Maryland
;
6
10
6
12
20
Massachusetts
3
4
10
7
1)
20
Michigan
4
4
12
-
-
-
Minnesota
4
7
10
8
14
20
Mississippi
1)
12
16
10
14
20
Missouri
4
8
10
8
16
-
Montana
4
x
8
-
-
I
Nebraska
+
6
12
-
-
-
Nevada
6
8
13
-
-
-
New Hampshire
+
5
12
12
15
24
New Jersey
4
7
15
--
-
--
New Mexico
6
10
12
-
-
-
New York
4
5
8
8
10
16
North Carolina
i
12
20
14
24
25
North Dakota
4
5
10
-
-
-
Ohio
6
X
14
12
16
28
Oklahoma
()
8
15
12
16
30
Oregon
+
4
10
8
8
20
Pennsylvania
+
5
10
8
10
20
Rhode Island
4
6
10
8
12
20
South Carolina
7
7
14
-
-
-
South Dakota
5
5
10
20
20
20
Tennessee
7
8
15
14
16
20
Texas
6
13
20
-
-
-
Utah
+
-1
15
8
8
-
Vermont
4
5
10
8
10
20
Virginia
4
10
12
-
-
-
Washington
7
7
10
14
14
20
West Virginia
+
8
12
-
-
-
Wisconsin
4
6
13
%
12
24
Wyoming
5
8
15
I
-
-
Recommended
5
6
10
12
12
20
- = Not regulated
Source. Rine strug Magrane November 1993
93
(DF, The State If Am's
Children, 1994
Children in the Nation
73-77
National Trends
Poverty
Number of
Number of
Rate for
Children
Child
Children
]
Children
Younger than 18
Poverty
Younger than Six
Younger
Year
Who Are Poor
Rate
Who Are Poor
than Six
1959
17,552,000
27.3%
n/a
n/a
1960
17,634,000
26.9
n/a
n/a
1961
16,909,000
25.6
n/a
n/a
1962
16,963,000
25.0
n/a
n/a
1963
16,005,000
23.1
n/a
n/a
1964
16,051,000
23.0
n/a
n/a
1965
14,676,000
21.0
n/a
n/a
1966
12,389,000
17.6
n/a
n/a
1967
11,656,000
16.6
n/a
n/a
1968
10,954,000
15.6
n/a
n/a
1969
9,691,000
14.0
3,298,000
15.3%
1970
10,440,000
15.1
3,561,000
16.6
1971
10.551.000
15.3
3,499,000
16.9
1972
10,284,000
15.1
3,276,000
16.1
1973
9,642,000
14.4
3,097,000
15.7
1974
10,156,000
15.4
3,294,000
169
1975
11.104,000
17.1
3.460,000
18.2
1976
10,273,000
16.0
3,270,000
17.7
1977
10,288,000
16.2
3,326,000
18.1
1978
9,931,000
15.9
3,184,000
17.2
1979
10,377,000
16.4
3.415,000
17.8
1980
11,543,000
18.3
4,030,000
20.5
1981
12,505,000
20.0
4,422,000
22.0
1982
13,647,000
21.9
4.821,000
23.3
1983
13,911,000
22.3
5,122,000
24.6
1984
13,420,000
21.5
4,938,000
23.4
1985
13,010,000
20.7
4.832,000
22.6
1986
12,876,000
20.5
4,619,000
21.6
1987
12,843,000
20.3
4,852,000
22.4
1988
12,455,000
19.5
5,032,000
22.6
1989
12,590,000
19.6
5,071,000
22.5
1990
13,431,000
20.6
5,198,000
23.0
1991
14,341,000
21.8
5,483,000
24.0
1992
14.617,000
21.9
5.781,000
25.0
Total percent change
1969-1992
50.1%
56.4%
75.3%
63.4%
1980-1992
26.6
19.7
43.4
22.0
Average annual percent change
1969-1992
2.2
2.5
3.3
2.8
1980-1992
2.2
1.6
3.6
1.8
'Related children in families.
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. Calculations by Children's Defense Fund.
73
HILDREN IN THE NATION
National Trends (continued)
I
Infant Mortality Rates
Percent of Babies Born
Low
to Mothers Who Received
Black-
Birth-
Late or No Prenatal Care
White
weight
Year
Total
White
Black
Ratio
Rate
Total
White²
Black
1940
47.0
43.2
72.9
1.69
na
n/a
n/a
n/a
1950
29.2
26.8
43.9
1.64
n'a
n/a
n/a
n/a
1959
26.4
23.2
44.8
1.93
na
n/a
n/a
n/a
1960
26.0
22.9
44.3
1.93
7.7%
n/a
n/a
n/a
1961
25.3
22.4
41.8
1.87
7.8
n/a
n/a
n/a
1962
25.3
22.3
42.6
1.91
8.0
n/a
n/a
n/a
1963
25.2
22.2
42.8
1.93
8.2
n/a
n/a
n/a
1964
24.8
21.6
42.3
1.96
8.2
n/a
n/a
n/a
1965
24.7
21.5
417
1.94
8.3
n/a
n/a
n/a
1966
237
20.6
40.2
1.95
8.3
n/a
n/a
n/a
1967
224
19.7
37.5
1.90
8.2
n/a
n/a
n/a
1968
21.8
19.2
36.2
1.89
8.2
n/a
n/a
n/a
1969
20.9
18.4
34.8
1.89
8.1
8.1%
6.3%
18.2%
1970
20.0
17.8
32.6
1.83
7.9
7.9
6.2
16.6
1971
19.1
17.1
30.3
1.77
7.7
7.2
5.8
14.6
1972
18.5
16.4
29.6
1.80
7.7
7.0
5.5
13.2
1973
177
15.8
28.1
1.78
7.6
6.7
5.4
12.4
1974
16.7
14.8
26.8
1.81
7.4
6.2
5.0
11.4
1975
16.1
14.2
26.2
1.85
7.4
6.0
5.0
10.5
1976
15.2
13.3
25.5
1.92
7.3
5.7
4.8
9.9
1977
14.1
12.3
23.6
1.92
7.1
5.6
4.7
9.6
1978
13.8
12.0
23.1
1.93
7.1
5.4
4.5
9.3
1979
13.1
11.4
21.8
191
6.9
5.1
4.3
8.9
1980
12.6
11.0
21.4
1.95
6.8
5.1
4.3
8.8
1981
11.9
10.5
20.0
1.90
6.8
5.2
4.3
9.1
1982
11.5
10.1
19.6
1.94
6.8
5.5
4.5
9.6
1983
11.2
9.7
19.2
1.98
6.8
5.6
4.6
9.7
1984
10.8
9.4
18.4
1.96
6.7
5.6
4.7
9.6
1985
10.6
9.3
18.2
1.96
6.8
5.7
4.7
10.0
1986
10.4
8.9
18.0
2.02
6.8
6.0
5.0
10.6
1987
10.1
8.6
17.9
2.08
6.9
6.1
5.0
11.1
1988
10.0
8.5
17.6
2.07
6.9
6.1
5.0
10.9
1989
9.8
8.2
17.7
2.16
7.0
6.4
5.2
11.7
1990
9.2
7.7
17.0
2.21
7.0
6.1
4.9
11.1
1991
8.9
7.5
16.5
2.20
7.1
5.8
4.7
10.7
Total percent change
1969-1991
-57 4%
-59.2%
-52.6%
-
-12.3%
-28.4%
-25.4%
-41.2%
1980-1991
-29.4
-31.8
-22.9
-
4.4
13.7
9.3
21.6
Average annual percent change
1969.1991
-2.6
-2.7
-2.4
-
-0.6
-1.3
-12
-1.9
1980-1991
-2.7
-2.9
-2.1
-
0.4
1.2
0.8
2.0
Infant deaths per 1.000 live births.
Race of child through 1990: race of mother thereafter.
Source: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. National Center for Health Statistics. Calculations by Children's Defense
Fund.
74
CHILDREN'S DEFENSE FUND
National Trends (continued)
Total
Teen
Total
Unmarried
Teen
Unmarried
Birth
Birth
Birth
Birth
Year
Rate
2
Rate
Rate
Rate
4
1959
118.8
21.9
89.1
15 5
1960
118.0
21.6
89.1
15.3
1961
117.1
22.7
88.6
16.0
1962
112.0
21.9
81.4
14.8
1963
108.3
22.5
76.7
15.3
1964
104.7
23.0
73.1
15.9
1965
96.3
235
70.5
16.7
1966
90.8
23.4
70.3
17.5
1967
87.2
23.9
67.5
18.5
1968
85.2
24.4
65.6
19.7
1969
86.1
25.0
65.5
20.4
1970
87.9
26.4
68.3
22.4
1971
81.6
25.5
64.5
22.3
1972
73.1
24.8
61.7
228
1973
68.8
24.3
59.3
22.7
1974
67.8
23.9
57.5
23.0
1975
66.0
245
55.6
23.9
1976
65.0
24.3
52.8
23.7
1977
66.8
25.6
52.8
25.1
1978
65.5
25.7
51.5
24.9
1979
67.2
27.2
52.3
26.4
1980
68.4
29.4
53.0
27.6
1981
67.4
29.5
52.2
27.9
1982
67.3
30.0
52.4
28.7
1983
65.8
30.3
51.4
29.5
1984
65.4
31.0
50.6
30.0
1985
66.2
32.8
51.0
31.4
1986
65.4
34.2
502
32.3
1987
65.7
36.0
506
33.8
1988
67.2
38.5
53.0
36.4
1989
69.2
41.6
57.3
40.1
1990
70.9
43.8
59.9
42.5
1991
69.6
45.2
62.1
44.8
Total percent change
1969-1991
-19.2%
80.8%
-5.2%
119.6%
1980-1991
1.8
53.7
17.2
62.3
Average annual percent change
1969-1991
-0.9
3.7
-0.2
5.4
1980-1991
0.2
4.9
1.6
5.7
Per 1,000 women ages 15.44: this rate also is called the fertility rate.
Per 1,000 unmarried women ages 15.44.
Per 1,000 women ages 15-19.
'Per 1.000 unmarried women ages 15.19.
75
CHILDREN IN THE NATION
Maternal Labor Force Participation of Married Women
With Children Younger Than Six
In the Labor Force
Year
Number
Percent
1948
1,226,000
10.8%
1949
1,285,000
11.0
1950
1,399,000
11.9
1951
1,670,000
14.0
1952
1,688,000
13.9
1953
1,884,000
15.5
1954
1,808,000
14.9
1955
2,012,000
16.2
1956
2,048,000
15.9
1957
2,208,000
17.0
1958
2,399,000
18.2
1959
2,471,000
18.7
1960
2,474,000
18.6
1961
2,661,000
20.0
1962
2,884,000
21.3
1963
3,006,000
22.5
1964
3,050,000
22.7
1965
3,117,000
23.2
1966
3,186,000
24.2
1967
3,481,000
26.5
1968
3,564,000
27.6
1969
3,596,000
28.5
1970
3,914,000
30.3
1971
3,690,000
296
1972
3,778,000
30.1
1973
4.104,000
32.7
1974
4,274,000
34.4
1975
4,518,000
36.7
1976
4,520.000
37.5
1977
4,547,000
394
1978
4,768,000
41.7
1979
4,939,000
43.3
1980
5,227,000
45.1
1981
5,603,000
47.8
1982
5,690,000
48.7
1983
5,859,000
49.9
1984
6,219,000
51.8
1985
6,406,000
53.4
1986
6,573,000
53.8
1987
6,952,000
56.8
1988
6,956,000
57.1
1989
n/a
n/a
1990
7,247,000
58.9
1991
7,434,000
59.9
1992
7,333,000
59.9
1993
7,289,000
59.6
Average annual change
1950-60
107.500
1960-70
144,000
1970-80
131.300
1980-93
158,600
Source: U.S. Department of Labor. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Calculations by Children's Defense Fund.
76
MCHILDREN'S DEFENSE FUND
Youth Unemployment Rates, National Trends
Total
Unemployment Rates, Youth Not Enrolled in
Unemployment
Rates
School, Level of Education
Less than
High
Four Years
All
Age
Age
Four Years
School
or More
Year
Ages
16-19
20-24
of High School
Graduate Only
of College
1959
5.5%.
14.6%
8.5%.
n/a
n/a
n/a
1960
55
14.7
8.7
n/a
n/a
n/a
1961
6.7
16.8
10.4
n/a
n/a
n/a
1962
5.5
14.7
9.0
n/a
n/a
n/a
1963
5.7
17.2
8.8
n/a
n/a
n/a
1964
5.2
16.2
83
n/a
n/a
n/a
1965
45
14.8
6.7
n/a
n/a
n/a
1966
3.8
12.8
5.3
n/a
n/a
n/a
1967
3.8
12.9
5.7
n/a
n/a
n/a
1968
3.6
12.7
5.8
n/a
n/a
n/a
1969
3.5
12.2
5.7
n/a
n/a
n/a
1970
4.9
15.3
8.2
17.2%
9.9%
6.5%
1971
5.9
16.9
10.0
18.0
9.6
6.6
1972
5.6
16.2
9.3
16.8
9.5
7.2
1973
4.9
14.5
7.8
14.9
72
4.9
1974
5.6
16.0
91
192
9.8
50
1975
8.5
19.9
13.6
25.3
136
8.2
1976
7.7
19.0
12.0
24.7
12.1
7.1
1977
7.1
17.8
11.0
20.6
10.5
8.0
1978
6.1
16.4
9.6
18.8
8.8
6.3
1979
5.8
16.1
9.1
19.2
9.9
5.0
1980
7.1
17.8
11.5
25.3
12.5
5.9
1981
7.6
196
12.3
26.9
13.8
5.3
1982
9.7
23.2
14.9
31.8
17.3
9.2
1983
9.6
22.4
14.5
27.3
15.2
7.0
1984
7.5
18.9
11.5
25.8
11.8
5.9
1985
7.2
18.6
11.1
25.9
12.7
5.4
1986
7.0
18.3
10.7
24.3
11.5
4.8
1987
6.2
16.9
9.7
21.8
10.7
5.5
1988
5.5
153
8.7
20.0
10.1
4.8
1989
5.3
15.0
8.6
19.9
101
5.0
1990
5.5
15.5
8.8
20.0
10.4
5.2
1991
6.7
18.6
10.8
23.1
12.7
6.9
1992
7.4
20.0
11.3
24.9
13.9
6.5
Total percent change
1970-1992
51.0%
30.7%
37.8%
44.8%
40.4%
0.0%
1980-1992
4.2
12.4
-1.7
-1.6
11.2
10.2
Average annual percent change
1970-1992
23
1.4
1.7
2.0
1.8
0.0
1980-1992
0.4
10
-0.1
-0.1
0.9
0.9
Source: U.S. Department of Labor. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Calculations by Children's Defense Fund.
77
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PAGE 1/3
HEALTH
=
FACSIMILE TRANSMISSION COVER SHEET
Administr ation for Children and Families
Office of Public Affairs
370 L'Enfant Promenade, S.W.
Washington, D.C. 20447
Fax (202) 205-9688
Date 7/25
To : ANDREW TOMLINSON
From: MICHAEL KHAREEN
Phone 456-5578
Phone: 456-7028
Fax
456-7028
Cover + 2 pages
Message:
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HHS FACT SHEET
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES
December 7, 1995
Contact: Michael Kharfen
(202) 401-9215
BACKGROUND:
Preliminary Findings Regarding Child Abuse and Neglect
HHS Secretary Donna E. Shalala cited new preliminary data today
which add to the evidence of substantial increase in child
abuse and neglect in the United States. Secretary Shalala's
prepared remarks were presented in Chicago at a conference of
the National Association of Family Based Services.
The preliminary data are from the National Incidence Study of
Child Abuse and Neglect, performed by Westat, a Maryland social
science research corporation, for HHS' National Center on Child
Abuse and Neglect. This is the third National Incidence Study
-- the first was released in 1981, the second in 1988. The new
study is to be released in final form early next year. The
National Incidence Studies have been mandated by Congress.
This study is designed to estimate the actual extent of child
abuse and neglect in the United States, including cases not
reported to child protective services. Instead of relying only
on official reports of abuse and neglect, the estimates in the
study are based on information from 5,700 community
professionals who were likely to come into contact with
maltreated children in a variety of community settings.
The preliminary data indicate that the incidence of child abuse
and neglect more than doubled over the seven year period, 1986-
1993:
The number of abused and neglected children rose sharply
from 1.4 million in 1986 to 2.9 million in 1993, an
increase of 105 percent, according to the study.
The study also found that the number of children who were
seriously injured nearly quadrupled over the same time
period from about 143,000 to more than 572,000.
These estimates of the actual incidence of abuse and neglect
are higher than the number of cases reported, investigated and
confirmed. From official data of reported cases investigated
by Child Protective Services, we have known that over 1 million
children were victims of abuse and neglect in 1993 and that the
number of substantiated cases had grown by over 38 percent
since 1986. The new estimates cited by Secretary Shalala
suggest that many more children are being abused and neglected,
and that the problem has been growing more rapidly than
official reports indicate.
JUL-25-96 11:58 FROM : ACF/OPS/OMS WASH. D.C.
ID:2022054928
PAGE
3/3
- 2 -
In her remarks, Secretary Shalala said that the increased
number of children in danger will place more stress on an
already overburdened and under-supported child protection
system:
"All over this country, children are being hurt more often
and more seriously -- and all of us must join hands to
stop it, once and for all. We must maintain our national
commitment to protect children's safety."
"The Republican leadership in Congress claims that they
are reforming welfare. But nothing could be further from
the truth. They're slashing giant holes in funding for
child care, school lunches, and aid to disabled children -
- and that's not welfare reform."
"So, when Congress tries to slash $4.6 billion dollars - -
more than 20 percent - - from foster care, adoption
assistance, and child abuse prevention programs - - placing
hundreds of thousands of children at additional risk -- we
must say No."
In vetoing the Congressional reconciliation legislation
Wednesday (Dec. 6), President Clinton also addressed the
question of welfare reform:
"Americans know we have to reform the broken welfare
system, but cutting child care that helps mothers move
from welfare to work, cutting help for abused and disabled
children, cutting school lunch, that's not welfare reform.
Real welfare reform should be tough on work and tough on
responsibility, but not tough on children or tough on
parents who are responsible and who want to work. We
shouldn't lose this historic chance to end welfare as we
know it by using the words 'welfare reform' as just
another cover to violate our values."
###
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
AND MODERN
Society
Volume Thirty-Three, Number Four May/June 1996
Child Abuse Reporting
Douglas J. Besharov with Lisa A. Laumann
F
or 30 years, advocates, program administrators,
children revealed by these initial reporting laws, led many
and politicians have joined to encourage even more
states to expand their reporting requirements. Now al-
reports of suspected child abuse and neglect. Their ef-
most all states have laws that require the reporting of all
forts have been spectacularly successful, with about
forms of suspected child maltreatment, including physi-
three million cases of suspected child abuse having been
cal abuse, physical neglect, emotional maltreatment, and,
reported in 1993. Large numbers of endangered chil-
of course, sexual abuse and exploitation.
dren still go unreported, but an equally serious prob-
Under threat of civil and criminal penalties, these
lem has developed: Upon investigation, as many as 65
laws require most professionals who serve children to
percent of the reports now being made are determined
report suspected child abuse and neglect. About twenty
to be "unsubstantiated," raising serious civil liberties
states require all citizens to report, but in every state,
concerns and placing a heavy burden on already over-
any citizen is permitted to report.
whelmed investigative staffs.
These reporting laws, associated public awareness
These two problems-nonreporting and inappropri-
campaigns, and professional education programs have
ate reporting-are linked and must be addressed to-
been strikingly successful. In 1993, there were about
gether before further progress can be made in combating
three million reports of children suspected of being
child abuse and neglect. To lessen both problems, there
abused or neglected. This is a twenty-fold increase since
must be a shift in priorities-away from simply seek-
1963, when about 150,000 cases were reported to the
ing more reports and toward encouraging better reports.
authorities. (As we will see, however, this figure is
bloated by reports that later turn out to be unfounded.)
Reporting Laws
Many people ask whether this vast increase in re-
Since the early 1960s, all states have passed laws
porting signals a rise in the incidence of child mal-
that require designated professionals to report speci-
treatment. Recent increases in social problems such as
fied types of child maltreatment. Over the years, both
out-of-wedlock births, inner-city poverty, and drug
the range of designated professionals and the scope of
abuse have probably raised the underlying rates of child
reportable conditions have been steadily expanded.
maltreatment, at least somewhat. Unfortunately, so
Initially, mandatory reporting laws applied only to
many maltreated children previously went unreported
physicians, who were required to report only "serious
that earlier reporting statistics do not provide a reli-
physical injuries" and "nonaccidental injuries." In the
able baseline against which to make comparisons. One
ensuing years, however, increased public and profes-
thing is clear, however: The great bulk of reports now
sional attention, sparked in part by the number of abused
received by child protective agencies would not be made
CHILD ABUSE REPORTING / 41
but for the passage of mandatory reporting laws and
identify children with certain, specified harms or con-
the media campaigns that accompanied them.
ditions, which were then decoded into a count of vari-
This increase in reporting was accompanied by a
ous types of child abuse and neglect.)
substantial expansion of prevention and treatment pro-
Because the information these selected profession-
grams. Every community, for example, is now served
als provided could be matched against pending cases
by specialized child protective agencies that receive
in the local child protective agency, Westat was able
and investigate reports. Federal and state expenditures
to estimate rates of nonreporting among the surveyed
for child protective programs and associated foster care
professionals. It could not, of course, estimate the level
services now exceed $6 billion a year. (Federal expen-
of unintentional nonreporting, since there is no way
ditures for foster care, child welfare, and related ser-
to know of the situations in which professionals did
vices make up less than 50 percent of total state and
not recognize signs of possible maltreatment. There
federal expenditures for these services; in 1992, they
is also no way to know how many children the pro-
amounted to a total of $2,773.7 million. In addition,
fessionals recognized as being maltreated but chose
states may use a portion of the $2.8 billion federal
not to report to the study. Obviously, since the study
Social Services Block Grant for such services, though
methodology involved asking professionals about chil-
detailed data on these expenditures are not available.
dren they had seen in their professional capacities, it
Beginning in 1994, additional federal appropriations
also did not allow Westat to estimate the number of
funded family preservation and support services.)
children seen by nonprofessionals, let alone their
As a result, many thousands of children have been
nonreporting rate.
saved from serious injury and even death. The best
Westat found that professionals failed to report
estimate is that over the past twenty years, child abuse
many of the children they saw who had observable
and neglect deaths have fallen from over 3,000 a year-
signs of child abuse and neglect. Specifically, it found
and perhaps as many as 5,000-to about 1,100 a year.
that in 1986, 56 percent of apparently abused or ne-
In New York State, for example, within five years of
glected children, or about 500,000 children, were not
the passage of a comprehensive reporting law, which
reported to the authorities. This figure, however, seems
also created specialized investigative staffs, there was
more alarming than it is: Basically, the more serious
a 50 percent reduction in child fatalities, from about
the case, the more likely the report. For example, the
two hundred a year to less than one hundred. (This is
surveyed professionals reported over 85 percent of
not meant to minimize the remaining problem. Even at
the fatal or serious physical abuse cases they saw, 72
this level, maltreatment is the sixth largest cause of
percent of the sexual abuse cases, and 60 percent of
death for children under fourteen.)
the moderate physical abuse cases. In contrast, they
only reported 15 percent of the educational neglect
Unreported Cases
cases they saw, 24 percent of the emotional neglect
Most experts agree that reports have increased over
cases, and 25 percent of the moderate physical ne-
the past thirty years because professionals and layper-
glect cases.
sons have become more likely to report apparently
Nevertheless, there is no reason for complacency.
abusive and neglectful situations. But the question re-
Translating these raw percentages into actual cases
mains: How many more cases still go unreported?
means that in 1986. about 2,000 children with ob-
Two studies performed for the National Center on
servable physical injuries severe enough to require
Child Abuse and Neglect by Westat, Inc., provide a
hospitalization were not reported and that more than
partial answer. In 1980 and then again in 1986, Westat
100,000 children with moderate physical injuries went
conducted national studies of the incidence of child
unreported. as did more than 30,000 apparently sexu-
abuse and neglect. (A third Westat incidence study is
ally abused children. And these are the rates of
now underway.) Each study used essentially the same
nonreporting among relatively well-trained profession-
methodology: In a stratified sample of counties, a
als. One assumes that nonreporting is higher among
broadly representative sample of professionals who
less-well-trained professionals and higher still among
serve children was asked whether, during the study
laypersons.
period, the children they had seen in their professional
Obtaining and maintaining a high level of reporting
capacities appeared to have been abused or neglected.
requires a continuation of the public education and
(Actually, the professionals were not asked the ulti-
professional training begun thirty years ago. But, now,
mate question of whether the children appeared to be
such efforts must also address a problem as serious as
"abused" or "neglected." Instead, they were asked to
nonreporting: inappropriate reporting.
42 / SOCIETY
MAY/JUNE 1996
At the same time that many seriously abused chil-
gation that is inherently a breach of parental and fam-
dren go unreported, an equally serious problem fur-
ily privacy. To determine whether a particular child is
ther undercuts efforts to prevent child maltreatment:
in danger, caseworkers must inquire into the most inti-
The nation's child protective agencies are being inun-
mate personal and family matters. Often it is neces-
dated by inappropriate reports. Although rules, proce-
sary to question friends, relatives, and neighbors, as
dures, and even terminology vary-some states use the
well as school teachers, day-care personnel, doctors,
phrase "unfounded," others "unsubstantiated" or "not
clergy, and others who know the family.
indicated"-an "unfounded" report, in essence, is one
Laws against child abuse are an implicit recogni-
that is dismissed after an investigation finds insuffi-
tion that family privacy must give way to the need to
cient evidence upon which to proceed.
protect helpless children. But in seeking to protect chil-
dren, it is all too easy to ignore the legitimate rights of
Unsubstantiated Reports
parents. Each year, about 700,000 families are put
Nationwide, between 60 and 65 percent of all re-
through investigations of unfounded reports. This is a
ports are closed after an initial investigation determines
massive and unjustified violation of parental rights.
that they are "unfounded" or "unsubstantiated." This
Few unfounded reports are made maliciously. Stud-
is in sharp contrast to 1974, when only about 45 per-
ies of sexual abuse reports, for example, suggest that,
cent of all reports were unfounded.
at most, from 4 to 10 percent of these reports are know-
A few advocates, in a misguided effort to shield child
ingly false. Many involve situations in which the per-
protective programs from criticism, have sought to
son reporting, in a well-intentioned effort to protect a
quarrel with estimates that I and others have made that
child, overreacts to a vague and often misleading pos-
the national unfounded rate is between 60 and 65 per-
sibility that the child may be maltreated. Others in-
cent. They have grasped at various inconsistencies in
volve situations of poor child care that, though of
the data collected by different organizations to claim
legitimate concern, simply do not amount to child abuse
either that the problem is not so bad or that it has al-
or neglect. In fact, a substantial proportion of unfounded
ways been this bad.
cases are referred to other agencies for them to provide
To help settle this dispute, the American Public
needed services for the family.
Welfare Association (APWA) conducted a special sur-
Moreover, an unfounded report does not necessar-
vey of child welfare agencies in 1989. The APWA
ily mean that the child was not actually abused or
researchers found that between fiscal year 1986 and
neglected. Evidence of child maltreatment is hard to
fiscal year 1988, the weighted average for the sub-
obtain and might not be uncovered when agencies lack
stantiation rates in thirty-one states declined 6.7 per-
the time and resources to complete a thorough inves-
cent-from 41.8 percent in fiscal year 1986 to 39
tigation or when inaccurate information is given to
percent in fiscal year 1988.
the investigator. Other cases are labeled unfounded
Most recently, the existence of this high unfounded
when no services are available to help the family. Some
rate was reconfirmed by the annual Fifty State Survey
cases must be closed because the child or family can-
of the National Committee to Prevent Child Abuse
not be located.
(NCPCA), which found that in 1993 only about 34
A certain proportion of unfounded reports, there-
percent of the reports received by child protective agen-
fore, is an inherent-and legitimate-aspect of report-
cies were substantiated.
ing suspected child maltreatment and is necessary to
The experience of New York City indicates what these
ensure adequate child protection. Hundreds of thou-
statistics mean in practice. Between 1989 and 1993, as
sands of strangers report their suspicions; they cannot
the number of reports received by the city's child wel-
all be right. But unfounded rates of the current magni-
fare agency increased by over 30 percent (from 40,217
tude go beyond anything. reasonably needed. Worse,
to 52,472). the percentage of substantiated reports fell
they endanger children who are really abused.
by about 47 percent (from 45 percent to 24 percent). In
The current flood of unfounded reports is over-
fact, the number of substantiated cases-a number of
whelming the limited resources of child protective agen-
families were reported more than once-actually fell by
cies. For fear of missing even one abused child, workers
about 41 percent, from 14,026 to 8,326. Thus, 12,255
perform extensive investigations of vague and appar-
additional families were investigated, while 5,700 fewer
ently unsupported reports. Even when a home visit
families received child protective help.
based on an anonymous report turns up no evidence of
The determination that a report is unfounded can
maltreatment, they usually interview neighbors, school
only be made after an unavoidably traumatic investi-
teachers, and day-care personnel to make sure that the
CHILD ABUSE REPORTING / 43
child is not abused. And even repeated anonymous and
with an overabundance of cases and paperwork. He
unfounded reports do not prevent a further investiga-
stated, "It's impossible to visit these people within a
tion. But all this takes time.
month. They're all over New York City." Just before
As a result, children in real danger are getting lost
Jeffrey's death every worker who had been on the case
in the press of inappropriate cases. Forced to allocate
had left the department. Ironically, by weakening the
a substantial portion of their limited resources to un-
system's ability to respond, unfounded reports actu-
founded reports, child protective agencies are less able
ally discourage appropriate ones. The sad fact is that
to respond promptly and effectively when children are
many responsible individuals are not reporting endan-
in serious danger. Some reports are left uninvestigated
gered children because they feel that the system's re-
for a week and even two weeks after they are received.
sponse will be so weak that reporting will do no good
Investigations often miss key facts, as workers rush to
or may even make things worse. In 1984, a study of
clear cases, and dangerous home situations receive in-
the impediments to reporting conducted by Jose Alfaro,
adequate supervision, as workers must ignore pending
coordinator of the New York City Mayor's Task Force
cases as they investigate the new reports that arrive
on Child Abuse and Neglect, concluded that "profes-
daily on their desks. Decision making also suffers. With
sionals who emphasize their professional judgment,
so many cases of unsubstantiated or unproven risk to
have experienced problems in dealing with the child
children, caseworkers are desensitized to the obvious
protective agency, and are more likely to doubt the ef-
warning signals of immediate and serious danger.
ficacy of protective service intervention, are more likely
These nationwide conditions help explain why from
not to report in some situations, especially when they
25 to 50 percent of child abuse deaths involve children
believe they can do a better job helping the family."
previously known to the authorities. In 1993, the
NCPCA reported that of the 1,149 child maltreatment
Shifting Priorities
deaths, 42 percent had already been reported to the
The emotionally charged desire to "do something"
authorities. Tens of thousands of other children suffer
about child abuse, fanned by repeated and often sensa-
serious injuries short of death while under child pro-
tional media coverage, has led to an understandable
tective agency supervision.
but counterproductive overreaction on the part of the
In a 1992 New York City case, for example, five-
professionals and citizens who report suspected child
month-old Jeffrey Harden died from burns caused by
abuse. For thirty years, advocates, program adminis-
scalding water and three broken ribs while under the
trators, and politicians have all pushed for more re-
supervision of New York City's Child Welfare Admin-
porting of suspected child abuse and neglect.
istration. Jeffrey Harden's family had been known to
Potential reporters are frequently told to "take no
the administration for more than a year and a half. Over
chances" and to report any child for whom they have
this period, the case had been handled by four separate
the slightest concern. There is a recent tendency to tell
caseworkers, each conducting only partial investiga-
people to report children whose behavior suggests that
tions before resigning or being reassigned to new cases.
they may have been abused-even in the absence of
It is unclear whether Jeffrey's death was caused by his
any other evidence of maltreatment. These "behavioral
mother or her boyfriend, but because of insufficient
indicators" include, for example, children who are un-
time and overburdened caseloads, all four workers
usually withdrawn or shy as well as children who are
failed to pay attention to a whole host of obvious warn-
unusually friendly to strangers. However, only a small
ing signals: Jeffrey's mother had broken her parole for
minority of children who exhibit such behaviors have
an earlier conviction of child sexual abuse, she had a
actually been maltreated.
past record of beating Jeffrey's older sister, and she
Thirty years ago, even fifteen years ago, when many
had a history of crack addiction and past involvement
professionals were construing their reporting obligations
with violent boyfriends.
narrowly to avoid taking action to protect endangered
Here is how two of the Hardens' caseworkers ex-
children, this approach may have been needed. Now,
plained what happened: Their first caseworker could
though, all it does is ensure that child abuse hotlines will
not find Ms. Harden at the address she had listed in her
be flooded with inappropriate and unfounded reports.
files. She commented, "It was an easy case. We couldn't
Few people fail to report because they do not care
find the mother so we closed it." Their second case-
about an endangered child. Instead, they may be un-
worker stated that he was unable to spend a sufficient
aware of the danger the child faces or of the protective
amount of time investigating the case, let alone make
procedures that are available. A study of nonreporting
the minimum monthly visits because he was tied down
among teachers, for example, blamed their "lack of
44 / SOCIETY
MAY/JUNE 1996
knowledge for detecting symptoms of child abuse and
facts, such as the child's physical condition, that sug-
neglect." Likewise, few inappropriate or unfounded
gest that the child has been abused or neglected. Be-
reports are deliberately false statements. Most involve
havioral indicators, however, should not by themselves
an honest desire to protect children coupled with con-
be considered a sufficient basis for a report.
fusion about what conditions are reportable.
Direct evidence includes eyewitness observations of
Confusion about reporting is largely caused by the
a parent's abusive or neglectful behavior; the child's
vagueness of reporting laws and aggravated by the fail-
description of being abused or neglected, unless there
ure of child protective agencies to provide realistic
is a specific reason for disbelief; the parent's own de-
guidance about deciding to report. In 1987, a national
scription of abusive or neglectful behavior, unless it is
group of thirty-eight child protection professionals from
long past; accounts of child maltreatment from spouses
nineteen states met for three days at Airlie House, Vir-
or other family members; films, photographs, or other
ginia, under the auspices of the American Bar
visual material depicting sexually explicit activity by
Association's National Legal Resource Center for Child
a minor; newborns denied nutrition, life-sustaining care,
Advocacy and Protection in association with the Ameri-
or other medically indicated treatment; children in
can Public Welfare Association and the American En-
physically dangerous situations; young children left
terprise Institute. The "Airlie House group," as it has
alone; apparently abandoned children; demonstrated
come to be called, developed policy guidelines for re-
parental disabilities (for example, mental illness or re-
porting and investigative decision making. (I was the
tardation or alcohol or drug abuse) severe enough to
rapporteur for the effort.) One of the group's major
make child abuse or child neglect likely; and demon-
conclusions was that "better public and professional
strated parental inability to care for a newborn baby.
materials are needed to obtain more appropriate re-
Circumstantial evidence includes "suspicious" in-
porting." The group specifically recommended that
juries suggesting physical abuse; physical injuries or
"educational materials and programs should: (1) clarify
medical findings suggesting sexual abuse; for young
the legal definitions of child abuse and neglect, (2) give
children, signs of sexual activity; signs of severe physi-
general descriptions of reportable situations (includ-
cal deprivation on the child's body suggesting general
ing specific examples), and (3) explain what to expect
child neglect; severe dirt and disorder in the home sug-
when a report is made. Brochures and other materials
gesting general child neglect; apparently untreated
for laypersons, including public service announcements,
physical injuries, illnesses, or impairments suggesting
should give specific information about what to report-
medical neglect; "accidental" injuries suggesting gross
and what not to report."
inattention to the child's need for safety; apparent pa-
Based on these recommendations, a relatively clear
rental indifference to a child's severe psychological or
agenda for reform emerges; we must
developmental problems; apparent parental condona-
1. clarify child abuse reporting laws,
tion of or indifference to a child's misbehavior sug-
2. provide continuing public education and profes-
gesting improper ethical guidance; chronic and
sional training,
unexplained absences from school suggesting parental
3. screen reports,
responsibility for the nonattendance; and newborns
4. modify liability laws,
showing signs of fetal exposure to drugs or alcohol.
5. give feedback to persons who report, and
Provide continuing public education and profes-
6. adopt an agency policy.
sional training. Few people fail to report because they
Clarify child abuse reporting laws. Existing laws
want children to suffer abuse and neglect. Likewise,
are often vague and overbroad. They should be rewrit-
few people make deliberately false reports. Most in-
ten to provide real guidance about what conditions
volve an honest desire to protect children coupled with
should and should not be reported. This can be accom-
confusion about what conditions are reportable. Thus,
plished without radically departing from present laws
educational efforts should emphasize the conditions that
or practices. The key is to describe reportable condi-
do not justify a report, as well as those that do.
tions in terms of specific parental behaviors or condi-
Screen reports. No matter how well professionals
tions that are tied to severe and demonstrable harms
are trained and no matter how extensive public educa-
(or potential harms) to children.
tion efforts are, there will always be a tendency for
It would help, for example, to make a distinction
persons to report cases that should not be investigated.
between direct evidence, meaning firsthand accounts
Until recently, most states did not have formal policies
or observations of seriously harmful parental behav-
and procedures for determining whether to accept a
ior, and circumstantial evidence, meaning concrete
call for investigation. Such policies should be adopted
CHILD ABUSE REPORTING / 45
by all states and they should provide explicit guidance
erly, an increasing number of public and private agen-
about the kinds of cases that should not be assigned
cies are adopting formal agency policies about report-
for investigation.
ing. Some state laws mandate them. The primary purpose
Reports should be rejected when the allegations fall
of these policies, or agency protocols, is to inform staff
outside the agency's definitions of "child abuse" and
members of their obligation to report and of the proce-
"child neglect" as established by state law. Often, the
dures to be followed. Such formal policies serve another
family has a coping problem for which they would be
important function: They are an implicit commitment
more appropriately referred to another social service
by agency administrators to support frontline staff mem-
agency. (Prime examples include children beyond the
bers who decide to report. Moreover, the very process
specified age, alleged perpetrators falling outside the
of drafting a written document can clarify previously
legal definition, and family problems not amounting to
ambiguous or ill-conceived agency policies.
child maltreatment.) Reports should also be rejected
when the caller can give no credible reason for sus-
Prospects for Change
pecting that the child has been abused or neglected.
The problem of inappropriate reporting was entirely
(Although actual proof of the maltreatment is not re-
foreseeable. In fact, as early as 1977, sociologist Saad
quired, some evidence is.) Reports whose unfounded
Naji predicted that unfounded reports would increase
or malicious nature is established by specific evidence,
as total reporting rose. In describing the effect of con-
of course, should also be rejected. (Anonymous reports,
temporary increases in the number of reports on con-
reports from estranged spouses, and even previous
firmation rates, he wrote: "As the rates of reporting
unfounded reports from the same source should not be
increased, the rates of confirmed maltreatment in-
automatically rejected, but they need to be carefully
creased rapidly up to a certain point, after which the
evaluated.) And, finally, reports in which insufficient
rate of increase tended to lessen considerably.
The
information is given to identify or locate the child should
relations between the rates of reporting and the esti-
likewise be screened (although the information may be
mated probability that maltreatment cases will be con-
kept for later use if a subsequent report about the same
firmed, however, exhibited the reverse pattern: the
child is made).
probability of confirming reports of suspected cases
In questionable circumstances, the agency should
dropped sharply as the rates of reporting increased."
recontact the caller before deciding to reject a report.
As mentioned above, some level of inappropriate re-
When appropriate, rejected reports should be referred
porting is the inescapable result of a system that relies
to other agencies that can provide services needed by
on reports from hundreds of thousands of friends, neigh-
the family.
bors, and family members-as well as often poorly
Modify liability laws. Current laws provide immu-
trained professionals.
nity for anyone who makes a report in good faith but
What was thoroughly unpredictable was the great
give no protection to those who, in a good-faith exercise
resistance to doing something about the problem. As
of professional judgment, decide that a child has not
described below, some efforts to reform the system have
been abused or neglected and hence should not be re-
been made, but many advocates still deny that there is
ported. This combination of immunities and penalties
a problem (or at least try to minimize its importance).
encourages the overreporting of questionable situations.
Why has it proven so difficult to mount a concerted
Give feedback to persons who report. If persons who
effort to reduce the number of inappropriate or un-
report are not told what happened, they may conclude
founded reports? First and foremost has been the well-
that the agency's response was ineffective or even harm-
intentioned fear that any attempt to limit inappropriate
ful to the child, and the next time they suspect that a
reporting would inevitably reduce the number of real
child is maltreated, they may decide not to report. In
cases reported. The more careful people are about re-
addition, finding out whether their suspicions were valid
porting and the more aggressive agencies are about
also refines their diagnostic skills and thus improves the
screening, the more likely it is that a child in serious
quality and accuracy of their future reports. Reporters
danger will escape notice. A formal legal opinion from
also need such information to interpret subsequent events
lowa's attorney general explained the rationale for this
and to monitor the child's condition.
broader approach to reporting: "We will never know if
Adopt an agency policy. Appropriate reporting of
a report of child abuse is valid or not until the appro-
suspected child maltreatment requires a sophisticated
priate investigation is made."
knowledge of many legal, administrative, and diagnostic
But this practical wisdom has been taken to unrea-
matters. To help ensure that their staffs respond prop-
sonable extremes. Too many advocates have ignored
46 / SOCIETY
MAY/JUNE 1996
the severe burden that so many inappropriate cases
more middle-class families than before. Unlike the poor,
place on the system's resources. They seem unwilling
who have grown used to governmental intrusions,
to make-or even to recognize-the trade-off between
middle-class parents who feel that they have been
gaining large numbers of additional reports and the
wrongly accused and unnecessarily investigated fight
system's ability to respond.
back. Thousands have joined groups like Victims of
Second, there has been a certain expediency to well-
Child Abuse Laws (VOCAL) to lobby for changes in
publicized increases in reports. Ever rising numbers
state and federal laws as well as in agency procedures.
of reports have helped mobilize public and profes-
The continuing pressure of state budget cuts has
sional support for expanded funding. News stories
added another group of players to the process. In many
about brutal cases of child abuse make our hearts go
states, senior managers have, for the first time, focused
out to its innocent victims. We all want to do some-
their attention on the issue. They are eager, if not des-
thing to alleviate their pain and to prevent other chil-
perate, for any ideas that would enable them to do more
dren from suffering a similar fate. Thus, advocates
with existing or pared down resources. If they could
and program administrators have had an incentive to
be convinced that a shift away from simply seeking
remain quiet about the number of cases closed after
more reports and toward encouraging better ones would
an initial investigation.
save money without unreasonably endangering chil-
Third, although many inappropriate reports do not
dren, they would push for the change.
amount to "child abuse" or "child neglect," they nev-
Hence, it seems that the coming years will see an
ertheless involve families who need social service as-
acceleration of this shift. And, notwithstanding the
sistance. Thus, accepting and investigating unfounded
opposition of advocates, I believe that reasonable ef-
reports is seen as a means of providing needed services
forts to reduce the number of unfounded reports would
to families in trouble. In effect, the child protective
strengthen the overall child protective system as well
system is being used to fill gaps in what should be
as public support for it.
community-wide child welfare systems. Even if this
strategy was more likely to succeed, it should be
shunned. The child protective process is coercive-
SUGGESTED FURTHER READING
and often traumatic-and should be limited to situa-
tions in which the child is so endangered that social
Douglas Besharov. Recognizing Child Abuse: A Guide
For the Concerned. New York: Free Press, 1990.
services must be forced upon unwilling parents.
Douglas Besharov, ed. Protecting Children From Abuse
Fourth, for many years, the child protective system
and Neglect: Policy and Practice. Springfield, III.:
was able to absorb the increase in reports by hiring
Charles C Thomas, 1988.
more staff. Although money was never plentiful, the
Saad Naji. Child Maltreatment in the United States: A
1970s and much of the 1980s saw expansion in many
Challenge to Social Institutions. New York:
states. But, of course, by the end of the 1980s, state
Columbia University Press, 1977.
budgets became progressively tighter-and programs
Barbara Nelson. Making an Issue of Child Abuse:
were being cut rather than expanded.
Political Agenda Setting for Social Problems.
Change is apparent, however. Most states, as well
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984.
as most research studies, are now careful to distinguish
between total reports and substantiated ones. And as
Douglas J. Besharov is a resident scholar at the Ameri-
mentioned above, the 1987 recommendations of the
can Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research and a
Airlie House group gave a legitimacy to those con-
visiting professor at the University of Maryland School of
cerned about inappropriate reporting and provided the
Public Affairs. He was the first director of the U.S. Na-
outlines for reform. In scattered communities across
tional Center in Child Abuse and Neglect. His most recent
book is Recognizing Child Abuse: A Guide for the Con-
the nation, various elements of the recommendations
cerned, from which some of this chapter is derived. Lisa A.
listed above (as well as other ideas) are being adopted.
Laumann was a research assistant at the American Enter-
And there is reason to expect still more change.
prise Institute and is currently pursuing a doctoral degree
Recently, the flood of unfounded reports has involved
in clinical psychology at the University of Virginia.