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REMARKS BY PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
SWEARING-IN CEREMONY FOR THE HONORABLE KWEISI MFUME
PRESIDENT AND CEO OF THE NAACP
THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, GREAT HALL
WASHINGTON, DC
FEBRUARY 20, 1996
[Acknowledgements: Myrlie Evers-Williams, for introduction; Jason Hines, political
science senior at Morgan State University from Warren, Arkansas; Vice President Gore;
Roger Wilkins; Cardinal Keeler; Rev. Johnson; Rev. McKenzie; Rabbi Adler; Attorney
General Reno; Judge Higginbotham; Ms. Jaimie Smith of Baltimore School for the Arts;
Ayinde Jean-Baptiste (EYE-YIN-DAY JON BAPTEEST) of Whitney Young Magnet High
School in Chicago; and the Honorable Kweisi Mfume (KWY-EE-SEE UMM-FOO-MAY)]
I am honored to be here today to share in this celebration of rebirth and renewal for
both Kweisi Mfume and the NAACP. Before I go any further, let me say that the talent and
energy in this room is truly amazing. When I heard that young Ayinde Jean-Baptiste was
going to be here, I polished up on my oratory skills so I'd at least have a chance of
measuring up to him.
It is also great to see so many accomplished women here today. Young Jaimie Smith
appears to be well on her way to carrying on the legacy of many of the great African
American women who came before her. In my proclamation marking the observance of
African American History Month this year, I urged all Americans to recognize and honor the
often unsung contributions of African American heroines -- leaders like Sojourner Truth,
Mary McLeod Bethune, Rosa Parks, Barbara Jordan, Dorothy Height, Mary Frances Berry
and Myrlie Evers-Williams. Throughout our history, these and countless other brave and
eloquent women have challenged America to end its ignoble association with the twin evils of
racism and sexism. And we are all better because of their sacrifices.
This is a day of great expectation -- both for the new President and CEO of the
NAACP, and for all Americans who share our hope that under his dynamic leadership the
nation's most important civil rights organization will emerge from a time of turmoil,
stronger and more focused than at any time in its illustrious history.
As I said in the State of the Union, we live in an age of great possibility. More
Americans, from all walks of life, will have more chances to build the future of their dreams
than ever before -- and our nation will be stronger for it. We see the evidence of this all
around us even now. We have the lowest combined rates of unemployment and inflation in
27 years. Unemployment in the African American community is in single digits for the first
time since the Vietnam war. And for three years in a row, we have had a record number of
new businesses started in our country -- nearly 100,000 of them by African Americans.
Our leadership in the world is also strong, bringing new hope for peace from the
1
Middle East to Bosnia. And I am proud that last week we saw the first peaceful democratic
transfer of power in the history of Haiti. But, perhaps most important, the American people
are coming together again around our most fundamental values. The crime rate, the welfare
and food stamp rolls, the poverty rate, and teen pregnancy are all down.
The future for our children is brighter than it's ever been before. But we also know
that great challenges lie ahead. This is a time of great change, requiring strength and
resilience on the part of all our people. Too many of our people feel economically insecure.
Too many are worried about whether they can give their children the values and care they'll
need to lead successful lives. And they wonder if they and their children will be winners in
the age of possibility.
Our mission is, first, to make the American Dream of opportunity a reality for all
who are willing to work for it. Second, to preserve our old and enduring values as we move
into the future. And third, to meet these challenges in the only way that has ever really
worked in this country -- together, as one America.
All of this is why, now more than ever we need more groups doing what the NAACP
has always done -- reaching out taking the lead helping us face up to our challenges and
achieve our goals. We know that the era of big government is over. But we cannot go back
to the time when our citizens were left to fend for themselves. As Thurgood Marshall once
said, "None of us has gotten where we are solely by pulling ourselves up from our own
bootstraps. We got here because somebody bent down and helped us."
The only way we are going to succeed in this new environment is if all of us bend
down and pull together to help people make the most of their lives and to make this nation
great. That means businesses taking an active part in their communities. Schools preparing
our young people for the future and teaching citizenship and values. Religious institutions
bringing their teachings to life through service to the community. Parents loving their
children and teaching them right from wrong. And civic organizations like the NAACP
pushing for social change, celebrating the strength of our diversity and caring about all our
people where they work, where they live, and where they go to school. All of us --
expecting more of each other and facing our challenges together. The great lesson of
American democracy is that when we are together we are never defeated, and when we are
divided we defeat ourselves.
We are here today to pay tribute to a man who realizes that there are many different
ways to move America forward. As a Congressman and head of the Congressional Black
Caucus, Kweisi Mfume captured the nation's attention with his powerful eloquence and
leadership in the fight for freedom and justice at home and abroad. But he understands that
government service is not the only service that matters. He understands that the NAACP,
and other grassroots organizations, are essential to building strong communities,
neighborhoods, and families.
2
That's why my initial sense of disappointment in learning that he was leaving his
House seat to assume the presidency of the NAACP did not last long. Because, even though
I will miss his support in the Congress, I know that he is the right man at the right time for
this important job. And I know he will continue to offer me his wise counsel in his new
role.
We know that we will never save our children from gangs and drugs give our
people the security they need to work hard renew our cities make our schools strong
unless we learn from one another, work together, and join hands in a true spirit of
community. But for all the opportunity we create, we have to have people who seize the
moment and take personal responsibility for making their lives better. That is the lesson the
NAACP has taught us for so many years. And that is the lesson I thought of when I heard
about the 8 young Jobs Corps trainees who perished in the tragic train crash in Maryland a
few days ago. Those young people were working to turn their lives around -- learning to
become carpenters and nurses aides and bricklayers. They were participating in a
government program that would never have been created without the struggles of groups like
the NAACP. But it was a program that ultimately relied on the hard work of these young
people -- taking personal responsibility. The hope that briefly illuminated their lives is a
testament to our constant search for common sense, common ground solutions to our
problems.
For 87 years, the NAACP has been a beacon of grass-roots activism in the struggle
for a more just America. From the darkest days of segregation to this modern age of
possibility, your voice has challenged all our fellow citizens to move from antipathy to
equality from apathy to action. I know you will rise to the new challenges we face. My
confidence is bolstered by the caliber of leadership you have chosen to guide you into this
new era.
Kweisi Mfume is without a doubt, one of America's most thoughtful, articulate, and
effective advocates for equal justice and personal responsibility. The NAACP is fortunate to
bring this true gentleman warrior aboard as its new President and CEO. Congratulations
President Mfume. I look forward to an even greater partnership with you and the new
NAACP as we continue our work of uplifting the land we both love.
At this time I would like to turn to another giant for justice a man whom I recently
appointed to the U.S. Civil Rights Commission and to whom I was proud to award the 1995
Medal of Freedom the Honorable Judge A. Leon Higginbotham who will administer the
oath of office. Thank you.
3
draft 2/19/96 1:30 pm
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
SWEARING-IN CEREMONY FOR THE HONORABLE KWEISI MFUME
PRESIDENT AND CEO OF THE NAACP
THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, GREAT HALL
WASHINGTON, DC
FEBRUARY 20, 1996
[Acknowledgements: Myrlie Evers-Williams, for introduction; Jason Hines, political
science senior at Morgan State University from Warren, Arkansas; Vice President Gore;
Roger Wilkins; Cardinal Keeler; Rev. Johnson; Rev. McKenzie; Rabbi Adler; Attorney
General Reno; Judge Higginbotham; Ms. Jaimie Smith of Baltimore School for the Arts;
Ayinde Jean-Baptiste (EYE-YIN-DAY JON BAPTEEST) of Whitney Young Magnet High
School in Chicago; and the Honorable Kweisi Mfume]
I am honored to be here today to share in this celebration of rebirth and renewal for
both Kweisi Mfume and the NAACP. Before I go any further, let me say that the talent and
energy in this room is truly amazing. When I heard that young Ayinde Jean-Baptiste was
going to be here, I polished up on my oratory skills so I'd at least have a chance of
measuring up to him.
It is also great to see so many accomplished women here today. Young Jaimie Smith
appears to be well on her way to carrying on the legacy of many of the great African
American women who came before her. In my proclamation marking the observance of
African American History Month this year, I urged all Americans to recognize and honor the
often unsung contributions of African American heroines -- leaders like Sojourner Truth,
Mary McLeod Bethune, Rosa Parks, Barbara Jordan, Dorothy Height, Mary Frances Berry
and Myrlie Evers-Williams. Throughout our history, these and countless other brave and
eloquent women have challenged America to end its ignoble association with the twin evils of
racism and sexism. And we are all better because of their sacrifices.
This is a day of great expectation -- both for the new President and CEO of the
NAACP, and for all Americans who share our hope that under his dynamic leadership the
nation's most important civil rights organization will emerge from a time of turmoil,
stronger and more focused than at any time in its illustrious history.
As I said in the State of the Union, we live in an age of great possibility. More
Americans, from all walks of life, will have more chances to build the future of their dreams
than ever before -- and our nation will be stronger for it. We see the evidence of this all
around us even now. We have the lowest combined rates of unemployment and inflation in
27 years. Unemployment in the African American community is in single digits for the first
time since the Vietnam war. And for three years in a row, we have had a record number of
new businesses started in our country -- nearly 100,000 of them by African Americans.
1
Our leadership in the world is also strong, bringing new hope for peace from the
Middle East to Bosnia. And I am proud that last week we saw the first peaceful democratic
transfer of power in the history of Haiti. But, perhaps most important, the American people
are coming together again around our most fundamental values. The crime rate, the welfare
and food stamp rolls, the poverty rate, and teen pregnancy are all down.
The future for our children is brighter than it's ever been before. But we also know
that great challenges lie ahead. This is a time of great change, requiring strength and
resilience on the part of all our people. Too many of our people feel economically insecure.
Too many are worried about whether they can give their children the values and care they'll
need to lead successful lives. And they wonder if they and their children will be winners in
the age of possibility.
Our mission is, first, to make the American Dream of opportunity a reality for all
who are willing to work for it. Second, to preserve our old and enduring values as we move
into the future. And third, to meet these challenges in the only way that has ever really
worked in this country -- together, as one America.
All of this is why, now more than ever we need more groups doing what the NAACP
has always done -- reaching out taking the lead helping us face up to our challenges and
achieve our goals. We know that the era of big government is over. But we cannot go back
to the time when our citizens were left to fend for themselves. As Thurgood Marshall once
said, "None of us has gotten where we are solely by pulling ourselves up from our own
bootstraps. We got here because somebody bent down and helped us."
The only way we are going to succeed in this new environment is if all of us bend
down and pull together to help people make the most of their lives and to make this nation
great. That means businesses taking an active part in their communities. Schools preparing
our young people for the future and teaching citizenship and values. Religious institutions
bringing their teachings to life through service to the community. Parents loving their
children and teaching them right from wrong. And civic organizations like the NAACP
pushing for social change, celebrating the strength of our diversity and caring about all our
people where they work, where they live, and where they go to school. All of us --
expecting more of each other and facing our challenges together. The great lesson of
American democracy is that when we are together we are never defeated, and when we are
divided we defeat ourselves.
We are here today to pay tribute to a man who realizes that there are many different
ways to move America forward. As a Congressman and head of the Congressional Black
Caucus, Kweisi Mfume captured the nation's attention with his powerful eloquence and
leadership in the fight for freedom and justice at home and abroad. But he understands that
government service is not the only service that matters. He understands that the NAACP,
and other grassroots organizations, are essential to building strong communities,
neighborhoods, and families.
2
That's why my initial sense of disappointment in learning that he was leaving his
House seat to assume the presidency of the NAACP did not last long. Because, even though
I will miss his support in the Congress, I know that he is the right man at the right time for
this important job. And I know he will continue to offer me his wise counsel in his new
role.
We know that we will never save our children from gangs and drugs give our
people the security they need to work hard renew our cities make our schools strong
unless we learn from one another, work together, and join hands in a true spirit of
community. But for all the opportunity we create, we have to have people who seize the
moment and take personal responsibility for making their lives better. That is the lesson the
NAACP has taught us for so many years. And that is the lesson I thought of when I heard
about the 8 young Jobs Corps trainees who perished in the tragic train crash in Maryland a
few days ago. Those young people were working to turn their lives around -- learning to
become carpenters and nurses aides and bricklayers. They were participating in a
government program that would never have been created without the struggles of groups like
the NAACP. But it was a program that ultimately relied on the hard work of these young
people -- taking personal responsibility. The hope that briefly illuminated their lives is a
testament to our constant search for common sense, common ground solutions to our
problems.
For 87 years, the NAACP has been a beacon of grass-roots activism in the struggle
for a more just America. From the darkest days of segregation to this modern age of
possibility, your voice has challenged all our fellow citizens to move from antipathy to
equality from apathy to action. I know you will rise to the new challenges we face. My
confidence is bolstered by the caliber of leadership you have chosen to guide you into this
new era.
Kweisi Mfume is without a doubt, one of America's most thoughtful, articulate, and
effective advocates for equal justice and personal responsibility. The NAACP is fortunate to
bring this true gentleman warrior aboard as its new President and CEO. Congratulations
President Mfume. I look forward to an even greater partnership with you and the new
NAACP as we continue our work of uplifting the land we both love.
At this time I would like to turn to another giant for justice a man whom I recently
appointed to the U.S. Civil Rights Commission and to whom I was proud to award the 1995
Medal
of
Freedom
the Honorable Judge A. Leon Higginbotham who will administer
the
oath of office.
3
face. My confidence is bolstered by the caliber of leadership you have chosen to guide you
into this new era.
My initial sense of disappointment in learning that Congressman Mfume was leaving
his House seat to assume the presidency of the NAACP did not last long. Because, even
though I will miss his support in the Congress, I know that he is the right man at the right
time for this important job. And I know he will continue to offer me his wise counsel in his
new role. He is without a doubt, one of America's most thoughtful, articulate, and effective
advocates for equal justice and personal responsibility. The NAACP is fortunate to bring
this true gentleman warrior aboard as its new President and CEO. Congratulations President
Mfume. I look forward to an even greater partnership with you and the new NAACP as we
continue our work of uplifting the land we both love.
At this time I would like to turn to another giant for justice a man whom I recently
appointed to the U.S. Civil Rights Commission and to whom I was proud to award the 1995
Medal of Freedom the Honorable Judge A. Leon Higginbotham who will deliver the oath
of office.
But
3
FROM : THE CARAWAY GROUP, INC.
PHONE NO. : 202 797 8728
Feb. 16 1996 01:32PM P1
FAX
Date 16 FEB 96
Number of pages including cover sheet 5
TO: TERRY EDMINDS
FROM:
Yolanda H. Caraway
-
1010 WISCONSIN
AVENUE, NW
SUITE 540
WASHINGTON, DC
20007
Phone
Fax Phone 453.5709
Phone
202-965-5089
Fax Phone 202-965-2812
CC:
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For your review
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DATED MATERIAL PLEASE READ IMMEDIATELY.
Per your request --
Page 3
25TH STORY of Level 2 printed in FULL format.
Copyright 1995 The Baltimore Sun Company
The Sun (Baltimore)
December 31, 1995, Sunday, FINAL EDITION
SECTION: EDITORIAL, Pg. 2L
LENGTH: 995 words
HEADLINE: Marylander of the Year: Kweisi Mfume; Self-made leader: NAACP taps
congressional talent to head crusade for American rights.
BODY:
SINCE ITS FOUNDING in 1909, the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People has been the most important civil rights organization in this
nation. It remains SO even as African Americans -- in events as spectacular as
the Million Man March or as humble as a barber shop conversation -- voice their
fears that past civil rights gains are eroding.
Part of that erosion, many feel, is due to the lack of relevance the NAACP
seems to have not just among white people today but also African Americans,
especially young people. It was thus tragic when an experiment to have the
organization broaden its appeal among the young failed miserably last year with
executive director Ben Chavis being fired after only 16 months in office.
The resulting maelstrom over misspending and debt within the organization
produced such great expectations for a new fiscally savvy NAACP leader who could
bring in the young without alienating the old that many of its members doubted
anyone would want to take on such a challenge.
But when Baltimore Congressman Kweisi Mfume said he would, the match seemed
SO perfect that just the announcement was enough to re-energize the organization
in ways that even last year's naming of the widow of NAACP martyr Medgar Evers
as its chairman did not.
Mr. Mfume isn't even on the job yet and he has begun to turn the NAACP
around. The remaining task is to steer a course that will restore the
organization's vitality in continuing the fight for equal justice for all
Americans. Mr. Mfume is up to the challenge. His whole life seems to have been
mapped out for this day, for accepting leadership of the NAACP.
***
Attentive Baltimoreans were bound to be pleased when the NAACP board turned
to Mr. Mfume as its new "president" -- not just a director but a real CEO in
every sense. There came praise for the selection from all sides. For Mr. Mfume
was not Baltimore's secret. The Mfume story is the stuff of legend. He is the
first NAACP executive not to come from the comfortable classes. He is off the
streets, up by his bootstraps, self-invented, and for real.
Frizzell Gray lost his mother, moved around, ran the streets, dropped out of
school, attracted police and fathered children irresponsibly. Then he found work
Page 4
The Sun (Baltimore), December 31, 1995
and purpose, attended college, got a degree from Morgan State and became a disc
jockey. As a political militant in a --iki who changed his name to Kweisi
Mfume, he won election to City Council in 1979.
Mr. Mfume was a passionate speaker in council meetings, but not truly
effective. That was partly his fault, partly Mayor William Donald Schaefer's.
Mr. Schaefer called the young council member in for a scolding. Mr. Mfume was
outraged and went into opposition that was frustrating, because he wanted to
achieve results, make a difference.
Upon Rep. Parren Mitchell's retirement, Mr. Mfume made a bee line for a new
start, winning the Seventh District Democratic primary and election in 1986.
From the first day, Mr. Mfume was a better congressman than he had been a
councilman. Quiet spoken and conservatively tailored, he knew how to cooperate,
work in committee, improve legislation. He and fellow freshman Rep. Benjamin L.
Cardin teamed up remarkably.
It was no surprise when Mr. Mfume was tapped to chair the Congressional Black
Caucus for 1993 and 1994. In the 1992 election, the Black Caucus nearly doubled
and the Democrats won the presidency. Never before had blacks in Congress so
much clout or the chairman so key a role. Mr. Mfume maneuvered brilliantly to
get the most for cities, to hold the president's feet to the fire on civil
rights, to oppose the dumping of Lani Guinier. It was delicate stuff, because
the caucus was disappointed in policies, with nowhere else to go.
Those were Mr. Mfume's years of prominence. He bid on the strength of them
for the third-ranking job in the Democratic House leadership, but lost. He was
languishing in reduced responsibility, honing his skills as a television talk
show host on the side.
There matters stood when the NAACP scored its coup. At 47, Mr. Mfume is at
the peak of his powers, including a tremendous network of contacts, a
razor-sharp mind and powerful eloquence. If asked to cite a single over-arching
skill for young people to emulate, it is his voice and diction, the power to say
precisely what he means as well as it can be said. He sounds like a fine
Shakespearean actor, or great black preacher, or the former playing the latter.
Now Mr. Mfume is the chief executive, fund-raiser and spirit of a great
organization, headquartered in the town of Thurgood Marshall, its great lawyer,
and Clarence Mitchell Jr., its great lobbyist.
As executive director of the NAACP, Mr. Mfume, who isn't as well known to the
rest of the world, will join the diversity of national African-American
leadership that ranges from politician Jesse Jackson to Nation of Islam leader
Louis Farrakhan. Mr. Mfume has in the past challenged Mr. Farrakhan's
anti-Semitism and bias against women while acknowledging, as does the NOI head,
that black people first have to depend on each other. With interest in Mr.
Jackson flagging, Mr. Mfume could develop into the predominant figure in black
America.
In leaving Congress to become a principal spokesman for civil rights, Mr.
Mfume is once again reinventing himself, once again raising the standards. The
stakes are enormous. America desperately needs to overcome its racial divide.
Mr. Mfume is now in position to be a major player in this transcendent endeavor.
Page 5
The Sun (Baltimore), December 31, 1995
Past Marylanders of the year
1987 Steven Muller, Johns Hopkins University President.
1988 Vincent DeMarco, gun law draftsman.
1989 Anne Tyler, novelist.
1990 R. Robert Linowes, Washington area lawyer, state tax reformer.
1991 Cal Ripken Jr., American League's Most Valuable Player.
1992 Bea Gaddy, feeder of the homeless.
1993 James W. Rouse, developer-visionary
.
1994 Cardinal William H. Keeler for.
TYPE: EDITORIAL
LOAD-DATE: January 5, 1996
liam J. Clinton, 1995
Administration of William J. Clinton, 1995 / Dec. 10
2167
m all for giving peo-
200,000. It's now the smallest it's been since
lege loans available to more kids with better
hat. But I am against
John Kennedy was President, and as a per-
terms of repayment.
ged care plans.
centage of our civilian work force, it's the
One of the most successful things we've
udget, what they do
smallest it's been since 1933. The Democrats
done-I've talked about it a lot in Florida-
people much more,
did that. We did it by treating our Federal
we have dramatically increased the number
but in copays and
employees humanely, giving them good re-
of student loans and the possibility of earning
Medicare. And they
tirement and severance packages. We did it
money through college through our national
edicare program at
by increasing the productivity of the fine
service program, AmeriCorps. Every single
ley're going to wind
Federal employees that are left. We reduced
one of those things is at risk in the Repub-
rs to pay more for
the burden of big Government. We're elimi-
lican budget, and I am fighting for every sin-
ged care plans. And
nating 16,000 pages of Federal regulation.
gle one of them.
drafted, it is actually
Those were Democratic reforms.
But we have a comprehensive education
he poorest, and the
This is not about the problems of big Gov-
strategy based on national standards and
untry. It is uncon-
ernment. They want to strip the National
grassroots reforms and more opportunity.
Government of its ability to protect and ad-
That is what I think we ought to be pushing
caid program, what
vance the interests of the elderly and the chil-
for. No company in the world and no country
edicaid program so
dren and the disabled people of this country.
in the world would go into the 21st century
tes under so much
That is what is going on here.
by cutting its investment in education and
te like Florida, that
millions of people
[The next questioner asked the President
technology and research. But this budget
what he had done to give children a better
cuts our investment in education, technology,
rage, hundreds of
education and brighter future.]
and research. It is a prescription for bad eco-
now get Medicaid
nomics. That's the other thing I want to say
omes would be de-
The President. To answer your question
to people: This Republican budget is not just
children will lose
in the way you posed it, the most important
bad in human terms, it's going to be bad for
ill have; in a State
thing we have done is to give this country.
the economy. It will undermine the eco-
ere you have a lot
a comprehensive education policy focused
nomic strategy that we have pursued that has
Medicaid coverage
not only on greater educational opportunities
given us the world's strongest economy again,
are entitled to it,
but on higher standards and higher quality
and I want you to stick with us on the edu-
aced on the States
education. And I'd like to give you some spe-
cation issue.
ig. And it is unnec-
cific examples.
et.
We have increased the number of our
NOTE: The President spoke by satellite at 10:17
short are, number
young people in Head Start programs by tens
a.m. from the Dempsey. Thomas Film Studio in
e Medicaid Trust
of thousands. For the public schools, we have
Little Rock, AR, to the convention meeting in
too much and it's
Miami Beach, FL. In his remarks, he referred to
written into law the national education goals
Gov. Lawton Chiles and Lt. Gov. Buddy MacKay
it's going to really
and said to every State we will give you extra
of Florida, and President Jean-Bertrand Aristide
it into a second-
help if you will commit to try to reach these
of Haiti.
the Medicaid pro-
goals and if you will commit to a system
ed. And number
which holds you accountable so that we can
it important thing
see whether you're making progress toward
Statement on the Nomination of
do this to balance
reaching these goals. We will give you extra
Kweisi Mfume as Chairman of the
help, and we will give special help to districts
NAACP
Democrats there
that are poor or that have a lot of poor chil-
December 10, 1995
alf in 3 years with
dren, but we all have to have the same high
didn't get a sin-
standards and we all have to be willing to
I was delighted to hear about the nomina-
e in the Congress
be held accountable.
tion of Representative Kweisi Mfume to the
I our program in
For young people who aren't going to col-
leadership of the NAACP. In his distin-
educe the deficit;
lege, we have launched a national school-to-
guished career as the Representative of Balti-
a recession. And
work program to help every State give young
more's 7th District, Congressman Mfume
e wrong. The Re-
people good training so they can get good
has been an outspoken advocate for working
nst big Govern-
jobs even if they don't have 4-year college
Americans, an articulate voice on race rela-
ou of something
degrees. Then, for young people who are
tions and a tireless fighter against crime. His
ce, we're reduced
going to college, we've launched a new direct
was a voice in the Congress that sought not
Government by
student loan program that has lower cost col-
to be divisive but to find common ground
2168
Dec. 10 / Administration of William J. Clinton, 1995
on a wide spectrum of issues. I am dis-
the straw of a manger, but who grew up to
appointed that I will lose his support in the
become the Prince of Peace, let us remem-
Congress, but I know that he will continue
ber that He said, "Blessed are the peace-
to provide me with wise counsel in his new
makers." And let us ask the blessings of peace
role. He is a superb choice to lead the
this Christmas for everyone, from the Middle
NAACP at this juncture, which for so many
East to Northern Ireland, to Bosnia, and not
years has been an extraordinary champion of
only for the children there but, of course,
civil rights. I wish him all the best.
for our troops as well. And let us also as
Americans resolve, each of us, to do what
we can to be peacemakers, not only to bring
Remarks at "Christmas in
peace and reconciliation around the world
Washington"
but also to the most difficult neighborhoods
December 10, 1995
of our own Nation, to every child who de-
serves to be free from violence and full of
Thank you. Thank you, Kelsey. I'd like to
hope. That is our prayer for this Christmas.
thank all the cast of "Frazier," Peri and Jane
Hillary and Chelsea and I offer this wish
and John and David, for the wonderful job
of our season to all of you and to all Ameri-
they did tonight; Gloria Estefan, Clint Black,
cans everywhere. Peace on Earth, goodwill
Al Green, Dawn Upshaw, the Naval Acad-
toward men. Merry Christmas, and God
emy Glee Club; makes you proud to be Com-
bless you all.
mander in Chief-[laughter]-the U.S.
Thank you.
Army Band's Herald Trumpets, also do; the
magnificent Eastern High School Chorus,
NOTE: The President's remarks were recorded at
and of course, Ian Frazier and the "Christ-
6:20 p.m. at the National Building Museum for
mas in Washington" Orchestra, for the mag-
broadcast at 10 p.m. on December 13. In his re-
marks, he referred to Kelsey Grammer, David
nificent music all of you have given us. Let's
Hyde Pierce, Peri Gilpin, Jane Leeves, and John
give them a great hand. [Applause]
Mahoney, cast members of the TV show
Every year, Hillary and Chelsea and I real-
"Frazier;" and entertainers Gloria Estefan, Clint
ly look forward to this wonderful "Christmas
Black, Al Green, Dawn Upshaw, and Ian Frazier.
in Washington" evening. Besides getting us
into the holiday spirit, it also gives us the
opportunity to recognize one of our country's
Exchange With Reporters Prior to
preeminent health care facilities, the Chil-
Discussions With Prime Minister
dren's National Medical Center right here in
Shimon Peres of Israel
Washington. As always, Christmas is a time
December 11, 1995
for us to reflect on our good fortune in the
past year. This Christmas, I have much to
The President. Good morning everyone.
be grateful for. But among the things I am
It's a pleasure and an honor to have the
most grateful for is the way the people all
Prime Minister here. We're about to start our
around the world still look at our beloved
talks. And as you know, after we have those
land.
talks, we will have a press conference, and
Recently, I returned from Europe where
we'll be available for your questions. But I'm
this was brought home to me ever more than
very much looking forward to continuing our
before. People see America as a nation
work on the peace process. and continuing
graced by God with peace and prosperity,
our strong partnership.
a land of fundamental fairness and great free-
Q. Will you, Mr. President, become ac-
dom. And even though it sometimes imposes
tively involved in an Israeli-Syrian track?
extra burdens on us, it is wonderful to know
The President. Well, we're going to-let
that people the world over trust us to work
us have our talk, and I'll be glad to answer
with them to achieve and share the blessings
the questions after we finish our visit.
of peace.
Thank you.
So at Christmas, as we celebrate the birth
[At this point, one group of reporters left the
of, a homeless child whose only shelter was
room, and another group entered.]
FEB-15-1996
11:06
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Congressional Quarterly's Politics in America 1994
The 103rd Congress by Phil Duncan, Editor
Maryland - 7th District
7
Kweisi Mfume (D)
Of Baltimore - Elected 1986; 4th Term
Born: Oct. 24, 1948. Baltimore, Md
Education: Morgan State U., B.S. 1976; Johns Hopkins
U., M.A. 1984.
Occupation: Professor; radio station program director;
talk show host.
Family: Divorced: five children.
Religion: Baptist
Political Career: Beltimore City Council, 1979-87.
Capitol Office: 2419 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4741.
In Washington: Mfume, whose adopted
House, he moved quickly to declare the caucus'
Swahili name means "conquering son of kings,"
concerns. In March 1993, he blasted the Clinton
blends the collegial style typical of younger-
administration for continuing its predecessor's
generation black House members with a bit of
policy of intercepting Haitians seeking to es-
the provocative rhetoric of their elders.
cape their strife-torn nation, and returning
He spent his first years in the House
them to Haiti. Mfume, like other black leaders,
presiding over floor proceedings. where his Ta-
had given President Clinton time to alter the
dio-trained voice and impeccable clothes, not to
policy. but when the administration asked the
disregard his mastery of the rules, earned him
Supreme Court to uphold it. lie said, The time
notice. Having quietly built bridges to the
has passed for this kind of grace period.
House Democratic leadership and between the
A few weeks later, the black caucus sup-
newer and older members of the Congressional
plied a key bloc of Democratic votes to join with
Black Caucus, Mfume was ready in the 103rd
Republicans in thwarting for a time the leader-
Congress to assert his own brand of leadership
ship's effort to pass a version of the line-item
from two new positions of responsibility.
veto that Clinton sought. In what Mfume de-
As chairman of an enlarged and thus em-
scribed on the floor as "a pure position of
powered black caucus, Mfume was expected to
principle," most black caucus members opposed
elevate its status to pressure the Democratic
the measure, saying it would cede too much
hierarchy, while working within the system to
power to the president.
achieve the legislative goals of its minority
The combination of Republicans, who
constituents. And as chairman of the newly
thought the measure too weak, and the black
reconfigured Minority Enterprise, Finance and
caucus caused House leaders to pull the mea-
Urban Development Subcommittee of the
sure from the floor even before it came to a
Small Business Committee, Mfume could pur-
vote. A few weeks later the leadership used its
sue the economic agenda he adopted when first
muscle to pare away enough black members
elected.
from the caucus position to pass the bill.
Representing some of Baltimore's poorest
Mfume is outspoken in his support for civil
black neighborhoods, Mfume could have SUC-
rights and other traditional minority concerns,
ceeded politically by simply voicing anger and
but he has always seen his role as one of
frustration with "the system." Instead, he has
fostering "economic development and economic
become known as a thoughtful lawmaker who
empowerment" for his minority constituents. In
tries to help the disadvantaged by making legie.
his first term on the Banking Committee, he
lative allies. Mfume learned the importance of
worked to learn the issues. Later, in the 102nd
coalitions on the Baltimore City Council, where
Congress, he relinquished a seat on the Educa-
his confrontations with Mayor William Donald
tion and Labor Committee to move to the Joint
Schaefer were legend. Upon Mfume's election
Economic Committee, where he could advance
to the House and Schaefer's to the governorship
his ideas.
in 1986, Mfume made peace, knowing that they
At the start of the 103rd Congress, Mfume
would one day need to work together.
unveiled a seven-point plan to revitalize the
Mfumc's willingness to accommodate
nation's cities, incorporating existing ideas,
earned him a challenge for the black caucus
such as enterprise zones and a plan for national
chair from Texas Democrat Craig Washington,
service for young people, with enough fine-
who promised a more aggressive style. Mfume
tuning that he could call it his own
was elected by acclamation after winning a first
And he worked with Republican Christo-
ballot, 27-9.
pher Shays of Connecticut to introduce a bill
Lest anyone think Mfume would shirk
creating tax credits for long-term investments
from confronting the leadership or the White
in small businesses started by minorities.
702
FEB-15-1996 11:06
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Kwaisi Mfume, D-Md.
Maryland 7
Inner-city Baltimore;
Western Baltimore County
Downtown Baltimore's resurgence
To the west is Druid Hill Park and the
looks like a mirage to residents of the low-
Baltimore Zoo. To the east is integrated
income black neighborhoods of west Balti-
Waverly and Memorial Stadium, home of
more and to those living north and east of
the baseball Orioles for 37 years; the team
the city center. The areas' ills - crime,
left for 8 new downtown park in 1992. To
drugs, teen pregnancies, school dropouts,
the northeast is Morgan State University.
lack of job opportunities - starkly contrast
Though overshadowed by Harborplace,
the vitality of the Inner Harbor.
the old retail section west of the downtown
Baltimore's population reached 939,000
bub survives; the Lexington food market
in the 1960s, but the subsequent spread of
and Baltimore Arena are here. There are
urban problems sparked an exodus. By 1990,
middle-class black communities along Lib:
the city's population was 736,000, and an
erty Heights Road in west Baltimore. The
increasing number of middle-class blacks
national headquarters of the NAACP is
were joining whites in the suburbs.
near the city's western border. Over the line
As a result, the 7th - once wholly within
in Baltimore County are mainly black sub-
the city - now swings out across western
urban settlements in Woodlawn and Loch-
Baltimore County. But by following the black
earn. The Social Security Administration
migration west on Liberty Heights toward
complex and Security Square Mall in
Randallstown and down the Baltimore Na-
Woodlawn are important sources of jobs.
tional Pike to Catonsville, the 7th maintains a
To the south is Catonsville, site of the
71 percent black population.
University of Maryland at Baltimore County.
During his tenure as Baltimore mayor,
To the north, the 7th reaches to Randalls-
Democratic Gov. William Donald Schaefer
town, then leaps through a mostly undevel-
was berated by black activists for funneling
oped area to Reisterstown (both suburbs are
development money into downtown. Since
shared with the 3rd). Although black resi-
becoming mayor in 1987, Democrat Kurt L.
dents have a strong presence in many of the
Schmoke has channeled some resources to
7th's suburban areas, the Baltimore County
low-income communities in the flats east of
portion of the 7th is three-fifths white.
downtown to row houses along Broadway and
Democrats are assured of victories in
to tenements in west Baltimore. But major
the 7th. But getting the vote out can be a.
improvements have been slow.
problem for Democrats; only 67 percent of
The picture within the city (which con-
the registered voters in the city part of the
tributes nearly 80 percent of the 7th's popu-
7tb turned out in November 1992, well
lation) is not all bleak. Just north of the
below the 81 percent rate for the state.
downtown business district is the gentrified
Mount Vernon area. home of the Walters
Art Gallery and the Peabody music acad.
1990 Population: $97,680. White 162,848 (27%).
Black 424,132 (71%). Other 10,900 (2%). Hispanic
emy. Farther north are Johns Hopkins Uni-
origin 5,268 (1%). 18 and over 448,177 (75%). 62 and
versity and the Baltimore Museum of Art.
over 87,650 (15%). Median age: 32.
On Banking, Mfume gives voice to the
In 1992 he and other black caucus mem-
concerns of public housing residents. In 1990,
bers opposed a Russian aid bill, which included
the Housing Subcommittee approved a Mfume
a $12 billion increase in the U.S. contribution to
amendment to change the way tenants calculate
the International Monetary Fund, on the
their rents, allowing them to pay according to
ground that more money should be devoted to
their actual income, not their estimated income,
domestic needs first.
which could include alimony or child support
Amid the chorus of voices expressing con-
payments that do not come through.
cetn over drug abuse and proposing grand plans
He has been a participant in debate on
to combat it. Miume has tried to make a dent in
bills to keep the savings and loan bailout op-
the problem by focusing on a small corner of
erating. He won adoption of an amendment to
the issue. In 1989, he began pushing to curb
increase business for minority contractors with
sales of electronic beepers to minors, who, he
the Resolution Trust Corporation, the bailout
said, use them to arrange drug deals. He re-
agency. And he engineered snother to allow
introduced his bill in the 102nd Congress.
minority investors to operate branches of failed
In mid-1992, Mfume was named to the
thrifts in minotity neighborhoods rent-free for
House ethics committee to fill a vacancy when
at least five years. But he largely has opposed
Gary L. Ackerman of New York resigned.
providing more money to finance the bailout.
Mfume had served temporarily on the panel
703
*FEB-15-1996 11:05
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Congress of the United States
house of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515
KWEISI MFUME
7TH DISTRICT, MARYLAND
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
KWEISI MFUME (pronounced Kwah-EE-see Oom-FOO-may) represents Maryland's 7th Con-
gressional District, to which he was first elected in 1986 He was born, raised and educated in the
Baltimore area, and it was there that he followed his dreams to impact society and shape a more
humane public policy.
Congressman Mfume, whose African name means "conquering son of kings," became politically
active as a freshman in college. He graduated magna cum laude from Morgan State University in
1976 and later returned as Adjunct Professor, teaching courses in political science and communica-
tions. He earned a masters degree from Johns Hopkins University with a concentration in Interna-
tional Studies.
As Mfume's community involvement grew, so did his popularity. He translated that approval into a
grass-roots election victory when he won a seat on the Baltimore City Council in 1979.
Since coming to Congress, Mfume has been active with broad committee obligations. He serves on
the Banking and Financial Services Committee and is the Ranking Democratic Member on the
General Oversight and Investigations Subcommittee. He is also a member of the Financial Institu-
tions & Consumer Credit Subcommittee. He also serves on the Small Business Committee and the
Subcommittee on Government Programs. He has been able to focus Congressional attention on a
broad range of minority business development concerns in the United States. Those efforts included
minority business development in federal government contracting, the Personal Communications
System (PCS) Spectrum Auction and health care reform. He has also just completed a brief term as
Chairman of the Joint Economic Committee and continues to serve on that Committee.
During his tenure in the House of Representatives, Congressman Mfume has consistently advocated
landmark minority business and civil rights legislation. He successfully co-sponsored the Americans
with Disabilities Act and authored the minority contracting and employment amendments to the
Financial Institutions Reform and Recovery Act. He strengthened the Equal Credit Opportunity Act
and amended the Community Reinvestment Act in the interest of minority financial institutions. He
co-authored and amended the Civil Rights Act of 1991 to apply to U.S. citizens working for com-
panies abroad. He is the sponsor of legislative initiatives banning assault weapons and establishing
stalking as a federal crime.
Congressman Mfume just completed two incredibly successful years as chairman of the Congres-
sional Black Caucus and continues to remain an active member. He was recently appointed to Chair
the CBC Task Force to Preserve Affirmative Action and to a leadership position in the House
Democratic Caucus as the Vice Chairman for Communications. He serves on the Morgan State
University Board of Regents, the Board of Visitors for the United States Naval Academy and on
the Advisory Board of the Schomburg Commission for the Preservation of Black Culture. He is a
Lifetime member of the NAACP. He is the Honorary Chair of the Theater for a New Generation
Advocacy at Baltimore's CenterStage He is also a member of Big Brothers and Big Sisters of
Central Maryland and Parents Anonymous of Maryland His background in broadcasting includes
13 years in radio and for the last three years he has hosted local and national television shows.
###
26
Tendernes!
THE POLITICAL SCENE
THE RISE OF KWEISI MFUME
From Haiti to the crime bill, the Congressional Black Caucus has won new power in
White House dealmaking, and Kweisi Mfume has won new power in the caucus.
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pet concessions (among them the
Pity the
1992, he found a shortcut to the
Earned Income Tax Credit and the
power loop. Foreseeing a Democratic
Mickey Leland Hunger Act). "They
Pickpockets!
Presidential victory, coupled with big
are a major force in the Congress,"
gains by black congressional candi-
Richard Gephardt, the House Major-
Tilley Endurables
dates, Mfume recognized that the
ity Leader, says of the caucus members.
Smart-looking. classically styled,
Congressional Black Caucus stood to
"They're good. They know what
comfortable. "endurable" travel
become a significant force in the new
they're doing, and they know what
clothing. SECRET pockets,
SECURITY pockets, and "Give
Washington. He campaigned hard for,
they want."
'em hell!" washing instructions.
and won, the position of caucus chair-
Mfume has spent much of the last
And, of course, the 'Tilley'-
man, and his calculations about the
the best outdoor hat in the world.
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Le Vieux Moulin
Mfume's gambit has since been am-
June and into July, Mfume haggled
ply validated, as on one evening last
with the White House over a Racial
offers organized bicycle and walking tours in the
beautiful Loire Valley from our charming French
May when President Clinton tracked
Justice Act, which would give convicted
country estate. For brochure, call Le Vieux Moulin
him down by telephone at a Baltimore
killers the right to appeal their death
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television studio and interrupted a tap-
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P.O. Box 4454, Vail, Colorado 81658
ing to tell him he planned to withdraw
of racial imbalance. Mfume, represent-
Lani Guinier's nomination as head of
ing the Black Caucus in backstage
the Justice Department's civil-rights di-
negotiations, insisted upon Clinton's
CHAPEL HILL, NORTH CAROLINA
vision. The President wanted political
endorsement of the racial-justice pro-
Retire to Fearrington, a Country Village full of bluebirds,
cover, but Mfume refused to give it.
vision; Clinton's emissaries, wanting to
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The two men argued back and forth for
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several minutes, with Clinton defending
that wouldn't alienate conservatives or
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contradict the President's own pro-
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27
death-penalty posture. No common
crime bill, it is plain that the Clinton
insistence that he be returned to office
ground was found, and finally an ex-
Administration's evolving Haiti policy
are, in fact, two of the only issues on
asperated Clinton decreed that the
is driven by domestic politics and that
which the caucus has been unanimous.
crime bill should move forward without
the caucus is a central factor therein.
Significantly, the Black Caucus has
the provision or risk being lost alto-
The Black Caucus's official position,
succeeded in framing the Haiti problem
gether. Mfume, however, refused to
adopted in a resolution last October,
as a social-justice issue, rather than as
play the good soldier, instead of quietly
calls for a "protective military force" to
a foreign-policy issue, thus giving
acceding to the President's decision, he
insure Aristide's return.
its position the weight of moral righ-
publicly scolded the White House for
From the moment of Aristide's re-
teousness. In a letter to President Clin-
its lack of "respect" and declared that
moval from office by the Haitian mili-
ton, for example, Representative Major
the majority of the caucus would op-
tary, in September of 1991, the caucus
Owens, of New York, likened the
pose the legislation, seriously endanger-
has made his return the "central focus"
President's situation to that of Abraham
ing the bill's chances.
Lincoln before the Eman-
That forced the White
cipation Proclamation,
House to scramble,
thereby equating the rein-
with Clinton aides lob-
stallation of Aristide to
bying the caucus in the
the freeing of American
hope of achieving one
slaves. This line is lent
of the Administration's
force by the very real dis-
trademark squeak-by
crepancy between Ameri-
victories.
can policy toward Haitian
Mfume says that
refugees (interdiction)
the caucus has "non-
and Cuban refugees (the
negotiable" demands
welcome mat); the Hai-
on health care and on
tian problem is, inevi-
the President's pro-
tably, a racial issue. "If
posed welfare reform
Haitians were not black,"
as well. But no issue
Mfume says, "we would
has been more associ-
not sit back and watch
ated with the Black
this murder occur."
Caucus than the Clinton
Mfume is a signal
Administration's policy
figure in politics today: a
on Haiti: The common
new kind of black leader,
perception in Wash-
arisen from outside the
ington that the United
civil-rights struggle, and a
States plans to return
new kind of politician,
exiled President Jean-
wired to a power source
Bertrand Aristide to
beyond the traditional
power through military
structures. "Power must
intervention, possibly as
take on the personifica-
early as this week, cred-
tion of leadership to be
its (or blames) the
precise and focussed," Jesse
Black Caucus for this
Jackson, whose own star
turn in American for-
Mfume has occasionally
eign policy. For the
Presidents Reagan and Bush could afford to ignore the Black Caucus.
eclipsed, says. "Kweisi em-
past few weeks, Mfume
President Clinton can't. Mfume calls it "the new arithmetic."
bodies that personifica-
has been a hot topic
tion. He's a well-studied,
on the political airwaves, from Rush
of its Haiti position, and has-along
smart, dedicated person, who has integ-
Limbaugh, who ridicules the influence
with Randall Robinson, the executive
rity and is fearless."
of the caucus, to John McLaughlin, who
director of the TransAfrica lobby-
referred to him as "General Mfume"
forced the issue to the top of Clinton's
and said he "is telling the Secretary of
T
HE Father's Day service this year at
foreign-policy agenda. (Mfume and the
St. Edward's Catholic Church in
Defense how to actually conduct the
caucus are said to have brokered the
west Baltimore was no greeting-card
invasion."
ending of Robinson's hunger strike
homage to dear Dad but, rather, a call
While it may be absurd to assert, as
with the Clinton Administration.) Even
to arms in a war for cultural survival.
Republican Senator Larry Pressler does,
before Aristide arrived in Washington
St. Edward's, like many African-American
KEN SCHLES/ONYX
that American Haiti policy is now "for-
with his government-in-exile, he had
congregations, calls the holiday Men's
eign policy by the Black Caucus," and
been visited in Venezuela by Mfume
Day, and uses it as an occasion to focus
that invasion is a quid pro quo for giv-
and New York Representative Charles
on the imperilment embedded in the
ing up the racial-justice provision of the
Rangel. Allegiance to Aristide and an
daily lives of young men in the black
28
THE NEW YORKER, AUGUST I, 1994
community and to rally its men to the
to a chorus of "Amen"s. "You're a man
is an amateur actor, knows the value of
challenge. Outside the church, hun-
when you know how to heal some-
a good script; in a political era that val-
dreds of men gathered in brutal heat;
body.
We must say, even from ex-
ues personal drama (e.g., "The Man
inside, seated in pews, women waited,
perience, brother, you're not a man if
from Hope"), he embraces his own nar-
cooling themselves with hand fans pro-
you can make a baby, you're a man
rative of redemption much as the
vided by a local funeral home. The men
when you learn how to raise a baby.
George Bush-Bob Dole generation did
made their entrance in an exhilarating
That's when you become a man." With
its war record. As Mfume tells the story
ceremony called the Procession of War-
this, Mfume jabbed at his chest with
(which he has contracted with a pub-
riors, led by a men's choir singing a
the forefingers of both hands, as if he
lisher to make into a book), Frizzell
martial hymn ("We are soldiers in the
were directing his message partly at
Gray, born in 1948, grew up in and
army. We've got to fight, although we
himself-and, indeed, the congregation
around Baltimore, first in the small
have to die"). Marching at the end of
knew that he was.
black enclave of Turner's Station, in the
the procession, in the place of honor,
Mfume speaks with particular au-
shadows of the smokestacks of Beth-
was Kweisi Mfume, the guest speaker.
thority on the subject of fathers and
lehem Steel, and then in the row-house
Mfume's appearances in his district
sons, of men struggling to do the right
neighborhoods of black west Baltimore.
are charged with a peculiar intensity,
thing for their children, and of the con-
He lived with his mother and three
such as accompanies visitations from
sequences when the struggle is aban-
younger stepsisters and an abusive step-
a close relative who has become a celeb-
doned. He was once known as Frizzellt
father, whom he loathed. His mother,
rity. His usual public posture is one
Gray, and was just another lost boy on
Mary Elizabeth, was a devout Roman
of studied sobriety, punctuated by nar-
the streets of Baltimore in the nineteen-
Catholic, who nurtured her son's talents
row-lidded eyes and a thin mustache
sixties. He dropped out of school and
and insisted that he make the most of
that lend him an almost austere aspect;
joined a gang, often barely escaping jail.
them. Frizzell was small for his age-he
but the old neighborhood has a loosen-
Along the way, he fathered five children
was nicknamed Pee-Wee by his fam-
ing effect. Before and after the Men's
with three women in the space of five
ily-and he is remembered as having
Day service, people up and down the
years. Now, as we drove away from the
been a serious, even a bookish child.
street greeted him in a very personal
church in his black Lincoln Mark VIII,
"Kweisi had the thirst for knowledge,"
way, with men exchanging elaborate
he told me that part of his mission was
Carl Swann, a lifelong friend, says. "He
ritual handshakes, and women embrac-
to show himself to the young men of
would come out and play, and then
ing him and whispering in his ear.
his old neighborhood as often as he
sometimes you wouldn't see him for
When he spoke in church, he began in
could. "My purpose," he said, "is to il-
weeks, and he'd be in the house reading
the quiet, measured, almost scholarly
luminate the possible."
and studying." When Frizzell was not
tones of his press conferences, until he
yet thirteen, his stepfather, who was a
reached the point of his homily, about
the meaning of manhood, and then he
IT is difficult to reconcile the smooth
truck driver, left home, and life took
Capitol Hill power broker in the
a distinctly Dickensian turn. Mary
became a preacher. "You're not a man
black Lincoln with the street hoodlum
Elizabeth found work as a maid, when
because you killed somebody," he said
named Frizzell Gray. But Mfume, who
she could get it, and the family lived a
hand-to-mouth existence in a series
of rented row houses, ever in antici-
NORWAY'S HOPE FOR GOLD IN '96:
pation of the next eviction. Then,
when Frizzell was sixteen, Mary
Elizabeth fell ill; over a period of
months, she grew weaker, and long,
late-night conversations that Frizzell
D
had cherished became more strained,
until one night, Mfume recalls, she
died in his arms. He rode to the
local hospital, and stayed by his
mother's side until a doctor told
him, "You know, your mother is
dead. She is not going to wake up."
Frizzell returned to a household
of which, he realized, he was now
the head. After a time, there was a
knock on the door, and Frizzell
opened it to see a man he'd known
all his life as Mr. Charles, a friend
of his mother's who had always
been especially kind to the boy. Mr.
15,000-METRE SALMON RELAY
Charles worked as a sometime chef,
and often brought food, either sto-
THE POLITICAL SCENE
29
len or left over, from work. Frizzell was
told him to avoid, and eventually he
a boy and had witnessed his descent and
happy to see Mr. Charles. "I couldn't
joined the neighborhood gang. His rite
his climb back, gave him a job at
think of anybody else that I would want
of passage was to follow a drunk man to
WEBB, a radio station of which he was
it to be," Mfume recalls. "I immediately
a side street and mug him; he was in-
general manager. WEBB was a popular
went to say, 'I'm sorry. Do you know
structed to do whatever was necessary,
black station, owned by the soul singer
d
that Mama died?' And he said, 'I al-
but not to return without the man's
James Brown, and Kwa, as Sears called
y
ready know.' And he just looked at me
wallet. "I had to come back with his
him, was thrilled to hold even a menial
and said, T'm your father.' I looked back
wallet, but I didn't want to hurt the
job there. He did errands for the city's
at him, and I wasn't shocked or aston-
man," he recalls. "I had no desire to hurt
star jocks, men with names like Fat
d
ished. I just almost felt like my mother
anybody in my life. So what I did was
Daddy Johnson and Big Al Jefferson.
was hugging me. I didn't know how he
to grab him, push him down to the
He was infatuated with the life and was
was my father, and I knew he would ex-
ground, rip his wallet out, and hope that
determined to make it on the air him-
plain, but I knew he didn't lie to mè.
he didn't jump at me. But
self. He sat for hours in
He came in and he threw his arm
he did. And I had to hit
front of a mirror, talking
around me, and we sat down on the
him." After that, the slide
into a recorder, working on
e
couch, and I was really crying then. And
was steep and fast, and
his diction and locution,
he said, Your mother never really had
Frizzell's life became an
perfecting a delivery that
a chance to tell you what I'm about to
endless round of cheap
his colleagues still marvel
tell you, but this is the rest of the story.'
wine and street-corner
at. Eventually, Sears gave
We sat there for hours, just talking, and
machismo, as he awaited
him his chance, letting him
he told me about how my mother and
a turn in jail, or something worse. His
read-the news during the week and serve
he had fallen in love, and that her fam-
friend Carl Swann, who is now an as-
as host of his own show on weekends.
ily didn't want her seeing him, because
sistant to the congressman, says, "He
He quickly developed a singular style,
g
he was running around-a real slick
was like any other city-raised young
eschewing boisterous jock rap and dance
guy, a dapper dresser, and a ladies' man
black man-he was in the struggle."
music in favor of cool dialogue and jazz.
and a numbers man. And how he had
But Frizzell Gray knew that if his
"Kweisi was a d.j. who was very pro-
developed a heroin habit, and he had let
life came to ruin he would be the cause,
gressive," Swann says. "He could handle
her down and they broke up, and she
and one night in the late sixties, after an
bebop, but bebop wasn't his whole
ultimately met my stepfather, who
epiphany that he still cannot explain, he
makeup. His thing was communica-
promised her security and everything
decided to walk away from the streets.
tion, the freedom of life. He spoke on
else, and who eventually adopted me."
"People thought I was crazy," Mfume
issues that concerned the people. He
a
The revelation may have been com-
recalls. "But that night I left that corner
was the man."
forting but was of little practical conse-
and prayed and asked for God's forgive-
Mfume's show, called "Ebony Re-\
quence, for Mr. Charles was either un-
ness and asked my mother to please for-
flections," was a hit, but James Brown
able or unwilling to accept responsibility
give me this one time for letting her
hated it. "Brown was saying, 'Well, Mr.
a
for his son. The family was broken up,
down. I had let her down-that was not
Sears, we've got to put somebody else in
with the girls going to live with their
the way I was raised. I said that if I had
on that slot,' Sears recalls. "I said, 'Yes,
grandmother, and young Frizzell mov-
just one more chance I would never,
sir, no problem.' We kept him hid for
ing in with two uncles. He quit school
ever again go back to that, and I would
two years. Every time Brown came into
the week he buried his mother.
try to find a way to atone for it. And
town, I'd tell Kwa to take the day off.
Mfume says that he took whatever
cried on the floor that night on my
He was too advanced for Brown, back
jobs he could get-shining shoes, work-
knees. I made a very real promise to
then—'69, '70. 'He's just too hard to
ing in a bread factory, and the like-be-
myself, to my mother, and to God that
dance to,' Brown said: 'I would stay
lieving that it was up to him to provide
night-that if I could just get to that
with soul music, whooping and hol-
for his sisters. As his aspirations shrank,
point and get one more chance I would
lering and getting down.' Kweisi's thing
his bitterness grew. "I was very bitter,
do everything I could do to make a
was smooth. Very smooth. Silky." Mfume
and I kept it inside of me," he says now.
difference."
considered an acting career, and even
"I couldn't understand why this God
went to New York for a time, but gave
is
that my mother thought was so divine
F
OR his new life, Frizzell Gray gave
up that idea. "It was a lot more involved
and worshipped just unrelentingly had
himself a new name. In a con-
than what he really had the time to do,"
come into our family in that way. I
summate act of self-reinvention, the fa-
Swann says. "They wanted him to pre-
mean, we had enough problems as it
therless child of the streets once known
pare himself, and he was on a much
a
was, because she was a single parent,
as Pee-Wee became Kweisi Mfume—
faster track."
and we moved from house to house—
"the conquering son of kings." He had
Mfume took classes and earned
it.was difficult for her, as a maid, to stay
to fight to get out of his gang: he was
a high-school equivalency degree in
on top of all the bills. Why, of all the
"banked," or jumped, by his former
1968. Soon after, he entered the Com-
people to take, would it be my mother?
companions regularly until they decided
munity College of Baltimore, and be-
And to split up my family like that
that he was a lost cause and left him
came a campus radical, joining the
Soon he was hanging around with the
alone. A man called Diamond Jim
Free South Africa movement and nur-
very street toughs that his mother had
Sears, who had known him since he was
turing his own Afrocentrism. Eventu-
30
THE NEW YORKER, AUGUST 1, 1994
ally, Mfume graduated magna cum
came up to the car and wanted to fight
approach was problematic. In 1978,
laude from Morgan State and earned a
me. That's how I met her."
wearing a dashiki and spouting slogans,
master's degree in liberal arts from
However, the woman verified much
he stormed into the Baltimore City
Johns Hopkins.
of the rest of Mfume's account ("Look-
Council chamber, hurled himself into
Along the way, he discovered
ing back, I realize he was a true hood-
the seat of one of the community's el-
women: His mentor Diamond Jim
lum in the beginning"), including his
der statesmen, Dr. Emerson Julian, and
Sears wasn't surprised. "Any disk jockey
sudden and mysterious turnaround,
declared, "This seat will be mine!" A
that's been on the air, women, you un-
which she attributes to his mother's
few months later, Dr. Julian died, and
derstand, have a tendency to flock to
lasting influence. She said that Mfume
Mfume decided to run for his seat, de-
thim," he says. Mfume's attraction had
did eventually help to support her boys,
spite having no support from the local
consequences, and by the time he was
at her prodding ("I used to give him the
Democratic Party bosses. An influential
twenty-two he was the father of five
blues—I stayed on his case, and, finally,
Baltimore businessman advised him to
boys. "I don't know if I found sex or if
he did"), and that when he had time he
tone down and dress up-advice he
sex found me, but every time I did it, it
spent weekends with Donald and
took seriously. With the help of a core
seems as if someone was pregnant,"
Ronald. "His time was pretty much not
group of supporters, mostly college
Mfume told me. "It was a harrowing
there," Donald, who is a finance major
friends, he mounted an underdog cam-
experience." He did not marry any of
at Howard University, says. "But on the
paign. His campaign theme was "Beat
the women who bore his sons, but on
weekends we'd always go to the park or
the Bosses," and he won by just three
learning of each pregnancy he went to
a baseball game or somewhere, just go
votes ("the Father, the Son, and the
the girl's parents and promised that he
down to the harbor or just cruise around
Holy Ghost," Swann says): In office,
would do his part, he says. The women
town." When the boys were growing
Mfume was inclined at first to maintain
eventually married ("They are all good
up, Mfume wanted them to meet his
his outsider's posture, fighting fero-
women," he says), and he says he con-
father, their grandfather-an endeavor
ciously with the mayor, William D.
tinued to help to support his sons-
complicated by the fact that the old
Schaefer, and with fellow-councilmen-
Ronald, Donald, Kevin, Keith, and
man was frequently in jail. One day,
an approach that broadened his public
Michael, who are now in their twenties.
Mfume told his boys that they were go-
identity but hampered his effectiveness.
("One of the reasons I was so glad to
ing to visit their grandfather "at work,"
He eventually mastered the concept of
get this job," he says of his 1986 elec-
and they went to the county jail. It
consensus, and became an accomplished
tion to Congress, "is that for the first
proved an awkward experience. "He
politican, ready in his mind, at least, to
time in my life I didn't have to hold
didn't know I was bringing them, so
run for the congressional seat vacated in
down two jobs.")
when he came in and sat down at the
1986 by Parren Mitchell.
An advantage of deriving one's own
table across from us he started crying,"
Baltimore has a rich tradition of
story from street lore is that some facts
Mfume says. "He'd just had pictures of
energetic black politics, dominated in
are less easily found than, say, one's
them up until that point. Then my kids
recent history by the Mitchell family-
school record; and here, at least,
said, Why is he crying on the job?''
particularly the late Clarence Mitchell,
Mfume's version seems to have under-
In his office, Mfume proudly dis-
Jr., a longtime lobbyist for the National
gone certain revisions. When I asked
plays a photograph of his sons with
Association for the Advancement of
Mfume's first serious girlfriend-the
him, and notes that all five have either
Colored People, and his brother Parren.
mother of Donald and Ronald-
gone to college or have entered the
In 1986, the anointed Democratic can-
whether Mfume had paid
armed forces. (There have
didate was Clarence Mitchell III, then a
her child support, my query
been rough spots, though,
state legislator, and Mfume found him-
was greeted with incredu-
including the arrest in At-
self once again fighting the bosses. It was
lous laughter, of consider-
lanta two weeks ago of
a difficult primary campaign, and it de-
able duration. "I don't re-
Michael Mfume on a rape
generated into an ugly one. Mfume had
member it that way," she
charge. Michael, who is
six Democratic opponents besides Mitchell,
said at last. As she tells it,
twenty-four and makes mu-
and one of them was a mentor-his col-
both times she became pregnant by
sic videos, was reared mostly by his ma-
lege political-science professor, Augustus
Mfume, her parents strongly urged
ternal grandmother, because of persis-
Adair. But the worst moment came af-
matrimony. "But he said no. My
tent disagreements with his mother,
ter Mfume won the nomination, when
mother said, 'You're going to,' and he
according to the mother of Donald and
his Republican opponent publicly re-
said, 'Oh, no I'm not, either.' And I
Ronald Mfume. Michael denies the
vealed the fact that Mfume was the fa-
think that's when it really started being
charge; he was freed last week on thirty-
ther of five boys born out of wedlock.
rocky." She offered the additional infor-
five thousand dollars' bail. His father
"He pulled all of us over to the side and
mation that Mfume had been briefly
said in a statement, "No parent ever
pretty much let us know what was hap-
married, and that her relationship with
wants to get the dreaded call that their
pening," Donald, who was in high school
him ended when she met one of his
son or daughter. has been charged with
at the time, recalls. "In politics, your life
other girlfriends. "You know how men
violating the law," and expressed confi-
is an open book. It didn't really affect
are," she said. "He had told me one
dence that Michael was innocent.)
me much. Well, it did in that I had
thing and his best friend had told me
Mfume's radio show and his campus
people coming up to me and asking me
another thing, and I met her when she
activities drew him into politics, but his
things-all different kinds of people."
THE POLITICAL SCENE
31
The details of Mfume's private life
did not harm his candidacy, however.
"A Thousand Concerts Ago,
He won the election, and in 1987 he
went to Washington as District Seven's
I Had Cancer."
congressman.
Mfume now lives in a brick colonial
"I guess you could say the violin is my life. And that playing with the Baltimore
Symphony Orchestra is a dream come true. So when my life-my dream-was
house in a Baltimore suburb. He has
threatened by breast cancer, I set out to attack it with the same intensity I bring to
box seats behind third base at Camden
my music. I searched for a hospital with a
Yards. He wears tasselled loafers with
more human environment, someplace open
double-breasted suits and mono-
to new ways of treating cancer. Like frac-
grammed shirts with French cuffs. And,
tionated-dose chemotherapy, in my case.
according to those who seem to know,
The benefits without the discomfort.
he is considered something of a Wash-
Someplace that believed in treating the
ington heartthrob; the conservative po-
whole person, not just the cancer. That used
nutrition to strengthen the immune system,
litical commentator Mary Matalin ranks
and encouraged patients to get personally
him as one of the ten most attractive
involved. Someplace that could give me the
men in the capital. One of Mfume's
Julie Parcells, Cancer Patient
stamina to keep playing. I found Cancer
friends, the actress and writer Anna
Treatment Centers of America.ᵀM They did the rest. And for the last five years, every
Deavere Smith, laughs when she tells of
check-up has been the same. 'No sign of cancer.' Needless to say, I've treasured
a recent evening she spent with him in
every concert since. A thousand times over."
New York. She had been nominated for
To speak to an oncology information specialist, or receive literature by mail,
two Tony Awards for her show about
please call 1-800-234-9083.
race in America, "Twilight: Los Ange-
les, 1992," and Mfume escorted her to
the awards ceremony. "He is charis-
matic-there is no doubt about that,"
CANCER
TREATMENT
CENTERS'
she says. "People just come to him, all
AMERICA
kinds of people. They just come right to
Call 1-800-234-9083
him. We were leaving Sardi's, and I was
The effectiveness of any program depends on a variety of factors and differs from patient to patient.
getting into the car and he was follow-
ing me, and somebody came running
after him looking forman autograph. And
he said, 'No, no, you want her.' And
NEW YORKER.
THE
Asunny
this person said, 'No. I know you.
masterpiece
You're who I want."
silk screened
Such scenes are fairly common. A
with
few weeks ago, while awaiting Mfume's
arrival at another black-tie awards din-
New yorker
ner, I asked one of the hostesses of the
NEW
cartoonist
event several times whether the con-
gressman had arrived. Finally, she an-
George Booth's
swered me by saying, "Has my heart
started fluttering yet? When it does—
other women-you'll know he's here."
your Call Toll free:
signature dogs
mine and those of about thirty-five
and cats.
NEW
IN the past, selection of the Black Cau-
cus chairman had always been a
YORKER
be
1-800-336-5510 or
sendorder to:
matter of pro-forma "elections," but in
1992, with the "new arithmetic," came
Smile resistant
New yorker Wear
the first true contest for the position.
Let
a
36" span
p.o. Box 10214
Mfume announced his candidacy
Des Moines, IA 50336
early-in July of that year-and he was
672162
challenged by Craig Washington, of
red
yellow umbrellas
Houston. Although the caucus vote,
Name
112003
112011
that December, was surprisingly one-
@$34.95each$
sided-27-9 in favor of Mfume-the
Address
UPS will not deliver to P.O. Box use street address.
sales tax $
chairman has since been learning the
lesson that the Black Caucus is not a
City
shipping@$495/eachs
monolith and that his victory was a
State&Zip
check or money order total $
Include sales tax in CA. CO. GA. IA, IL. KY, MA, MI, NJ, NY, OH. Please allow 4.6 weeks delivery. U.S only, 9 1992 The New Yorker & G Booth
32
THE NEW YORKER, AUGUST I, 1994
hedged mandate. In recent years, as more
says, "but I did want to make it have a
cred covenant with the N.A.A.C.P. to
blacks have entered Congress from out-
greater degree of credibility among the
work for real and meaningful change,
side the traditional urban-center base,
mass of people."
will enter into the same covenant with
the caucus has become dramatically
His boldest move in that direction,
the Nation of Islam-" Mfume in-
more diverse, making unanimity rare.
however, was seen by many as a spec-
tended to continue down a list of other
For example, Mike Espy (now the Sec-
tacular leap off the deep end-his an-
black organizations, but, at the mention
retary of Agriculture) was elected to
nouncement of a "sacred covenant" be-
of the Nation, enthusiasts stood and
Congress from Mississippi with a
tween the caucus and the Nation of
cheered wildly, effectively putting an ex-
significant percentage of white votes,
Islam's Louis Farrakhan. The incident
clamation mark on Mfume's new "cov-
and his relatively conservative positions
occurred at last year's Legislative Con-
enant" with Farrakhan.
(he was a member of the National
ference, a five-day affair attended by the
Mfume's remarks, already controver-
Rifle Association, for example) re-
civil-rights, show-business, and political
sial, became more so when, within
flected that. Many of the senior mem-
black establishment, and by President
weeks, Farrakhan's former "national as-
bers of the Black Caucus hold key
Clinton as well. It was a showcase mo-
sistant," Khalid Abdul Muhammad,
committee chairmanships and thus de-
ment for Mfume, his first Legislative
gave a speech at Kean College, New
rive their power from the institution,
Conference as chairman, and events
Jersey, slandering homosexuals, Jews,
rather than from membership in any
dictated high drama. The civil-rights
Catholics, and the Pope. Jewish groups
group; a Charles Rangel or a Louis
leadership was convulsed with anxiety
demanded that black leaders, including
Stokes yields to no dictate. "The whole
over Farrakhan, whose Nation of Islam
Mfume, denounce Farrakhan and the
notion of having a caucus position on
newspaper had been thundering against
Nation, and within the caucus, which
any one issue is, at best, a tenuous
its members-Jesse Jackson and the ex-
relies for some of its funding on key
thing, and Mfume has to work
ecutive director of the N.A.A.C.P.,
Jewish benefactors, the whole matter
through that," Ronald Walters, the
Benjamin Chavis, Jr., in particular-for
stirred up a tempest; some members, in-
chairman of the Political Science De-
having excluded Farrakhan from the
cluding Representative Owens, made
partment at Howard University and an
thirtieth-anniversary celebration of
clear their feeling that Mfume had no
unofficial Black Caucus insider, says.
Martin Luther King, Jr.,'s march on
right to freelance in the name of the
The caucus vote on NAFTA was di-
Washington. The Black Caucus invited
group. But Mfume stood firm. He
vided, and Mfume has had to work at
Farrakhan and other nontraditional
never repudiated Farrakhan, and,
building consensus positions and im-
black leaders (including some gang
though he issued a public statement
posing the discipline necessary to give
members) to the conference, to partici-
saying that the Black Caucus had no
meaning to their numbers, In doing so,
pate in various discussions on race rela-
"official" tie to the Nation, he repeated
he has had to overcome the resistance
tions. The common ground was a per-
his intention of working with Farrakhan
of such Clinton loyalists as Represen-
ceived need for unity, so that black
on issues of mutual interest, such as the
tative John Lewis, of Georgia, a Chief
leaders could attack the problems of
Nation's stop-the-violence and self-help
Deputy Majority Whip, and Represen-
violence and drugs and other social ma-
campaigns. Mfume told me he regrets
tative William Jefferson, of Louisiana,
lignancies rather than each other.
that the Nation's agenda has been ob-
both of whom normally oppose any
Chavis and Farrakhan patched things
scured by charges of "alleged" anti-
caucus direction that runs counter to
up, and, in a gesture meant to insert the
Semitism. "The problem is that the
the Administration's interest.
caucus into the mixture, Mfume in-
anti-Semitic rhetoric, whether real or
Mfume has consciously sought to
cluded in his closing address (without
imagined, does not allow for the
gain for the caucus (and thus for him-
having consulted the caucus) a vow to
broader message to reach beyond the
self) a public identity in the African-
work with all black leaders toward
black community," he said. "Whether
American universe such as was usually
achieving shared goals. "We want the
real or imagined, it has certainly created
reserved for the major civil-rights orga-
word to go forward today to friend and
a barrier." Mfume knows very well that
nizations and their leaders. When the
foe alike that the Congressional Black
there is nothing "imagined" about
caucus was founded, in 1970, it reflected
Caucus, after having entered into a sa-
Farrakhan's or Muhammad's incendiary
a black-nationalist ethos, but in the
remarks, but he also knows that the
mid-seventies it moved sharply to a
connection the Nation of Islam has in
more traditional legislative agenda. That
the black community, especially among
"old Black Caucus," as Mfume calls it,
young men, is powerful and in many
was barely known outside Washington,
respects beneficial. In that perspective,
except to the national black élite who
for all the outrage prompted inside
attended its annual Legislative Confer-
the Beltway and on the op-ed pages by
ence, which was considered the premier
Mfume's "sacred covenant," the con-
bash on the African-American social
troversy may well be a net plus for the
calendar. Mfume has literally taken the
Black Caucus, and, of course, for
caucus outside the Beltway, to conduct
Mfume.
conferences in Los Angeles, Chicago,
Mfume says that his other mission as
and Miami. "I didn't want to take the
caucus chairman has been to give the
organization off the deep end," Mfume
group a new identity within Congress,
4
THE POLITICAL SCENE
33
and particularly in the
eyes of the Demo-
cratic House leader-
ship, which he says
SOUVENIRS
has long taken the
caucus for granted. "It
d
was a relationship
that I thought was
akin to feudalism," he
savs. "I thought that
the caucus was like
serfs, and that the
leadership was the
lords. And as long
LAST
N
as you did what the
CHANCE
lords said, you could
TO
SEE
s
stay on their land and
The
g
you'd be O.K. But
SHROUD
OF
the minute you didn't
TURIN
you were in big trou-
ble. You might even
er
beheaded." When
the new Congress con-
vened, Mfume says, he
talked to the House
Speaker, Thomas Foley,
e
about his expectations for the caucus. "I
meeting in the Speaker's room and said,
but he knew that it had changed. So he
remember saying to the Speaker, "This
"If there is ever going to be a defining
pulled back, withdrew. He went out on
process is not a spectator sport. If I
moment, it has to be now." The mem-
the floor, and they withdrew the rule."
wanted that, I could go to Camden
bers agreed, and Mfume went out to
Foley now holds regular monthly
d
Yards. We don't want to be in box
the floor of the House and declared that
meetings with the executive committee
seats, we want to be on the field, in the
the Black Caucus would not support the
of the Black Caucus-except, Mfume
game, and making the plays. Not that
line-item veto-a move that effectively
says, "for times when we just had too
we want to run the team-we just want
killed its chances. Mfume delights in
much to do, and thanked him for being
to be on the field.' And he said, 'Sure,
the memory. "Some of the people
ready to see us." In late June, when
I understand." But within only a few
around me didn't hear me at first, and
health-care measures were finally begin-
weeks the caucus's relationship with the
people who did started whispering to
ning to move through several key com-
House leadership was put to the test,
them, and whoever was in the chair at
mittees, Mfume declared that the cau-
when Foley tried to deliver to President
the time didn't know what to do, and
cus wanted several features that it
Clinton the power to exercise a line-
the parliamentarian was saying, 'Hold
considered "nonnegotiable"-including
item veto-to delete parts of a bill with-
up, hold up, don't call for the vote.' The
a definable universal coverage. This de-
out killing the entire measure-which
Speaker rushed out on the floor. He was
velopment occurred at just the moment
Democrats had for twelve years denied
a little red-faced, and they huddled
when the White House and key Demo-
at
to Presidents Reagan and Bush. The
there at the well for a long time, and the
cratic congressional leaders seemed
it
line-item veto is a sensitive issue for
Speaker immediately wanted to meet
ready to soften their position on univer-
many black representatives, who, as
with me and with other members of the
sal coverage (to the point, Mfume
e
state legislators, saw it exercised by gov-
caucus. So we met, and we said, 'Look,
thought, of gutting reform) in the hope
ernors in ways that had the effect of
this is not about showboating. And it's
of getting some legislation passed. The
hurting the black community. But Foley
certainly not a grandstand. We just can't
caucus may yet prove an unexpected
and the House leadership pushed ahead
operate this way. We have real problems
complication in the already fragile sys-
e,
with the measure without consulting the
with the measure.' And the Speaker
tem of coalitions needed to achieve
Black Caucus.
said, 'God, if we do this, the Republi-
health-care legislation this year.
"I said to the Speaker and to others
cans are going to see this as a crack in
As in its dealings with the Demo-
-
that this is a problem for my members
our ranks, and we have to hang to-
cratic leadership, the Black Caucus
e
and for me," Mfume says. "It didn't
gether. This is the wrong issue to make
under Mfume has been insistent upon
mean anything to them, because, con-
your point on.' But when the Speaker
prior consultation with the White
ceptually, it was the former Black Cau-
realized that his arguments were not
House. Presidents Reagan and Bush
as
cus." Just minutes before a procedural
catching hold I think he kind of under-
could safely ignore the caucus, which
vote on the measure was to be taken,
stood that this was not the old Black
was not their constituency. It is Clin-
Mfume called an impromptu caucus
Caucus. He didn't know what it was,
ton's constituency, however, and the re-
THE NEW YORKER, AUGUST 1994
lationship began unhappily, with the
and violence. Lawrence Pezzullo, who
through "a unilateral action, a surgical
President's decision to hold to the Bush
at the time was Clinton's special envoy
action, with the eventual participation
policy on Haiti and, especially, with his
to Haiti, and his team called this a "du-
of several countries in the region so as
bailout on Lani Guinier, which the
rable scenario," and it depended upon
to give it a certain legitimacy." The
caucus viewed as an unforgivably cra-
persuading Aristide to agree that, once
diplomat's assessment of American
ven act. When the White House told
returned, he would broaden democracy
policy mirrored Kweisi Mfume's recom-
reporters after the Guinier-nomination
by accepting the idea of government by
mendation- that the United States con-
withdrawal that Clinton would be
consensus. That meant giving some
sider "surgical air strikes to at least send
meeting with the Black Caucus to
voice to his opposition, and Aristide
a message to the military."
discuss a new nominee, Mfume an-
and his followers here rejected that idea,
According to notes from a meeting
nounced that the caucus would not be
according to Pezzullo. The initial
attended by Caputo and the Secretary-
there. A second meeting was planned
Clinton policy was thus essentially a
General, the Clinton Administration's
and was also postponed. "I
continuation of the Bush
recent decision to abandon efforts to
deliberately refused to meet
policy-imposing sanctions,
force Aristide into a consensus mode
with the President," Mfume
turning back refugees, pas-
and to end negotiations with the Hai-
says. "There was one, maybe
sively supporting the return
tian military "acted as a brake to a dip-
two, who said, 'Well, it's the
of Aristide.
lomatic solution, creating a situation
President. If the President
On March 18th of this
where the intervention became nearly
calls, we can't say no.' I said,
year, the Black Caucus sent a
inevitable." The new Clinton Haiti
'We don't have anything to
letter to President Clinton
policy halted the summary turning back
meet about. Wounds take.
that began, "The United
of refugees, sought safe havens for
time to heal. This is a big wound, and
States' Haiti policy must be scrapped."
them, drastically tightened sanctions,
we're not going to meet with the Presi-
The letter was signed by all forty mem-
and stopped commercial air traffic to
dent.' I had to say that a couple of times
bers of the caucus (including the sole
and from Haiti-all actions urged by
on network television in order to crys-
Republican-Gary Franks, of Con-
the Black Caucus.
tallize the fact that we weren't going,
necticut). Within weeks, Pezzullo was
With invasion, if it comes, the will of
and to kind of lock my membership
fired, and was replaced by a former
the caucus will have been done. What
into that position."
chairman of the Black Caucus, William
happens then? In his letter Major
The caucus develops its own posi-
Gray, who was then a representative
Owens assured Clinton that interven-
tions on almost all major issues, not just
from Pennsylvania. Before accepting the
tion would last only "a few months" and
"black issues," and reporters have got
post, Gray telephoned Mfume and said
that "human casualties" would "be neg-
into the habit of attending Mfume's
that he would not accept the position
ligible." Pezzullo, who is openly bitter
regular press conferences whenever an
without caucus support. "I reminded
about these developments, says that in-
important new White House initiative
him that although he was gone, he was
tervention "would be a disaster," ex-
is announced-partly because the Black
still a member, and this was just like
plaining, "You have no institutions, you
Caucus can be relied upon to disagree
having one of us in that position,"
have nothing resembling solid ground
with all or part of any given Adminis-
Mfume says. Mfume and several other
you can put your feet on
The Black
tration policy. In June, when the White
caucus members kept the heat on
Caucus is going to pay a terrible price
House sent its long-awaited welfare-
Clinton through the spring by protest-
here
They have assumed completely
reform proposal to Congress, Mfume
ing outside the White House and
the Aristide line. They're not even ques-
followed the Republicans into the press
openly ridiculing the President's foreign-
tioning it. And they're pressuring their
gallery to criticize it. He said that the
policy acumen. "There's some bad judg-
own government to pursue the Aristide
caucus could not support welfare reform
ment at work in the White House by
line, and, indeed, their government is
that took funding away from existing
people who don't understand history,"
pursuing the Aristide line
But, you
social programs, and blasted the White
Major Owens said of Clinton's foreign-
see, the problem is, this will not work.
House for not including the Black Cau-
policy team.
If we invade-which is very likely, not
cus in the formulation of its policy. "It
In late May, Dante Caputo, a special
because the President will have the
is a mistake that should not continue to
United Nations representative to Haiti,
stomach for it but because he's going to
be repeated," he said. "This isn't any
wrote a memo to Boutros Boutros-
find himself with no option but to in-
way to run a railroad."
Ghali, the United Nations Secretary-
vade-then the costs will come."
General, outlining his view of American
An underlying doubt about the vi-
D
URING 1993, the aim of United
intentions regarding Haiti. On the ba-
ability of an invasion resides in Aristide
States policy on Haiti was basi-
sis of discussions with Strobe Talbott
himself. His class-war rhetoric and al-
cally twofold: to restore democracy (and
and other foreign-policy advisers close
leged condoning of violence (including
thus Aristide, who had won Haiti's
to President Clinton, Caputo con-
the practice of "necklacing," by which
democratic national election with al-
cluded, "The U.S. administration con-
victims are bound inside gasoline-
most seventy per cent of the vote) and
siders that an invasion of Haiti is its
soaked tires and burned alive) has sug-
to do so in a manner that would last—
best option." The military intervention,
gested to some observers that he may
a considerable undertaking, given
Caputo wrote, would return Haiti's
not be the romantic democratic figure
Haiti's political culture of corruption
ousted President Aristide to power
his reputation in exile holds him to be,
THE POLITICAL SCENE
35
and that his return will not resolve
TWENTY YEARS AFTER FEAR OF FLYING
Haiti's instability.
Mfume discounts these concerns. He
has met often with Aristide, he says,
and during the exiled leader's time in
ERICA
America he has learned moderation to-
ward his opposition. "He has been tem-
pered, in the last couple of years follow-
ing the coup, with a greater realization
that democracy must be broad enough
JONG
to tolerate dissent, and at the same time
talks candidly,
photo Christophe von Hohenberg
be careful enough in guarding against
something such as an overthrow,"
intimately, outrageously
Mfume told me.
about what she's found
FUME'S House seat is safe, but he
on turning fifty
M
and what's in store
ERICA
is probably several years away
from the chairmanship of a standing
for spirited women
committee, and it is by no means certain
like herself.
JONG
that his caucus tenure has enhanced his
chances for a place in the Party leader-
"This is the best book about being
A MIDLIFE MEMOIR
ship. On the contrary, when Speaker
a woman I have read in years, and
Foley chose the Democrats' four deputy
it's one of the best stories I have
whips, the slot more or less reserved for
ever read In telling her own story,
FEAR
a black member went to John Lewis,
Erica Jong speaks for all of us in her
OF
most important book to date."
who entered Congress with Mfume. A
-Susan Cheever
Senate run is unlikely soon, because
FIFTY
both Maryland senators are Democrats.
HarperCollinsPublisbers
Still, it is difficult to imagine Mfume,
Also available from Collins Canadal
A Selection of the Literary Guild* and Doubleday Book Club
accustomed now to the light, returning
comfortably to the relative obscurity of
a middle-level congressman. His ambi-
tion runs deep and swift; family and
friends say that he covets a higher sta-
tion in Congress and that he has dis-
THE PERFECT ARRANGEMENT.
cussed an eventual try for the Speaker-
THE DINING TABLE AND CHAIRS.
ship, or perhaps statewide office.
DANISH INFLUENCE, THOS MOSER CRAFTSMANSHIP.
As it has turned out, Mfume guessed
right about the role the Black Caucus
would hold in this congressional term
THOS. MOSER
under this President. By the end of last
CABINETMAKERS
week, the caucus was holding emer-
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ney General Janet Reno and the White
PORTLAND NEW YORK. PHILADELPHIA EXANDRIA. SAN FRANCISCO
House chief of staff, Leon Panetta, in
the hope of getting what Mfume called
"a win" for the caucus despite Clinton's
reluctance. The matter of a Haitian in-
vasion, meanwhile, seemed increasingly
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replied, "It will say that the new Con-
gressional Black Caucus is now able to
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2/20
ROUTING SLIP
DATE: 2,1,96
FROM:
Stephanie Streett and Anne Walley
Deputy Assistants to the President and Directors of Scheduling
SUBJECT: Swearing in of Congressman Kweisi Mfume as new NAACP President of
Don Baer
Mack McLarty
Erskine Bowles
Leon Panetta
Peg Cusack
Jack Quinn
Rahm Emanuel
Carol Rasco
Jack Gibbons
Paige Reffe
Laura Graham
Patti Solis
Pat Griffin
Doug Sosnik
Marcia Hale
Speechwriting
Alexis Herman
G. Stephanopoulos
Nancy Hernreich
Todd Stern.
Kitty Higgins
Ann Stock
Harold Ickes
Kim Tilley
Jennifer Jose
Jodie Torkelson
Ron Klain
Laura Tyson
Anthony Lake
Melanne Verveer
Bruce Lindsey
Maggie Williams
Mike McCurry
FILE: Accept 2/20/96
COMMENTS: Per SS and AWon 2/1/96
SCHEDULING PROPOSAL
02/07/96
1/30/96
ACCEPT
REGRET
PENDING
TO:
Stephanie Street
Deputy Assistant to the President & Director
of Scheduling
Anne Walley
Deputy Assistant to the President & Director
of Scheduling
FROM:
Douglas B. Sosnik
Assistant to the President & Director
of Political Affairs
Alexis Herman
Assistant to the President & Director
of Public Liaison
REQUEST:
For the President to attend the swearing in of
Congressman Kweisi Mfume as the new President of the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People (NAACP).
PURPOSE:
February is Black History Month and the President's
attendance at the NAACP event will allow him the
opportunity to build on his relationship with the African
American community.
BACKGROUND:
The NAACP is the nation's oldest and largest civil rights
organization. Mfume's swearing in will have in
attendance more than 200 of the nation's most prominent
African American and civil rights leaders.
DATE & TIME:
February 20, 1996; 11:00-12:30.
DURATION:
1 hour.
LOCATION:
Washington, D.C.; The Department of Justice Great
Hall.
PARTICIPANTS:
The President; Congressman Kweisi Mfume; 200
prominent African American and civil rights leaders.
REMARKS REQUIRED:
To be provided.
RECOMMENDED BY:
Doug Sosnik.
CONTACT:
Doug Sosnik or Eric Eve.
ORIGIN OF REQUEST:
Request to Doug Sosnik by Congressman Mfume.
THE WHITE HOUSE hope you
Welcame to wash + refrain from
WASHINGTON
nasty name Calling so common here
old hope during the course
of your meetings, name of
you throw around vacious
words like moderate, minstream
or open to compromise
NAAC changed A The
SOTU Community
reinspire from gout to community
Bol Putnam - 1909-mary orge
founded same year -
603-532-8929
Robert Putnam
Bawling alone
February 15, 1996
MEMORANDUM TO SPEECHWRITERS
FROM:
GABRIELLE
I will be out of the office for the next couple days and will return mid-day Wednesday. I
can probably be tracked down by calling 603-644-1996, although I will be moving around a
lot.
I've attached the schedule for the next week, as far as I know it. I will deal with logistics
for the trip to California on Wednesday, but if you need anything before hand, Nicole Elkon
will be holding trip meetings at 3 pm every day in Room 188.
FROM : THE CARAWAY GROUP, INC.
PHONE NO. : 202 797 8728
Feb. 16 1996 01:32PM P2
FEB-15-1996 12:28
KBM RENTALS
P.01
DIRECTMENT THE FOR
ASSOCIATION
10
NAACP
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE
DEIG
1809
COLORED
4805 MY. ROPE DRIVE
BALTIMORE MD 21215-3297
(410) 358-8900
PEOPLE
NAACP AN OVERVIEW OF OUR HISTORIC MISSION
MYRLIE LIAMS
ORIGINS
Chair. Board
On February 9, 1909 on the 100th anniversary of Abraham Lincoln's birthday, sixty prominent
black and white citizens issued The Call" for a national conference in New York City to renew "the
struggle for civil and political liberty", A distinguished group of black leaders added their voice to the
movement. Principal among these were W.E.B. DuBois, who was to serve as the sage of black
professionals to form the Niagara Movement which drew up an agenda for aggressive action not
unlike the group he now joined, Also involved was Ida Wells-Barnett, a young journalist, whose
eloquent editorials focused national attention on the epidemic of lynchings. Participants at the
conference agreed to work toward the abolition of forced segregation, promotion of equal education
and civil rights under the protection of law, and an end to race violence. In 1911, that organization
was incorporated as the Association for the Advancement of Colored People - The NAACP.
Working Through The Courts
The distinctive strategic emphasis of the NAACP- ending discrimination through legal action-
evolved during its first twenty years. By assuming the legal challenges that were required to gain full
citizenship for blacks, the Association became a formidable force for change in its early years First
in Guinn V. United States, the Supreme Court in 1910 struck down the grandfather clauses of state
constitutions as an unconstitutional barrier to voting rights under the Fifteenth Amendment. In 1917,
the Court declared as unconstitutional a Louisville ordinance that required blacks to live in certain
sections of the city, thus challenging residential segregation through city ordinances. Court
decisions to follow, initiated through NAACP lawsuits, nullified the restrictive covenants - a claus
in real estate deeds that pledged a white buyer never to sell property to blacks. And in 1923, the
court declared that exclusion of blacks from 3 jury was inconsistent with the right to a fair trial.
Thus, in just a few years, formidable obstacles to black voting, integregated communities and
intergrated juries had been removed through concerted legal action. The Association then widened
its scope and faced the next barrier to equal rights and then the next. Case precedents were
established. The process was slow and evolutionary, but as history has demonstrated it was the only
way to win full constitutional guarantees for the rights of minorities.
A VOICE FOR CHANGE OVER THE YEARS
For S6 years, the NAACP through political pressure, marches, demonstrations and effective
lobbying - has served as the voice, as well as as the shield of minority Americans. As the nation's
largest advocacy organization, our prolonged agitation for peaceful change has been felt in every
corner of American life.
Born in response to racial violence, the Association's first major campaign was the effort to get the
anti-lynching laws on the books. In 1919, to awaken the national conscience, the Association
published an exhaustive review of lynching records entitled, Thirty Years of Lynching In The
5
FROM : THE CARAWAY GROUP, INC.
PHONE NO. : 202 797 8728
Feb. 16 1996 01:33PM P3
FEB-15-1996 12:29
KBM RENTALS
P.02
- 2
United States, 1889-1918. NAACP leaders, at potential risk to their own lives, conducted first-hand
investigation of racially motivated violence which widely publicized.
Though bills succeeded in passing the House of Representatives several times, they were
always defeated in the Senate. Nonetheless, NAACP efforts brought an end to the excesses of mob
violence through public exposure and the public pressure it mobilized
In the 1930's, as lynchings declined, the NAACP shifted its focus from racial brutality to the
grim economic conditions produced by the Great Depression. The Association lobbied flercely
against racial discrimination in New Deal Programs. Only the imminent threat of a National March
on Washington led to FDR's Executive Order to create a Fair Employment Practices Committee
and to ban racial discrimination in industries which received federal contracts. The door to new
employment opportunities had opened slightly.
As the nation threw itself into World War II, the NAACP launched :. "second war" to end
discrimination and segregation in the Armed Services, while expanding employment opportunties on
the home front. Though unable to obtain the creation of racially mixed voluntary units, the NAACP
affected formation of the nation's first black air force units. It was not until 1948 that President
Truman issued an Executive Order prohibiting racial discrimination in the federal service. Through
the Association's sustained pressure, the desegregation of the armed forces had become inevitable.
While Brown V. Board of Education proved the end of a long struggle, it also marked the
beginning of a new one. Despite attempts to outlaw the NAACP throughout the south, the
Association pressed ahead with voter registration, sit-in demonstrations (The NAACP Youth Council
in Oklahoma City pioneered the tactic in 1958), and grassroots protests of injustice. One memorable
example took place in Alabama in 1955. NAACP Montgomery Branch Secretary Rosa Parks refused
to give up her seat on a bus to a white man. This defiant act triggered the Montgomery Bus Boycott,
and another chapter in the civil rights struggle.
The NAACP's creation of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights a coalition of civil
rights organizations - institutionalized broad-based support for the struggle and was crucial to the
Association's drive to win passage of civil rights legislation in Congress. It began with the 1957 Civil
Rights Act - the first since Reconstruction. Subsequently, the NAACP-led coalition produced the
Civil Rights Act laws which ensured government protection for legal victories going back some 75
years. In one decade, a non-violent social revolution had transformed American Society.
The NAACP wrought other changes through public pressure and raised consciousness. We
have long fought to end the racial stereotypes that create misunderstanding and prejudice. We have
worked to change attitudes, laws, and hate and separatism, seeking to bind old wounds and unify our
nation. Today, after more than 80 years of unrelenting struggle, we affirm our commitment to the true
American Dream - an integrated society rich in diversity and open equally to all. The struggle
continues and we invite all Americans to stand with us - black and white, young and old, Jew and
Gentile, male and female, wherever Americans of good will and decency reside- all are welcome to
join our ranks until freedom is won:
####
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Prèss Secretary
For Immediate Release
September 29, 1995
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT IN
PRESENTATION OF THE PRESIDENTIAL MEDAL OF FREEDOM
The East Room
9:45 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good morning and welcome to all of you,
especially to the honorees, their family members, their friends,
distinguished members of Congress. The Presidential Medal of
Freedom is the highest honor given to civilians in the United
States. It has a special history, established 50 years ago by
President Truman, to honor noble service in time of war.
In 1963, President Kennedy expanded its purpose, making it
an honor for distinguished civilian service in peacetime. The 12
Americans we honor today embody the best qualities in our
national character. All have committed themselves, both publicly
and privately, to expanding the circle of freedom and the
opportunities the responsible exercise of freedom brings at home
and around the world.
In this time of change, where people's living patterns and
working patterns are undergoing such dramatic transformation, it
is necessary and fashionable to focus on new ideas and new
visions of the future. We are here today to celebrate people who
have always been for change, and who have changed America for the
better, but who have done it based on the enduring values that
make this country great -- the belief that we have to give all of
our citizens the chance to live up to the fullest of their
God-given capacities; the conviction that we have to do
everything we can to strengthen our families and our communities;
the certainty that when the chips are down, we have to do what is
good and right, even if it is unpopular in the short run; the
understanding that we have the obligation to honor those who came
before us by passing better lives and brighter opportunities on
to those who come after.
This medal commemorates the remarkable service and indelible
spirit of individual Americans. But it also serves as a beacon
to all Americans, and especially to our children. For our
PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
children, especially now when SO many of their lives have been
darkened by violence and irresponsible or absent role models, the
robbers of innocence, of poverty and drug abuse and gang life,
the excesses of our modern commercial media culture and other
forces that are undermining the fabric of good lives.
All of these things require more and more people to live by
the values and measure up to the example of the winners of the
Presidential Medal of Freedom. They represent in SO many ways
the true face of American heroism today.
Let me begin now by introducing each of them in turn.
As a young mother 27 years ago, Peggy Charren took a good
look at her children's frequent companion: television. And she
did not like what she saw. But unlike others who simply bemoan
the problem, she actually did something about it. She took a
stand against entrenched and powerful institutions in government
and in business and she made them listen. She started Action for
Children's Television. As a result, she uplifted the quality of
what comes into our homes and inspired a whole generation of
citizen activists.
In 1990, the campaign that began in front of Peggy Charren's
television set reached Capitol Hill when Congress passed the
Children's Television Act. And, for the first time, the
television industry was challenged to fulfill its responsibility
to educate our children, not just to entertain them. Peggy
Charren, mother and now grandmother, leader and reformer in the
best American tradition, has put all of our children first, and
we thank her for it. (Applause.)
Now, I'm going to change the order here a minute -- just a
little - - and go to Joan Ganz Cooney. While Peggy Charren forced
television to change its ways from the outside, Joan Ganz Cooney
did the same thing from the inside. In 1968, she launched the
Children's Television Workshop and a whole new landscape of
joyful education opened up before our children's eyes. Out of
this effort came "Sesame Street, If "The Electric Company, " "3-2-1
Contact, " and other programs that enlighten not only our
youngsters, but older people as well. With a host of loveable
characters like the Cookie Monster and Big Bird, who became as
familiar to me at one point in our family life as the people I
grew up with -- (laughter) -- these shows have helped teach a
generation of children to count and to read and to think: They
also teach us more about how we should live together. We all
know that Grover and Kermit reinforce rather than undermine the
values we work SO hard to teach our children, showing kids every
day what it means to share, to respect differences and to
recognize that it's not easy being green. (Laughter.)
Joan Ganz Cooney has proven in living color that the
powerful medium of television can be a tool to build reason, not
reaction, for growth, not stifling, to help build young lives up
rather than tear them down. We all know that T.V. is here to
stay. Most of us, frankly, love it even when we curse it. But
we also know that there are clear, damaging effects to excessive
exposure to destructive patterns of television. As the Vice
President and Mrs. Gore have pointed out on SO many occasions and
as their recent family conference on media and the family
demonstrated, the numbing effects of violence or the numbing
inability to concentrate that comes from overexposure to
mindless, repetitive programming are things that we have to fight
against.
Peggy Charren sounded the alarm; Joan Ganz Cooney developed
an alternative. And even today as we grapple with this challenge
how to get the best and repress the worst we know that we
would be nowhere near where we are, were it not for these two
remarkable American heroes. We thank them. Thank you so much.
(Applause.)
William T. Coleman, Jr. 's, first public act to advance equal
opportunity came early in his life. He tried out for his high
school swim team, and in response, the school disbanded the team.
(Laughter.) For four decades in the courtroom, the boardroom,
the halls of power -/- Bill Coleman has put his brilliant legal
intellect in service to our country. He was the first African
American accepted on the Harvard Law Review; the first to serve
as a clerk on the United States Supreme Court; the first to serve
in the President's Cabinet the second to serve in the
President's Cabinet; and the first to reach the pinnacle of the
corporate bar.
As Secretary of Transportation to President Ford, he helped
to open the doors of opportunity to thousands of black
entrepreneurs. As a corporate director, he broke the color
barrier in the nation's executive suites. Today, as Chairman of
the Board of the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, he
continues the fight.
I have known Bill Coleman for a long time. I had the honor
and pleasure of being his son's roommate for a year in law
school. I think it is fair to say that the first time we saw
each other, he never dreamed that I would be here and he would be
there. (Laughter and applause.)
But I can honestly say, if you are looking for an example of
constancy, consistency, disciplined devotion to the things that
make this country a great place, you have no further to look than
William Coleman, Jr. Thank you. (Applause.)
Fifty years ago, John Hope Franklin was on a train in North
Carolina, jammed into a compartment reserved for baggage and for
African Americans. When he asked the conductor if he and his.
fellow passengers could move to a near-empty car occupied by just
3
five white men, he was told it couldn't be done -- for the men,
the conductor said, were German prisoners of war. John Hope
Franklin and those with him were prisoners of something else
American racism.
John Hope Franklin has both lived and chronicled the history
of race in America. He is the author of many books, including
the classic, "From Slavery to Freedom: A History of African
Americans. II He provided Thurgood Marshall with critical
historical research for the landmark case of Brown V. Board of
Education. He has taught throughout America and around the
world, and he has influenced countless, countless students of the
American scene with his profound scholarship.
"I look history straight in the eye and call it like it is, II
John Hope Franklin has said. This has meant telling the untold
stories of Northern racism and of slaves successfully striking
for better conditions under the sinful confines of slavery.
It has meant blazing a trail through the academy, but never
confusing his role as an advocate with his role as a scholar. It
has meant holding to the conviction that integration is a
national necessity if we are to truly live by the values
enshrined in the Constitution.
John Hope Franklin, the Son of the South, has always been a
moral compass for America, always pointing us in the direction of
truth. I think I can speak for Hillary and for the Vice
President and Mrs. Gore in saying that one of the most memorable
moments of our campaign in 1992 was having John Hope Franklin
take a ride with us on our campaign bus, and he sat in the front.
(Laughter and applause.)
In 1944, at the age of 16, Leon Higginbotham arrived at his
midwestern college only to be pushed back by the icy hand of
racism. There, he and 12 other African American students were
housed in an unheated attic. Fed up with sub-zero nights, Leon
Higginbotham went to the university president to protest.
"Higginbotham," the president said, "the law doesn't require us
to let colored students in the dorm, and you either accept things
as they are or leave the university."
So Leon Higginbotham set out to change the law. He went to
Yale Law School, and after he was rejected by every major
Philadelphia law firm because of his race, he turned to public
service, working as a community lawyer and a state and federal
official.
When Leon Higginbotham was named to the federal bench at the
age of 36 by President Kennedy, he was the youngest federal judge
to be appointed in three decades. He served with distinction and
eventually became judge of the Third Circuit Court of Appeals.
4
He also found the time to write and speak with idealism and rigor
on the great dilemmas of race and justice.
His retirement has been spent remarkably -- helping to draft
the constitution for a democratic South Africa and teaching a
fresh generation of students at Harvard. We honor Judge
Higginbotham whose life as much as his scholarship has set an
example of commitment, enlargement and service to new minds at
home, and now, thank God, to a newly-free South Africa an ocean
away.
Thank you, Leon Higginbotham. (Applause.)
Judge Frank Johnson could not be here today, and so had to
send the young gentleman to my left to receive his award for him.
He was advised by his doctor not to travel. I admire that
doctor. I imagine that he is the first person who ever got Frank
Johnson to do something he did not want to do. (Laughter.)
For his steadfastness, his constitutional vision, his
courage to uphold the value of equal opportunity, even at the
expense of his own personal safety for these things, we honor
Frank Johnson with the President Medal of Freedom.
During 40 years on the bench, Judge Johnson made it his
mission to see to it that justice was done within the framework
of law. In the face of unremitting social and political pressure
to uphold the traditions of oppression and neglect in his native
South, never once did he yield. His landmark decisions in the
areas of desegregation, voting rights and civil liberties
transformed our understanding of the Constitution. He fought for
the right of Rosa Parks to sit where she wanted on the bus and
battled for the right of Martin Luther King and others to march
from Selma to Montgomery.
Armed with a gavel and the Constitution, Frank Johnson
changed the face of the South. He challenged America to move
closer to the ideals upon which it is founded and forever will be
an inspiration to all who admire courage and value freedom. We
wish you were here with us today, but his spirit is in this
place, and we thank him. (Applause.)
For a good long while now, Dr. C. Everett Koop, as Surgeon
General of the United States, and afterward as America's most
well-known private doctor, has told the nation the truth as he
sees it, whether we want to hear it or not. In SO doing, he has
saved countless lives and left an enduring legacy of the doctor
as a healer in the broadest and deepest sense of the word.
Dr. Koop's life has been defined by doing the right thing.
He chose children's medicine for the simple reason that his
colleagues were ignoring it. He refused to let political
5
considerations leave Americans vulnerable to the epidemics of
AIDS and teen pregnancy. He fought for sex education knowing
that if he were to be true to the value of protecting our
children, we could not let them live in perilous ignorance. He
told America that tobacco is addictive, that it kills, and that
we have to get cigarettes out of our children's hands.
He helped us to come to grips with the painful shortcomings
in America's health care delivery system and what it means for
children that over 40 million of our people have no health
insurance. And we value his support for the action now being
taken to try to protect children's lives from the epidemic of
smoking, which embraces 3,000 of them a day and will shorten
1,000 of their lives every day
Dr. Koop's record is a priceless reminder that disease is
immune to ideology, and that viruses do not play politics. Over
the course of his career, I have seen him attacked from both the
left and the right for his strong convictions. But all of us who
have watched him not only in public, but as Hillary and I have
had the chance to do in private, know that in the very best
sense, he stands for life in America and for the potential of all
of our children. And for that, the United States should be
eternally grateful to C. Everett Koop. (Applause.)
Twenty-five years ago this year, Americans came together for
the very first Earth Day. They came together to make it clear
that dirty air, poison water, spoiled land were simply
unacceptable. They came together to say that preserving our
natural heritage for our children is a national value. And they
came together, more than anything else, because of one American
-- Gaylord Nelson. His career as Wisconsin's Governor, United
States Senator, and now as counselor of the Wilderness Society
has been marked by integrity, civility and vision. His legacy is
inscribed in legislation, including. the National Environmental
Education Act and the 1964 Wilderness Act.
As the father of Earth Day, he is the grandfather of all
that grew out of that event -- the Environmental Protection Act,
the Clean Air Act, the Clean Water Act, the Safe Drinking Water
Act. He also set a standard for people in public service to care
about the environment and to try to do something about it. And I
think that the Vice President would want me to say that young
people like Al Gore, back in 1970, realized, because of Gaylord
Nelson, that if they got into public service, they could do
something to preserve our environment for future generations.
In the 1970s, when a river was so polluted it actually
caught on fire, Gaylord Nelson spoke up. He insisted that
Americans deserved the safety that comes from knowing the world
we live in will not make us sick. He warned that our leaders
should never let partisan politics divert us from responsibility
6
to our shared environment. He inspired us to remember that the
stewardship of our natural resources is the stewardship of the
American Dream. He is the worthy heir of the tradition of
Theodore Roosevelt and the Vice President's work and that of all
other environmentalists today, as the worthy heir of Gaylord
Nelson.
Today as much as at any time in modern American history, we
need to remember what we share on this precious planet and in
this beloved country. And I hope that Gaylord's Nelson shining
example will illuminate all the debates in this city for years to
come. (Applause.)
Walter Reuther was an American visionary SO far ahead of his
times that although he died a quarter of a century ago, our
nation has yet to catch up to his dreams. A tool and die maker
by trade, Walter Reuther built a great union that lifted
industrial workers into the middle class. But he always
understood that the UAW stood for something greater and nobler
than a few more dollars in the paycheck. So he fought for causes
on the edge of America's horizon from racial justice to small
cars that would conserve fuel, and compete successfully both here
and abroad.
He wanted America to create an economy strong and supple
enough to convert from peacetime production to defense work and
back again without costing workers and their families their
livelihoods. As the journalist Murray Kempton said later,
"Walter Reuther was one man who could reminisce about the
future. The union he led and the future he built stand as a
memorial to what is bravest and best in the American spirit.
Would that we had more people like him today. We are honored
that his daughters are here and that he will his award will be
received by his young grandson. Walter Reuther. (Applause.)
Our homes, our cities, our neighborhoods, our communities
all these represent who we are. With the helping hand of James
Rouse, many of these places have come to reflect our best values.
In the 1960s, James Rouse saw a problem. Poorly planned suburban
neighborhoods did more than take away from the landscape, they
had a corrosive effect on our sense of community. So he did
something about it he conceived and built Columbia, Maryland.
By updating the colonial village for modern times, he gave a
generation of architects and designers a blueprint for reviving
community all across our nation.
A decade later, James Rouse turned to another monumental
task -- healing the torn-out heart of America's cities. He met
the challenge head-on. With Boston's Faneuil Hall, Baltimore's
Harbor Place and other developments, he put the town square,
squarely back into America's urban life. He proved that we could
reclaim and recreate our urban frontiers. Advisor to presidents,
7
foe of economic and racial segregation, champion of high-quality,
affordable housing, James Rouse's life has been defined by faith
in the American spirit. He has made our cities and our
neighborhoods as beautiful as the lives that pass through them.
He has shown us that we can build communities worthy of the
character and optimism of our people. I know that he has had a
special impact on our Secretary of Housing and Urban Development,
Henry Cisneros. And I can tell you that he has had a very
special impact on my life. Every time I see James Rouse I think,
if every American developer had done what James Rouse has done
with his life, we would have lower crime rates, fewer gangs, less
drugs. Our children would have a better future. Our cities
would be delightful places to live. We would not walk in fear,
we would walk in pride down the streets of our cities, just as we
still can in the small towns in America.
James Rouse has changed this country. And if more will
follow his lead, we can do the entire job we need to do in our
cities. Mr. James Rouse. (Applause.)
His name was William C. Velasquez, but everybody knew him as
Willie. Willie was and is now a name synonymous with democracy
in America. Through the organization he founded, the Southwest
Voter Registration Education Project, he nearly doubled Hispanic
voter registration, and dramatically increased the number of
Latino-elected officials in this nation. His appeal to the
Hispanic community was simple, passionate, and direct "Su voto
es su voz" your vote is your voice.
The movement he began here at home went on to support
democracy abroad in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Mexico, and in
South Africa. From the farm fields of California, where he
organized workers with Cesar Chavez, to the halls of Harvard,
where he taught politics, Willie Velasquez was driven by an
unwavering belief that every American should have a role in our
democracy and a share in the opportunities of our great nation.
Willie Velasquez died too young. He was just 44 when he
passed away in 1988. But in his vibrant life, he restored faith
in our ideals and in ourselves. And no person in modern America
who has run for public office wherever Hispanic Americans live
has failed to feel the hand of Willie Velasquez. He made this a
greater country, and we're honored that his wife is here with us
today. (Applause.)
It is not surprising that Lou Wasserman has devoted his life
to helping others to see. For it was his vision that led him
from the streets of Cleveland to the top of Hollywood, and his
perspective that inspired him to give SO much back to a nation
that had given SO much to him. Lou Wasserman helped to build MCA
from a small booking agency into a vast multimedia company. His
8
feat awakened the world to the infinite promise of the American
entertainment industry.
It also showed a new generation of American business leaders
that a company's success can be measured by the depth of its
values as well as by the size of its revenues. In honor of MCA's
founder, the eye doctor, Jules Stein, Lou Wasserman has made an
astonishing contribution to treat and to cure blindness. He has
devoted himself to strengthening the American community through
his role as citizen advisor to almost a half-century of
presidents of both parties, and with his support for countless
humanitarian efforts.
Never for a moment has he forgotten his roots, the value of
hard work or the importance of giving people in far, far less.
fortunate conditions a chance to make something of their lives.
The story of Lew Wasserman is the story of the American Dream not
- - not -- just for what he has achieved, but far more important
for what he has given back.
I have met a lot of philanthropists and successful people in
my life. I don't know that I ever met anybody that more
consistently every day looked for another opportunity to do
something for somebody else, to give somebody else the chance to
enjoy the success that he had in life. I thank you, Lew
Wasserman. (Applause.)
Let me close, before we hear from the official citation and
present the medals, by saying that I think that all the people
who are here, were they to speak, would tell you that they did
not come here alone. They were guided by parents and teachers,
by neighbors and mentors. Many were inspired by other great
Americans who themselves at some time in the past received this
very medal.
The miracle of American life is that this cycle can be
repeated over and over again with each succeeding generation; and
that with each succeeding generation, we make freedom a little
more real and full to all Americans. I ask, all of you to think
about that. You couldn't help feeling, when you heard these
stories, that this is a very great country. And we do not have
to give in to our lesser selves. We do not have to be divided.
We do not have to achieve less than we can. If we will follow
their examples, we will make sure that in the next century, this
country will be all it was meant to be for all of our children.
I'd like to now ask the Military Aide to read the citations
as I present the Medals of Freedom.
(The citations are read and medals are presented.)
END
10:30 A.M. EDT
9
Page 3
24TH DOCUMENT of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Public Papers of the President
August 8, 1994
CITE: 30 Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc. 1646
LENGTH: 1878 words
HEADLINE: Remarks on Presenting the Presidential Medals of Freedom
BODY:
The President. Thank you very much. Ladies and gentlemen, welcome to the
White House. As you might imagine, one of the great pleasures of the Presidency
is selecting recipients of the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the highest honor
given to civilians by the United States of America.
If I might begin on a very personal and immediate note, last fall this annual
ceremony was held on a very happy day for me and for those of us who want a
safer and more humane United States. It was the day we made the Brady bill the
law of the land. Today as we gather here, Congress is on the verge of voting on
the most comprehensive anticrime bill in history. But that bill has been held
hostage for 11 days by certain special interest groups. So as we recognize the
contributions of civilians to our country's way of life, I'd like to take this
opportunity to call on those groups who are blocking the crime bill to let it
come to a vote and ask the other citizens of the United States to ask the
Congress for the same thing. Many people we honor here today have given their
whole lives to enriching the fabric of the future, and we can do no less.
This afternoon we will present the Presidential Medal of Freedom to nine
remarkable individuals whose service to our democracy and to humanity has
advanced the common interest of freedom-loving people, not only here at home but
throughout the world: Herbert Block, the late Cesar Chavez, Arthur Flemming,
Dorothy Height, Barbara Jordan, Lane Kirkland, Robert Michel, and Sargent
Shriver.
The medals these Americans receive today has a special history. It was
established by President Truman in 1945 at first to reward notable service in
the war. In 1963 President Kennedy amended the award for distinguished civilian
service in peacetime. The honorees that year included the singer Marian
Anderson, Justice Felix Frankfurter, diplomat John McCloy, labor leader George
Meany, the writer E.B. White, playwright Thornton Wilder, and the artist Andrew
Wyeth. By the time that first ceremony was held here in the White House in
December of 1963, President Johnson had added to the roll of names President
Kennedy and His Holiness Pope John XX1II.
Listen to this: At that time, Under Secretary of State George Ball said that
the President is establishing what we can proudly call an American civil honors
list. How many of our greatest citizens, who went on to achieve other things,
said that the greatest thing that could ever be said about them was that they
were good citizens. That is true in every way of those we honor today.
Herbert Block, or "Herblock" as we know him, became an editorial cartoonist
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Public Papers of the Presidents
with the Chicago Daily News in 1929, not a very good year to begin writing funny
cartoons. [Laughter] His long and prolific career has spanned the Presidencies
of 11 different Presidents. The fact that he gets to choose the targets in
cartoons may have something to do with the longevity of his career. His
cartoons have appeared in the Washington Post since 1946, the year I was born.
[Laughter] He educates and persuades public opinion with effectiveness,
artistry, warmth, and great good humor. He has a big heart. He sides with the
little guy, people of common sense, and all who hold healthy irreverence for any
sort of pretensions.
Cesar Chavez, before his death in April of last year, had become a champion
of working people everywhere. Born into Depression-era poverty in Arizona in
1927, he served in the United States Navy in the Second World War and rose to
become one of our greatest advocates of nonviolent change. He was, for his own
people, a Moses figure. The farm workers who labored in the fields and yearned
for respect and self-sufficiency pinned their hopes on this remarkable man, who
with faith and discipline, with soft-spoken humility and amazing inner strength
led a very courageous life and in so doing brought dignity to the lives of SO
many others and provided for us inspiration for the rest of our Nation's
history. We are honored to have his wife, friend, and longtime working partner,
Helen Chavez, to be with us today to receive the award.
Arthur Flemming served every President from Franklin Roosevelt to Ronald
Reagan as the Republican member of the Civil Service Commission, as a member of
the Hoover commission on the executive branch established by President Truman,
as Director of Defense Mobilization and a member of President Eisenhower's
National Security Council, and as Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare.
In addition to being an able administrator, Dr. Flemming is also a respected
educator and former journalist. Over the course of his long and eminent career
in public service, he contributed to the struggles for Social Security, civil
rights, and most recently health care reform, something for which the First Lady
and I are particularly in his debt. These three struggles he calls the greatest
domestic crusades of his lifetime.
James Grant is the remarkable executive director of the United Nations
Children's Fund, UNICEF, where he has tirelessly waged a global crusade on
behalf of the world's children. Like his father before him, he was born and
raised in China, where he took up his family's tradition of offering assistance
abroad and first went to work for the United Nations at the end of World War II.
In the fall of 1992 he helped to broker a brief ceasefire during the siege of
Sarajevo and personally directed the safe passage of a convoy carrying winter
supplies of clothing, blankets, and food. As the international community's
guardian of innocent children in troubled regions, he oversees the delivery of
humanitarian assistance that without him might otherwise never reach those in
need.
Dorothy Height is one of the world's most tireless and accomplished advocates
of civil rights, the rights of women, and the health and stability of family and
community life. from the days when she helped Eleanor Roosevelt to organize the
World Youth Conference in 1938, she has remained engaged in the public arena for
60 years and more. As a leader of the National Council of Negro Women and the
Young Women's Christian Association, she's been a powerful voice for equal
opportunity here and in developing nations around the world. In recent years,
her Black Family Reunion celebrations have reminded our society that self help
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Public Papers of the Presidents
and self reliance within loving extended families are the dominant cultural
traditions of the African-American community.
For 20 years Barbara Jordan has been the most outspoken moral voice of the
American political system, a position she reached soon after becoming the first
black Congresswoman elected from the deep South from her native Texas in 1972.
From national platforms she has captured the Nation's attention and awakened its
conscience in defense of our Constitution, the American dream, and the
commonality we share as American citizens. As professor of ethics and public
policy at the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs, she ensures that the
next generation of our public servants will be worthy of the legacy she has done
SO much to build.
Lane Kirkland has been at the center of the American labor movement for
almost 50 years. After serving in the merchant marine during the Second World
War and his subsequent graduation from the School of Foreign Service at
Georgetown University, he became a researcher for organized labor in the same
year that he worked as a 26-year-old speechwriter in the 1948 campaign of Harry
Truman and his running mate, Alben Barkley. Throughout the cold war, when some
leaders saw only the threats to our freedom overseas and neglected the barriers
to freedom and inequality within our own land, Kirkland showed America that you
can stand up to communism abroad just as forcefully as you can stand up for
working men and women here at home. As president of the AFL-CIO for the last 15
years, he has helped to teach us that solidarity is a powerful word in any
language and that a vibrant labor movement is essential to every free society.
Robert Michel has served in the United States House of Representatives since
1957. That is the second longest tenure of any Republican in American history.
As minority leader in the House for the last 13 years, he has served his party
well, but he has also served our Nation well, choosing the pragmatic but harder
course of conciliation more often than the divisive but easier course of
confrontation. In the best sense he is a gentleman legislator who, in spite of
the great swings in public opinion from year to year, has remained always true
to the midwestern values he represents so faithfully in the House. He retires
at the end of this year, generally regarded by Democrats and Republicans alike
as one of the most decent and respected leaders with which any President has had
the privilege to work.
Sargent Shriver is the man who launched the Peace Corps 33 years ago.
Because of his creativity, his idealism, his brilliance, the Peace Corps remains
one of the most popular Government initiatives ever undertaken. From the time
he and his wife, Eunice, helped to organize a conference on juvenile delinquency
for the Attorney General in 1947 to his efforts for public education in Chicago
in the 1950's, to his leadership of Head Start and legal services and now the
Special Olympics, Sargent Shriver has awakened millions of Americans, including
many in this administration, to the responsibilities of service, the
possibilities of change, and the sheer joy of making the effort.
These recipients of the Presidential Medal of Freedom represent different
political parties, different ideologies, different professions, indeed, even
different ages. Their different eras, different races, different generations in
American history cannot be permitted to obscure the fact of what they share in
common: an unusually profound sense of responsibility to improve the lives of
their fellow men and women, to improve the future for our children, to embody
the best of what we mean by the term "American citizen.' By their remarkable
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Public Papers of the Presidents
records of service and by their incredible spirit, we have all been enriched.
And now I would ask the military aide to read the citations as I present the
Medal of Freedom.
[At this point, Major Leo Mercado, Jr., USMC, Marine Corps aide to the
President, read the citations, and the President presented the medals. ]
The President. Ladies. and gentlemen, in closing let me say that I couldn't
help thinking, as the citations were read and I looked into the faces of our
honorees and their families, friends, and admirers here, that we too often
reserve our greatest accolades for our citizens when they are gone. I wish that
Cesar Chavez could be here today. I am grateful that his wife is here, and I am
SO grateful that all these others are here.
Let us remember today that the greatest gift any of us can give the Founders
of this Constitution and this Republic is to emulate the work of these citizens
whom we honor today, every day, each in our own way.
Thank you for being here. God bless you all.
NOTE: The President spoke at 4:40 p.m. in the East Room at the White House.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: September 6, 1994
Public Papers of the Presidents
returned to Washington, DC.
October 18
In the evening, the President traveled to Baltimore, MD, where he attended. a
fund-raising dinner at a private residence. He then returned to Washington, DC.
The President announced his intention to appoint A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr.
/
to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights.
The White House announced that the President and President Jacques Chirac of
France have agreed to reschedule President Chirac's November 3d state visit at
the White House for February 1, 1996.
October 19
In the morning, the President had a working visit with President Thomas
Klestil of Austria.
In the evening, the President attended the Africare reception at the
Washington Hilton Hotel.
Who's Who Among African Americans, January, 1996
PERSONAL:
Born February 25, 1928, Trenton, NJ; divorced; children (previous marriage) :
Stephen, Karen, Kenneth, Nia.
OCCUPATION: Judge (retired), educator
ADDRESSES: BUSINESS ADDRESS: Professor, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA 02138,
U.S.A.
EDUCATION: EDUCATION: Antioch Coll, BA 1949; Yale Law Schl, LLB 1952.
CAREER:
CAREER: Harvard Univ, prof, 1994; US District Court and US Court of Appeals,
1964-93; Federal Trade Comm, commissioner, 1962-64; Norris, Green Harris &
Higginbotham, partner, 1954-62.
AWARDS:
HONORS/AWARDS: Author, more than 100 published articles; author "In the
Matter of Color; Race and the American Legal Prcess,' Oxford Univ Press 1978;
over 80 honorary degrees.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
January 31, 1996
NATIONAL AFRICAN AMERICAN HISTORY MONTH, 1996
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
A PROCLAMATION
Today's schoolchildren are fortunate to grow up in
classrooms where they are taught to appreciate all of the many
heroes of American history. While previous generations read
textbooks that told only part of our Nation's story, materials
have been developed in recent years that give our students a
fuller picture -- textured and deepened by new characters and
themes. African American History Month provides a special
opportunity for teachers and schools to celebrate this ongoing
process and to focus on the many African Americans whose lives
have shaped our common experience.
This year, our observance emphasizes black women and the
strides made to bring their achievements to the fore. From
Sojourner Truth's sermons, to Mary McLeod Bethune's speeches,
to the contemporary novels of Nobel laureate Toni Morrison, the
voices of African American women have called attention to the
twin burdens of racism and sexism and have invited listeners to
discover the richness of traditions kept alive in back kitchens
and workrooms. In churches and communities, and more recently
in universities and statehouses across America, these women have
fought extraordinary battles for social, economic, and political
empowerment.
Barbara Jordan once wrote,
'We the people'; it is a very eloquent
beginning. But when the Constitution of
the United States was completed on the
seventeenth of September, 1787, I was not
included in that 'We the people.
As we mourn the loss of this great American, let us
honor her by seeking to further the progress made
since those early days toward true equality and
inclusion. During African American History Month and
throughout the year, we must embrace the
diverse strands of our story so that all children can
see themselves in our Nation's past and know that they
have a role to play in seizing the future's countless
opportunities.
NOW, THEREFORE, I, WILLIAM J. CLINTON, President
of the United States of America, by virtue of the
authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws of
the United States, do hereby proclaim February 1996,
as National African American History Month. I call
upon Government officials, educators in schools,
colleges, universities, and libraries, and all the
people of the United States to observe this month with
appropriate ceremonies, activities, and programs that
raise awareness of African American history and invite
further inquiry into this area of study.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand
this thirtieth day of January, in the year of our Lord
nineteen hundred and ninety-six, and of the
Independence of theUnited States of America the two
hundred and twentieth.
WILLIAM J. CLINTON
# # #
MESSAGE EVENT SCHEDULE
WEEK OF FEBRUARY 19-25
Tuesday, Feb. 20
-- Swearing-in of Kweisi Mfume: President will deliver remarks.
-- Principals' Meeting re Bosnia: (American leadership) President will
receive briefing from his foreign policy team on the status of
Bosnia mission.
Wednesday, Feb. 21 -- Domestic Violence Hotline Event (tentative) (Family/ Crime):
President will announce the start-up of hotline for abused
spouses. Also in attendance will be Secretary Donna Shalala
and Bonnie Campbell (DOJ).
-- Meeting with Ukranian President Kuchma (American Leadership):
This meeting will include a pool spray at the top (Q & A re
New Hampshire).
Thursday, Feb. 22 -- White House Conference on Empowerment Zone
(Economy/Community): President will deliver speech to
conference, announcing second round of new empowerment
zones.
Friday, Feb. 23
-- School Uniforms Event (Crime/Gang/Family): In Long Beach,
California, the President will announce directive to Secretary
Riley and Attorney General Reno regarding how schools can
implement uniform policy.
-- C-17 Event (Economy/ American Leadership): At McDonnell-
Douglas, President will announce next order of new C-17s.
Saturday, Feb. 24
-- Radio Address: topic tbd.
-- Community Policing Event (Crime): President will visit San Diego to
discuss community policing.
-- Olympics Event (Community/ American Leadership): President will
visit U.S. Olympics athletes now training at Chula Vista facility.
-- School-to-Work Event (Economy): site tbd in Washington state.
FEB-15-1996
11:07
FROM
TO
94565709
P.04
Maryland 7th District
when it was investigating the House bank scan-
companies doing business with South Africa.
dal because Chairman Louis Stokes, who had
Although Mfume entered the 1986 Demo-
overdrafts, recused himself. Mfume did not
cratic House race as an underdog, he was well-
know it at the time, but he had 12 overdrafts.
positioned when the front-runners slipped.
At Home: Before his 1986 House election,
State Sen. Clarence M. Mitchell, the nephew of
Mfume was well-known In Baltimore for his
retiring Rep. Parren 1. Mitchell, was damaged
broadcasting and City Council careers. But his
by reports on his personal finances and his
background was anything but typical for a
alleged relationship with a jailed drug dealer.
congressional candidate.
Another prominent contender, the Rev. Wen-
Mfume was born Frizzeil Gray in the slums
dell 11. Phillips, a civil rights activist, was hurt
of West Baltimore. After his mother died when
by accusations that he was cozy with the city's
he was 16, he quit high school, drifted through a
white power structure.
series of jobs and. between the ages of 17 and
Mfume quietly promoted himself as the
22, fathered five sons by four different women.
compromise candidate. Assisted by a group of
But in his early 20s, he adopted a new name
black clergy, Mfume swept to an easy primary
and way of life, climbing the career ladder at
victory.
Morgan State University's radio station.
Though Mfume was unbeatable in the
Mfume finished high school, graduated from
heavily Democratic 7th, his GOP opponent,
Morgan State at 27 and earned an advanced
Saint George I.B. Crosse III, harassed him by
degree from Johns Hopkins University.
making an issue of his children. Mfume stated
After achieving popularity or a radio talk
that he supported his sons financially and emo-
show host, Mfume won a seat on the City
tionally, and the local media portrayed his rise
Council, where he promoted the causes of his
from poverty in a positive light.
inner-city constituents. Criticized early by some
Mfume won with 87 percent of the vote, an
colleagues for his confrontational style, Mfumc
outcome that would become typical In both
developed a more temperate approach that
1990 and 1992, he defeated Republican
helped win some victories, including a law or-
Kenneth Kondner, a dental technician, with 85
dering the city to divest itself of investments in
percent.
Committees
Key Votes
Banking, Finance & Urban Affaire (10th of 30 Democrats)
1993
Financial Institutions Supervision, Regulation & Deposit Insur-
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
N
ance; Housing & Community Development
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Y
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Y
Small Business (9th of 27 Democrats)
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Y
Minority Enterprise, Finance & Urban Development (chairman);
Approve economic stimulus plan
Y
Procurement, Taxation & Tourism
1992
Standards of Official Conduct (5th of 7 Democrats)
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
N
Joint Economic
Close down space station program
Y
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
N
Elections
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
Y
1991
1992 General
Kweisi Miume (D)
152,689
(85%)
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Y
Kenneth Kondner (R)
26,304
(15%)
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Y
Authorize use of force in Porsian Gulf
N
1992 Primary
Kweisi Miume (D)
55,842
(84%)
Voting Studies
Michael Vernon Dobson (D)
10,310
(16%)
Presidential
Party
Conservative
1990 General
Support
Unity
Coalition
Kweisi Miume (D)
59.628
(85%)
Year
$
0
S
O
S
0
Kenneth Kondner (R)
10,529
(15%)
1992
12
87
90
6
13
88
1991
23
76
89
6
5
95
Previous Winning Percentages: 1983 (100%) 1986
(87%)
1990
15
81
85
7
9
91
1989
31
06
86
5
15
23
District Vote for President
1988
23
76
93
4
21
79
1987
13
86
93
3
9
88
1992
D 159,191 (76%)
R 32,431 (16%)
Interest Group Ratings
I 13,009 (6%)
Year
ADA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
ACU
Campaign Finance
1992
95
92
13
0
1991
100
100
20
5
Receipts
Expend-
1990
94
92
29
13
Receipts
from PACs
itures
1989
90
100
30
0
1992
1988
95
100
21
4
Mfume (D)
$255,269
$131,687
(52%)
$216,518
1987
100
100
7
0
1990
Miume (D)
$224,826
$128,000
(57%)
$205,671
704
FEBRUARY 1996
MEMORANDUM FOR PRESIDENT CLINTON
FROM:
MIKE MCCURRY
SUBJECT: AFRICAN AMERICAN HISTORY MONTH ACTUALITY
We received a great deal of interest in the African American
History Month radio actuality. We fed your statement to the
following stations:
1.
The American Urban Radio Network, 400 stations nationally
2.
KJLH Los Angeles, CA
3.
KPOD San Francisco, CA
4.
KACE Los Angeles, CA
5.
WXVI Montgomery, AL
6.
WBIL Tuskeegee, AL
7.
WEXY Fort Lauderdale, FL
8.
WSWN Belle Glade, FL
9.
WFXA Augusta, GA
10. WJLB Detroit, MI
11. WCXT Hart, MI
12. WTYJ Natchez, MS
13. KPRT Kansas City, MO
14. KIRL St. Charles, MO
15. WQOK Raleigh, NC
16. WTNC Thomasville, NC
17. WSRC Durham, NC
18. WCKX Columbus, OH
19. WJTB Elyria, OH
20. WVGB Beaufort, SC
21. WBOL Bolivar, TN
22. WNOO Chattanooga, TN
23. WFXS Chattanooga, TN
24. WLOK Memphis, TN
25. KHRN Hearne, TX
26. KSJL San Antonio, TX
27. KJOJ Houston, TX
28. WRBD Fort Lauderdale, FL
29. WPUL South Daytona, FL
30. WRXB St. Petersburg, FL
OPENING ADDRESS
Myrlie Evers-Williams
Chairman
NAACP Board of Directors
July 9, 1995
NAACP 86th Annual National Convention
Minneapolis Convention Center
Minneapolis, MN
"CELEBRATING OUR LEGACY - A VISION FOR THE 21ST
CENTURY"
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INTRO/GREETINGS:
It's been a long interesting and challenging journey from Jackson,
Mississippi where Medgar Evers and I opened the first NAACP state
headquarters. I was Medgar's support system and he was the NAACP's
"Man in Mississippi". With the full responsibility of organizing
branches throughout the state, investigating lynchings, such as the
Emmit Till, Rev. George Lee and others; getting the news of this infant
movement from behind the cotton curtain; and sending coded messages
by Western Union to the NAACP headquarters in New York where Roy
Wilkins and others informed the world as to the happenings in
Mississippi, I sat behind that desk at 1072 West Lynch Street and played
many roles in keeping that office and my husband on solid footing.
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At this moment, I am reminded of the youth who sat in at the
lunch counters, fearful yet brave in their actions ---challenging the
adults who were more cautious, to move faster because time was short. I
recall the elderly members of the NAACP who said, "Those young
children are right, and we're gonna march and sit-in side by side with
them.
One of the disarming issues was whether we should continue our
attack on racism in a non-violent way or resort to more violent means.
Before that issue could be settled, Medgar Evers was cut down violently.
I can tell you that way back in 1953 as a secretary/gal-Friday for
the NAACP, I never dreamed that in 1995 I would be serving as
Chairman of the Board of this beloved organization.
In the midst of all of the challenges we face, and the overwhelming hope
and support you have all bestowed upon me, it is truly a humbling
experience.
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To serve our beloved NAACP and you, my friends. in a time when
the association is being tested as never before is the greatest challenge of
my life -- and I have faced many.
THE LEGACY
When we look back at our legacy, we must not forget the heroes
and sheroes of our struggle. Long before there were enough elected
black officials in the South to fill a telephone booth, there was a brave
and dynamic woman by the name of Ruby Hurley who put her life on
the line to organize the NAACP branches in the South. Ruby Hurley,
Southeast Regional Division, bravely served this organization and the
Nation along with W. C. Patton, the Association's Voter Education
Director, gave their last ounce of dedication and devotion to our
struggle. Today we celebrate the fact that we have over 8,400 black
elected officials, more than half in the old South, but let us not forget
that this accomplishment did not come into being by elite academicians
sitting in comfortable ivory towers or by prognosticators or
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pontificators, but by the little people who in the rural areas and urban
centers stood up for what was just and right.
Our legacy includes a cadre of brilliant legal minds, Charles
Houston, Thurgood Marshall, and Robert Carter set forth the strategy
for eliminating legal segregation, they were joined by an array of
volunteers who successfully challenged the Plessey V. Ferguson decision
of 1896 which declared that separate but equal facilities were
constitutional and the law of the land. Their efforts culminated in the
Supreme Court decision of Brown V. Board of Education and a score of
subsequent decisions which broke the back of legal segregation. Even in
the face of recent setbacks, we can celebrate these precedent-setting legal
victories and dynamic women, such as Ruby Hurley, who all put their
lives on the line to organize the NAACP.
We can look back with pride and celebrate our victories in the
legislative arena. It was your NAACP under the leadership of the
legendary Clarence Mitchell that succeeded in securing the passage of
the Civil Rights Act of 1957, the first Civil Rights legislation enacted
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since the Civil War. This legislation established the U.S. Commission on
Civil Rights. The NAACP Washington Bureau was instrumental in
securing the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act that called for the
elimination of discrimination in employment and public
accommodations; the 1965 Voting Rights Act which made the
registration of millions of African Americans possible; the 1968 Fair
Housing Act which outlawed discrimination in the sale and rental of
housing; the Voting Right extensions and the South African Sanction Bill
which facilitated the fall of Apartheid in South Africa.
We owe a debt of gratitude to Clarence Mitchell, and Althea
Simmons whose quiet, yet effective work on Capitol Hill made a
difference in the political landscape of America.
We also owe a debt of gratitude to the hundreds of local and State
Conference Officers who lobbied their state legislators, city and town
councils to make possible the enactment of progressive statues and
ordinances that enhanced economic and social opportunities for African
Americans.
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Over the years the NAACP, more than all other Civil Rights
groups combined marched and demonstrated against racial injustice at
home and abroad. Today, we are confronted with severe challenges to
the progress we have made over these past 86 years, but we have met the
enemies of justice before and emerged victorious. We defeated Orvill
Farbus; we defeated Governor George Conley Wallace; we defeated Bull
Connor and Sheriff Jim Clark; we defeated William Bradford Reynolds,
we defeated Judge Bork, we defeated Carswell and Haynesworth, we
defeated the mobs who said that we must remain on the outskirts of the
American storehouse of opportunity. So tonight, I say to those who are
arrayed against affirmative action that we can prevail. I say to those
who would cut benefits to the poor and the nations elderly, we shall
prevail. I say to those who would take from the needy to give to the
greedy that like the lions who were in the den with Daniel, we have a
power on our side that will take away your appetite and your avarice.
I say tonight to those who are celebrating and rejoicing in the
current difficulties that the NAACP is experiencing that we met the
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challenges of the klan and the White Citizens Council; we met the
challenge of the depressions and recessions; we met the challenges of
adverse public opinion and predictions of our earlier demise.
Tonight we are imbued with a spirit of renewed optimism. We
know that our mission is not yet accomplished and that our task is not
complete.
We know, that today, the fact is, all of us live in a world of many
challenges. Our nation's capital, once a peaceful place of honor, open to
the world, is now closed to the public and protected with concrete
barricades from "unibombers."
We live in an environment filled with paranoia, doubt and despair -
- all of which beckon the storm clouds of divisiveness, fear, scapegoating
and racism. When the nation is in distress, racism rares up its ugly
head, with bravado, once again -- and the signs are everywhere from the
thinly-veiled racism implied in the anti-affirmative action attacks of the
Republican presidential candidates like Phil Gramm and Pat
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Buchanan, to the most recent Supreme Court decision which could wipe
out more than half the African-American and Hispanic Members of
Congress.
Never has there been a more critical need for the NAACP -- a
strong and virulent organization with teeth and muscle and intestinal
fortitude. And yes, we have our work cut out for us. For example -- the
U.S. Supreme Court.
For 40 years we looked to the Supreme Court as a sympathetic
referee in the struggle for civil rights and social justice. With the recent
decisions passed down by this prestigious body, I think we must all agree
that today, this Supreme Court is no longer a friend of civil rights.
In the term that just ended, they dismantled federal affirmative
action programs that provided minority entrepreneurs and minority
businessmen and women the opportunity to create black wealth and
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compete on an almost level playing field for the first time. Despite the
need to make improvements, the intended goal of these programs was
being accomplished.
They then delivered a knock-down punch against us when they
invalidated the boundaries of a majority African-American
congressional district in Georgia. This decision could end the careers of
half the elected black and Hispanic officials in the country. There was
some good news, however. They did not outlaw affirmative action as
"unconstitutional." They may have cut off the head but there's still
hope for the body.
This disparaging decision makes racial minorities the only group
not allowed to have their group's interests taken into account where
reapportionment is concerned.
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The Supreme Court also destroyed or severely weakened the gains
we had made in federal contracting.
0
They permitted the dismantling of a University of Maryland
scholarship program set up exclusively for African-Americans;
0
And, perhaps most disturbing of all, they essentially ruled
that Brown vs. Board of Education is dead. That the Supreme Court is
no longer in the businesss of protecting African-American and other
minority students from the damage of segregation.
My friends, education is the gateway to opportunity, to self-
sufficiency and success in America. But. at this critical time when our
schools are wracked with violence, infected with an epidemic of teen
pregnancy and swamped with the highest drop-out rates in history, the
Court is saying to urban kids, parents and educators: you're on your
own!
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We also live in 8 time where the Governor of the State of
California, a state which is home to the largest diversity of minority
groups in the country, has rescinded some affirmative action policies by
executive order and is supporting a proposed referendum on the 1996
ballot which would virtually outlaw all government-sponsored
affirmative action-based initiatives.
In Newark, New Jersey and countless other embattled communities
across the nation, governors and state legislatures seek to fund suburban
schools at the expense of already hard-pressed urban schools;
Across the TV screen of the nightly news we witness the parade of
politicians pandering for votes using such racial code words as "welfare
reform", "quotas" and "racial preferences."
As critical as the good health is to the continued success of our
nation's people, we live in a world where the federal program that
distributes free vaccine to millions of children has been added to the hit
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list for dismantling by the Republican members of Congress. Despite an
audit report that cites underestimation of costs to deliver vaccines to
doctors and clincs around the country, the program provides free
vaccine against such diseases as measles, mumps and polio to children 18
and younger who are eligible for Medicaid, have no health insurance or
have private insurance that does not cover vaccine. How can we expose
our children and, indeed, all of us to the perils of uncontrolled
epidemics? This is incredibly self-destructive leadership.
And over the airwaves, the Rush Limbaughs spew their venom and
incite violence and hatred.
We live in a world where a U.S. Senator is allowed to call for the
abandonment of AIDS research because the victims of AIDS are not
worthy of saving due to their engaging in activities he finds
unacceptable. Our esteemed Senator Jessie Helms continues to flaunt
his ignorance and prejudice without accountability nor fear of reprisal.
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Who in this room wishes to remain silent?
Do I hear a motion calling for Senator Jessie Helms to be put out
pasture? Can I get an "Amen!"
Yes, my friends, we live in world where it feels as if the Supreme
Court, Congress, governors, state legislatures and organized right wing
groups have all decided that their worst enemy is people of color
generally, and African Americans in particular.
so the question for those of us gathered today in Minneapolis --
the hometown of that "happy warrior" Hubert Humphrey and, since
the age of four, our very own Roy Wilkins, is this: How do we deal with
what is happening to us?
First, let me give you my bottom line answer: No turning back.
-No turning back to the days of Jim Crow!
-No turning back to the days of separate and unequal!
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-No turning back to political isolation and segregation!
NOW, let me tell you what we will do.
First priority, we will save our beloved NAACP. Because in times
of crisis, like too many in the past, there is no more important, more
relevant and more experienced organization than this one.
Beginning today - right here in this hall -- all of us must make a
commitment to end the backbiting and infighting that has caused us to
lose sight of our goal. We didn't keep our eyes on the prize, my brothers
and sisters and we are suffering the consequences for it. But we are an
organization and a people of God and we know that "all things are
possible for he that believeth."
I believe in the NAACP and I know
that you do, too.
We are family and that means we fight and fuss sometimes. It also
means we make up because we love one another. It's time for us to get
on with the making up and cleaning up our act for the real business at
hand. We no longer have the luxury of squandering our precious time
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and talent fighting each other. The ship has incurred much damage, has
taken on water, but there are enough us bailing that we shall not sink.
We can, we will and we must stand together, proud, as a people and
proud of our legacy of struggle and triumph in our beloved America. It
is truly our land, too. I say, hold on to your hats, "Nutety-lovers" and
the like, because you're in for the fight of your life!
THE NAACP HAS LAUNCHED AN EMERGENCY CAMPAIGN
TO SAVE THE NAACP.
The mission of this campaign is to REBUILD our financial
strength, RESTORE our credibility and DOUBLE the number of
members and supporters.
To date, the members of the board, committees and national staff
have worked together to tighten up our overall operations and make the
necessary cost cutting measures to ensure our continued operation over
the short-term.
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As far as old business, the board will review the final and complete
audit report from Coopers & Lybrand on Wednesday of this week. The
results of that report and our findings and recommendations moving
forward will be made public and the matter will be settled. I promised
you an organization with integrity and my commitment still stands.
Sunshine of disclosure is still the best disinfectant.
To ensure financial integrity from henceforth, we are managing an
aggressive plan to reduce our debt and pay off our patient creditors
under the direction of a newly appointed Acting Chief Financial Officer
who comes to us from Price Waterhouse.
Within the next three months, we will have in place, enhanced
fundraising capabilities which will allow us to meet our immediate
financial needs while also helping put in place an internal fundraising
and development structure which will meet the NACP's future needs.
As you are aware, we have embarked upon a bona fide search for a
permanent Executive Director. The Search Committee appointed by the
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Board is looking to submit its candidate of choice for recommendation
for the position at the October Board meeting. Let me assure you, we
will, however, take the time needed to identify the best and most
qualified person to fill this critical management position.
BUT -- even as we work on cleaning up our internal house and
putting the past behind us, we have even more important work to do.
The greatest strength of the NAACP lies at the grass roots. Those
2200 local branches who are hard at work day in and day out. And
today, perhaps more than at any time in our history, they are more
essential than ever.
As the Gingrich Gang and the Supreme Court return more and
more power over our lives to the states, we must be prepared. The
decisions which affect our lives and our children's future will not be
made just in Washington, D.C., but increasingly by local school boards,
county commissions, state legislatures and state executives.
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And it is here that your work and the work of your Branches
becomes key. And it must be the goal of the National Office to provide
the help you need:
- Legal assistance
- Media and communications
- Financial assistance
We are also working to bring you "on line". Yes, the NAACP is
going to be a mover and a shaker on the Information Superhighway, too.
In fact, we've already started. The Black Information Network has
created a World Wide Web page for the NAACP to promote our
activities and the news of our leadership on the Internet. It is apalling
that less 10 percent of African American households have personal
computers. 70 percent of the 24 million USA Internet users today are
white males. Surely we must do what we need to, to make a difference
here for our community. Internet is currently paid for by all taxpayers.
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We have a right to be included in the 30 million users worldwide.
We have also been talking with several telecommunications
companies who are willing to work with us to network our branches and
regional offices with the National Headquarters and our Washington
Bureau.
My goal is that by January 1 of next year, we will have an
electronic NAACP Crisis Network in place which links at least 50
percent of our Branches to each other electronically.
This is a powerful technology for sharing information, trading tips
on techniques, and, in general, helping us stay politically competitive
with those who want to turn back the clock.
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Frankly, in recent years we have failed you. it is my pledge to you that
this will change. You will get the help you need. The help you deserve.
While we are in the process of rebuilding internally, we will focus
on providing the leadership in civil rights mandated by today's crisis.
Through the launching of our NATIONAL EMERGENCY CAMPAIGN
TO SAVE THE NAACP will will engage in a full-scale crisis mobilization
effort to defend our civil rights.
We will:
-
Organize Emergency Task forces of experts from the African
American community and other sectors of American life in critical areas
such as media, public relations, finance, corporate support,
communications, and entertainment.
-
Put these task forces to work on raising the money and
building the skills we will need to meet the crisis in civil rights we now
face.
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Ours is a community rich in talent and resources. The time has
come for everyone who has made it in our community to now come
forth; to "pay back" those who sacrificed for them yesterday by doing
their part to meet today's crisis.
And when it comes to dealing with crisis our NAACP has a proud
and effective history. So, the central component of our National
Emergency Campaign to Save the NAACP is a CRISIS
MOBILIZATION which must get underway at once.
There are two key steps--proven steps--in dealing with the current
political crisis faced by African Americans, other minorities and the
women of America:
-
STEP #1. REGISTER A RECORD NUMBER OF VOTERS
.
STEP #2. MOBILIZE THE GRASSROOTS TO TURN OUT
THE VOTE AND DEMONSTRATE OUR POLITICAL CLOUT
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212 "ON
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07/10/95
-22-
If there's one characteristic all politicians have in common, it's that
they can count. Now is the time to put faces and numbers to what is
happening to us.
When African Americans, other minorities and women voted in
record numbers in 1992, we made great gains. But when we sat out the
1994 congressional elections, we lost ground--and lost ground badly.
Therefore...our top priority, beginning right now, must be mount
the largest, most effective block-by-block, precinct-by-precinct voter
registration and education campaign ever conducted by the NAACP.
BUT...we can't be content with registering record numbers. We
must also get out the vote. Consequently, my pledge to you is to work
with all the strength and energy in me to build and support the
grassroots power of our Branches.
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NO. 012
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As our organizers and Branches work to register and educate
voters, we will work to provide the legal teams and resources needed to
counter what I fully expect will be a barrage of challenges and attacks OR
our franchise and challenges to the make up of legislative districts as a
result of the recent Supreme Court decision.
At the same time we must turn to our brothers and sisters in the
television and entertainment industries to do everything in their power
to popularize and highlight the importance of registering and voting.
Of course, there's nothing "new" in all this. We've done it time
and time again. And each time we've posted great gains. What is "new"
is the clear and unmistakable message that we "get back to basics" in
this time of crisis.
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212 'ON
11:42
07/10/95
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Now is the time to go forward, not backward. To remember our
martyrs and take strength from their blood and their legacy.
Now is the time to turn our attention outward, to put the internal
squabbles of the past behind us.
I urge you to stand--right now--and join hands in unity. This is our
first action in our new National Campaign to Save the NAACP. Our
first action in aiming our passion toward the future and our children's
future.
We won't go back!
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012 'ON
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07/10/95