Poland, 1945

PSF Poland 1945 PSF: Poland folder Dipfile file empidential DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON January 4, 1945 MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT Subject: Resolution of Polish American Democratic Organization of Chicago At the request of Congressman Gordon of Illinois, I today received a delegation representing the Polish American Democratic Organization of Chicago. The spokesman of the group stated that, in view of the recent declaration made by Prime Minister Churchill in the House of Commons regarding Poland, the members of his organization had become apprehensive regarding the future of the Polish state, and therefore the executives of the organization felt it incumbent upon them to pre- sent a resolution to the United States Government out- lining the hopes and desires of the members of their or- ganization and the Polish Americans in Chicago. He ex- plained that during the last campaign his organization had assured Polish American voters that the United States Government would not let the Polish people down and would restore Poland as a free sovereign nation. Because of these pledges, the officials of the organization felt that they must bring to the attention of the United States Government the wishes of the Polish American expressed in the resolution. I thanked them for their courtesy in calling and told them I would see that the resolution was brought to your attention immediately. I added that I knew, from my contacts with you and Mr. Hull, that the United States would - 2 - would not let the Polish people down and would bend every effort to restore a sovereign independent Poland. The spokesman added that he and the members of his organization were very grateful for the strong state- ment regarding Poland which I had made public on December 18. Enclosure: Resolution presented by Polish American Democratic Organization of Chicago. PSF; Poland Honorable Edward R. Stettinius, Secretary of State, Washington, D.C. Sir: We the undersigned have the honor to transmit to you the following resolution unanimously adopted by the POLISH AMERICAN DEMOCRATIC ORGANIZATION. As American citizens of Polish lineage, we earnestly re-affirm our allegiance to our country, the United States of America: we pledge our unyield- ing and ceaseless support in the winning of the World War, in which our kinsmen are actively engaged on all fronts; and we adopt the following resolution: WHEREAS, recent statements by officials of other governments have made it appear that the fate of Poland, our first Ally, has been pre-judged; and WHEREAS, the Secretary of State of the United States, has unequivocally reiter- ated the steadfast policy of the United States Government, to preserve, maintain and restore the independence of the the United Nations: and WHEREAS, we conceive it to be of para- mount importance to concentrate all our energies upon the successful prosecution of the war; now, therefore, be it RESOLVED, that we, the Polish American Democratic Organization, hereby express our sincere hope and trust that contro- versial matters appertaining to Poland as an independent and sovereign nation, shall be resolved upon the cessation of hostilities in Europe, in accordance with the policy of the United States Government, with the ultimate objective of preserving the territorial integrity of Poland as it existed September 1, 1939. Polish American Democratic Organization Executive Committee, Frank Bobjtzal, President (Signed) John Prystoliki Victor L. Scheaeger Stephen Love Ludwik Lesnicke Peter H. Schwaba Leo Kociaskowski Joseph H. Rostenkovski Casmir Guglick John A. Szumnaneki Chicago, December 20, 1944 PSF; Poland folder file THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Jan.5,1945 MR. PRESIDENT: The Secretary of State just telephoned to say that the Russians have recognized the Lublin Committee as the Government of Poland. The press are asking if we were informed. He would like to say "We did receive advance notice". Is this O.K. djb OK PSF:Poland January 10, 1945 My dear Mr. Shumeyko: I have received, by reference from the White House, your letter of October 13, 1944, and I have noted the views which you expressed therein on behalf of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America with respect to the Polish question. *463-A Sincerely yours, Elbridge Durbrow Chief, Division of Eastern European Affairs Mr. Stephen Shumeyko, President, Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, P.O. Box 721, Church Street Annex, New York 8, New York. January 10, 1945 MEMORANDUM FOR MR. HASSETT Subject: Letter to the President from the Ukrainian Congress Commit- tee of America. There is returned herewith for the White House files, in accordance with the President's memorandum of December 30, 1944, a letter dated October 13, 1944, addressed to the Presi- dent by Stephen Shumeyko, President of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, and a copy of the acknowledgement made by the State Department in reply to this letter. Enclosures: From Stephen Shumeyko, October 18, 1944. To Stephen Shumeyko. 145. Poland- - 1944 time THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON December 30, 1944. MEMORANDUM FOR THE STATE DEPARTMENT: TO ACKNOWLEDGE AND RETURN FOR MY FILES. F.D.R. Letter from Stephen Shumeyko, President, Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, P.O. Box 721, Church St. Annex, New York 8, N.Y., 10/13/44, to the President, in re future eastern boundaries of Poland as they affect the Ukrainian population. SECRET DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON December 22, 1944 MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT Subject: Letter to the President from the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America. I return herewith the letter dated October 13 addressed to the President by Stephen Shumeyko, President of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America. It was forwarded to me on December 12 with the request that I read it and return it for your files. DECLASSIFIED State Dept. Letter, 1.11.72 By J. Schauble Date FEB 1 , 1972 ano THE WHITE HOUSE 220-A WASHINGTON December 12, 1944. MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF STATE:, 20 TO READ AND RETURN FOR MY FILES. F.D.R. Letter from Stephen Shumeyko, President, Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, t P.O. Box 721, Church St. Annex, New York 8, N.Y., 10/13/44, to the President, as per the attached brief. x413-A x220-A Refers to the recent talk which the President had with the Memorial Committee of the Polish American Congress in regard to the future eastern boundaries of Poland. He states that the delegation failed to inform the President that the preponderant majority of the population involved in the Soviet-Polish border dispute is neither Polish nor Russian, but purely Ukrainian. The writer, on behalf of the Ukrainian X Congress Committee of America, urges the President to recommend to the Allied conferences in Washington, London, and Moscow, on matters relating to the Soviet-Polish border dispute that, in order to promote peace and security in post-war Eastern Europe, a plebiscite be held in the territory involved in the dispute, namely, Western Ukraine, for the purpose of determining the true wishes of the population therein on the question of their future national allegiance. STEPHEN SHUMEYKO DR. WALTER GALLAN WILLIAM SIABATURA MRS. HELEN STOGRYN DMVTRO HALYCHYN MAPLEWOOD, N. J. PHILADELPHIA, PA. PITTSBURGH, PA. PHILADELPHIA, PA. FOREST HILLS. L. ... N. Y. PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT TREASURER STEPHEN KURLAK ELMHURST. N. Y. UKRAINIAN CONGRESS COMMITTEE OF AMERICA RECORDING SECRETARY ORIGINALLY ORGANIZED AT FIRST CONGRESS OF AMERICANS OF UKRAINIAN DESCENT BOHDAN KATAMAY MAY 24. 1940 AND REORGANIZED AT SECOND CONGRESS. JANUARY 22, 1944 PHILADELPHIA, PA. FINANCIAL SECRETARY P. O. Box 721. CHURCH ST. ANNEX Board of Auditors NEW YORK 8. N. Y. MRS. MARIA DEMYDCHUK October 13,1944 BROOKLYN, N. Y. MICHAEL DUTKEWICZ PITTSBURG, PA. JOHN EVANCHUK The President DETROIT, MICH, White House Board of Advisors Washington, D.C. REV. WALTER BILINSKY CHESTER, PA. Mr. President: REV. PETER BILON CLEVELAND, o. DR. LONGIN CEHELSKY PHILADELPHIA, PA. Deeply concerned as you are with securing peace MICHAEL CHEMNIT DETROIT. MICH. in post-war Europe, you received last Wednesday, Oct- MRS. CATHERINE CHOMIAK DETROIT, MICH. PROF. NICHOLAS CHUBATY NEW YORK, N. Y. ober 11, the Memorial Committee of the Polish American REV. BASIL FEDDISH PHILADELPHIA, PA. Congress and listened to its view on, among other things, PROF. ALEXANDER GRANOVSKY ST. PAUL, MINN, REV. ANDREW KIST the future eastern boundaries of Poland. MINNEAPOLIS, MINN, ANTHONY MALANCHUK PITTSFIELD, MASS. Since before the war, the eastern boundaries of DR. LUKE MYSHUHA JERSEY CITY, N. J. MRS. CLAUDIA OLESNICKY Poland embraced Western Ukraine with its some seven NEW YORK, N. Y. REV. GREGORY PYPIUK MONESSEN, PA. million Ukrainian population, we believe that for the PETER ZAPOROZHETS DETROIT, MICH. GENEVIEVE ZEPKO same reason that you heard the Polish American delega- AKRON. o. REV. WLADIMIR LOTOWICZ tion you will likewise give heed to the Ukrainian- JERSEY CITY. N. J. NICHOLAS HAWRYLKO NEW YORK, N. Y. American view on those boundaries, as expressed below ROMAN 1. SMOOK CHICAGO, ILL. by the undersigned Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, which represents communities, organizations and parishes throughout the country composed of both older and younger generation Americans of Ukrainian descent, the older generation being born and raised in Western Ukraine and the younger generation here in America. At the very outset we are obliged to call your attention to a very important fact which, judging by press reports, the Polish American delegation unconscionably and completely ignored in its inferential references to the current Soviet-Polish border dispute. That fact is STEPHEN-SHUMEYKO DR. WALTER GALLAN WILLIAM SZABATURA MRS. HELEN STOGRYN OMYTRO HALYCHYN MAPLEWOOD, N. J. PHILADELPHIA, PA. PITTSBURGH, PA. PHILADELPHIA, PA. FOREST HILLS. L. las N. Y. PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT VICE-PREBIDENT TREASURER STEPHEN KURLAK UKRAINIAN CONGRESS COMMITTEE OF AMERICA ELMHURST, N. Y. RECORDING SECRETARY ORIGINALLY ORGANIZED AT FIRST CONGRESS OF AMERICANS OF UKRAINIAN DESCENT BOHDAN KATAMAY MAY 24, 1940 AND REORGANIZED AT SECOND CONGRESS, JANUARY 22. 1944 PHILADELPHIA, PA. FINANCIAL SECRETARY P. O. Box 721. CHURCH ST. ANNEX Board of Auditora NEW YORK 8. N. Y. MRS, MARIA DEMYDCHUK -2- BROOKLYN, N. Y. MICHAEL DUTKEWICZ PITTSBURG, PA. that the preponderant majority of the population involved JOHN EVANCHUK DETROIT. MICH. in the Soviet-Polish border dispute is neither Polish, as Board of Advisora REV. WALTER BILINSKY CHESTER, PA. the Polish delegation would have it appear, nor Russian, REV. PETER BILON CLEVELAND. o. 01. LONGIN CEHELSKY but purely Ukrainian, approximately seven million in philadelphia. PA. MICHAEL CHEMNIY DETROIT. MICH. number, and an integral part of the over 40 million Ukrai- MRS. CATHERINE CHOMIAK DETROIT. MICH. nian nation which before the war was mostly under Soviet or PROF. NICHOLAS CHUBATY NEW YORK, N. Y. REV. BASIL FEDDISH PHILADELPHIA, PA. Polish occupation. PROF. ALEXANDER GRANOVSKY ST. PAUL. MINN. Although it is their fate that hinges on the outcome REV. ANDREW KIST MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. ANTHONY MALANCHUK PITTSFIELD. MASS, of the border dispute and although actually they are a DR. LUKE MYSHUHA JERSEY CITY. N. J. third and certainly the most important party to it, these MRS. CLAUDIA OLESNICKY NEW YORK. N. Y. REV. GREGORY PYPIUK seven million Western Ukrainians are denied, by those who MONESBEN. PA. PETER ZAPOROZHETS DETROIT. MICH. rule them or, by those who pretend to speak for them, the GENEVIEVE ZEPKO AKRON, o. slightest opportunity of freely expressing their will in REV. WLADIMIR LOTOWICZ JERSEY CITY. N.J. NICHOLAS HAWRYLKO the matter. Obviously that is contrary to the Atlantic NEW YORK, N. Y. ROMAN 1. SMOOK CHICAGO, ILL. Charter which clearly and unmistakably lays down as a principle the right of a people to determine their political destiny. May we respectfully remind you, Mr. President, that this denial to the Western Ukrainian population involved in the Soviet-Polish border dispute, of the right to express their will concerning it, will make 1m- possible any just and permanent settlement of the dispute. Moreover, it will leave the post-war situation there fraught with considerable danger to peace, for a people who are bartered away by the powers that be without the slightest regard to their wishes and rights #TEPHEN-SHUMEYKO DR. WALTER GALLAN WILLIAM SZABATURA MRS. HELEN STOGRYN DMYTRO HALYCHYN MAPLEWOOD, N. J. PHILADELPHIA, PA. PITTSBURGH, PA. PHILADELPHIA, PA, FOREST HILLS, L. 1., N. Y. PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT TREASURER STEPHEN KURLAK UKRAINIAN CONGRESS COMMITTEE OF AMERICA ELMHURST. N. Y. RECORDING SECRETARY ORIGINALLY ORGANIZED AT FIRST CONGRESS OF AMERICANS OF UKRAINIAN DESCENT BOHDAN KATAMAY MAY 24. 1940 AND REORGANIZED AT SECOND CONGRESS, JANUARY 22. 1944 PHILADELPHIA, PA. FINANCIAL SECRETARY P. O. Box 721. CHURCH ST. ANNEX Board of Auditors NEW YORK 8. N. Y. MRS. MARIA DEMYDCHUK -3- BROOKLYN. N. Y. are bound to be restive. Pre-war history of the Ukrainian MICHAEL DUTKEWICZ PITTSBURG, PA. JOHN EVANCHUK people under both Soviet and Polish dominaton abounds with DETROIT. MICH. Board of Advisora evidence of such restiveness, especially in times when the REV. WALTER BILINSKY CHESTER. PA. foreign occupants of their native land subjected the Ukrai- REV. PETER BILON CLEVELAND. o. DR. LONGIN CEHELSKY PHILADELPHIA, PA. nians to oppression and "pacifications" in Western Ukraine MICHAEL CHEMNIY DETROIT. MICH. and to purges, forced labor, and terrible man-made famines MRS. CATHERINE CHOMIAK DETROIT. MICH. PROF. NICHOLAS CHUBATY in Eastem Ukraine. Similar evidence can also be found NEW YORK, N. Y. REV. BASIL FEDDISH PHILADELPHIA, PA. during the recent period of Nazi occupation of Ukraine when PROF. ALEXANDER GRANOVSKY ST. PAUL. MINN, REV. ANDREW KIST the Ukrainian people constantly fought against and harassed MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. ANTHONY MALANCHUK PITTSFIELD. MASS. their brutal occupants and did not produce from their midst DR. LUKE MYSHUHA JERSEY CITY, N. J. MRS. CLAUDIA OLESNICKY even a single quisling. NEW YORK, N. Y. REV. GREGORY PYPIUK MONESSEN, PA. Since, however, the Ukrainians over there are denied PETER ZAPOROZHETS DETROIT. MICH. GENEVIEVE ZEPKO an opportunity to express their sentiments concerning their AKRON. o. REV. WLADIMIR LOTOWICZ post-war fate, and since, moreover, Polish propaganda vir- JERSEY CITY. N. J. NICHOLAS HAWRYLKO NEW YORK, N. Y. tually ignores the very existence of the Ukrainians as such, ROMAN 1. SMOOK CHICAGO, ILL. while Communist propaganda would have the world believe that the Ukrainians under Soviet rule are a happy and contented lot, we, their American kinsmen, removed from them at most by one generation and in the great majority of cases bound to them by family ties, are conscience- bound to speak out in their behalf, as we have so often done in the past. Accordingly we earnestly petition you, Mr. President, to recommend to the Allied conferences in Washington, London, and Moscow on matters relating to the Soviet-Polish border dispute that, in order to promote STEPHEN-SHUMEYKO DR. WALTER GALLAN WILLIAM SZABATURA MRS. HELEN STOGRYN OMYTRO HALYCHYN MAPLEWOOD, N. J. PHILADELPHIA, PA. PITTSBURGH, PA. PHILADELPHIA, PA. FOREST HILLS, L. la N. Y. PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT TREASURER STEPHEN KURLAK ELMHURST. N. Y. UKRAINIAN CONGRESS COMMITTEE OF AMERICA RECORDING SECRETARY ORIGINALLY ORGANIZED AT FIRST CONGRESS OF AMERICANS OF UKRAINIAN DESCENT BOHDAN KATAMAY MAY 24. 1940 AND REORGANIZED AT SECOND CONGRESS. JANUARY 22. 1944 PHILADELPHIA, PA. FINANCIAL SECRETARY P. O. Box 721. CHURCH ST. ANNEX Board of Auditora NEW YORK 8. N. Y. MRS. MARIA DEMYDCHUK -4- BROOKLYN. N. Y. MICHAEL DUTKEWICE peace and security in post-war Eastern Europe, a plebiscite PITTSBURG, PA. JOHN EVANCHUK DETROIT. MICH, be held in the territory involved in the dispute, namely, Board of Advisora Western Ukraine, for the purpose of determining the true REV. WALTER BILINSKY CHESTER, PA. REV. PETER BILON wishes of the population therein on the question of their CLEVELAND, o. DR. LONGIN CEHELSKY PHILADELPHIA. PA. future national allegiance. MICHAEL CHEMNIY DETROIT. MICH. MRS. CATHERINE CHOMIAK In order, however, that the proposed plebiscite in DETROIT. MICH. PROF. NICHOLAS CHUBATY NEW YORK, N. Y. Western Ukraine be fair and convincing, in order that, in REV. BASIL FEDDISH PHILADELPHIA, PA. PROF. ALEXANDER GRANOVSKY the words of the Atlantic Charter, it constitute "the freely ST. PAUL, MINN. REV. ANDREW KIST MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. expressed wishes of the people concerned", we respectfully ANTHONY MALANCHUK PITTSFIELD. MASS. suggest that it be held without the presence of Soviet or DR. LUKE MYSHUHA JERSEY CITY. N. J. MRS. CLAUDIA OLESNICKY NEW YORK, N. Y. Polish troops or police, and with local order to be main- REV. GREGORY PYPIUK MONESSEN, PA. tained by a United Nations police force, recruited from PETER ZAPOROZHETS DETROIT, MICH. GENEVIEVE ZEPKO nationals of countries that have no direct interest in the AKRON, o. REV. WLADIMIR LOTOWICZ outcome of the vote. JERSEY CITY, N. J. NICHOLAS HAWRYLKO NEW YORK, N. Y. It is our deep conviction, based on our intimate ROMAN 1. SMOOK CHICAGO, ILL. knowledge of our kinsmen and relatives in Western Ukraine, that the plebiscite we propose would clearly reveal that the Ukrainians there prefer neither Polish nor Soviet Russian rule, but only free and independent Ukrainian rule. And this they would attain only if they would be permitted to reassert their centuries-old freedom-loving traditions by invoking the historic Act of November 1,1918 establishing the Western Ukrainian Republic, and the historic Act of January 22,1919 uniting their republic with the Ukrainian National Republic, and proceed as then, twenty- STEPHEN SHUMEYKO DR. WALTER GALLAN WILLIAM SZABATURA MRS. HELEN STOGRYN DMYTRO HALYCHYN MAPLEWOOD, N. J. PHILADELPHIA, PA. PITTSBURGH, PA. PHILADELPHIA, PA. FOREST HILLS, L. 1., N. Y. PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT TREASURER STEPHEN KURLAK UKRAINIAN CONGRESS COMMITTEE OF AMERICA ELMHURST. N. Y. RECORDING SECRETARY ORIGINALLY ORGANIZED AT FIRST CONGRESS OF AMERICANS OF UKRAINIAN DESCENT BOHDAN KATAMAY MAY 24, 1940 AND REORGANIZED AT SECOND CONGRESS. JANUARY 22. 1944 PHILADELPHIA, PA. FINANCIAL SECRETARY P. O. Box 721. CHURCH ST. ANNEX Board of Auditors NEW YORK 8. N. Y. MRS. MARIA DEMYDCHUK -5- BROOKLYN, N. Y. MICHAEL DUTKEWICZ PITTSBURG, PA. five years ago, to unite themselves with their fellow JOHN EVANCHUK DETROIT. MICH. kinsmen of Eastern Ukraine and establish, within Ukrainian Board of Advisora REV. WALTER BILINSKY ethnographic boundaries and embodying the entire 40 million CHESTER. PA. REV. PETER BILON CLEVELAND. o. Ukrainian nation, a free and independent and sovereign DR. LONGIN CEHELSKY PHILADELPHIA, PA. MICHAEL CHEMNIY Ukrainian national state, founded on the traditionally DETROIT. MICH. MRS. CATHERINE CHOMIAK DETROIT. MICH. Ukrainian democratic principles, and living in peace, PROF. NICHOLAS CHUBATY NEW YORK, N. Y. REV. BASIL FEDDISH security, and close economic collaboration with the neigh- PHILADELPHIA, PA. PROF. ALEXANDER GRANOVSKY ST. PAUL. MINN, boring states. REV. ANDREW KIST MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. ANTHONY MALANCHUK In a word, it is our sincere and well-founded convic- PITTSFIELD. MASS. DR. LUKE MYSHUHA JERSEY CITY, N.J. tion that the unbreakable and centuries-old will to control MRS. CLAUDIA OLESNICKY NEW YORK. N.Y. REV. GREGORY PYPIUK their own national destinies and live their own national MONESSEN. PA. PETER ZAPOROZHETS DETROIT. MICH. life would be again clearly demonstrated by our Ukrainian GENEVIEVE ZEPKO AKRON, o. kinsmen in their war-torn native, but foreign-occupied REV. WLADIMIR LOTOWICZ JERSEY CITY. N. J. land if they would get the opportunity to express their NICHOLAS HAWRYLKO NEW YORK, N.Y. ROMAN 1. SMOOK will and wishes in the matter freely and without alien CHICAGO, ILL. coercion or interference. Ukrainian Congress Committee of America Stephen Stephen Shumeyko, Shumpho President ADDRESS OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE WASHINGTON, D.C. File DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON January 10, 1945 MEMORANDUM FOR MR. HASSETT Subject: Letter to the President from the Ukrainian Congress Commit- tee of America. There 1s returned herewith for the White House files, in accordance with the President's memorandum of December 30, 1944, a letter dated October 13, 1944, addressed to the Presi- dent by Stephen Shumeyko, President of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, and a copy of the acknowledgement made by the State Department in reply to this letter. Enclosures: From Stephen Shumeyko, October 13, 1944. To Stephen Shumeyko. FORVICTORY BUY UNITED STATES DEPENSE BONDS AND STAMPS ADDRESS OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS TO Polan.-1945 THE SECRETARY OF STATE WASHINGTON, D.C. DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON February 16, 1945 MEMORANDUM FOR MR. LATTA, THE WHITE HOUSE. Subject: Arciszewski letter, February 3, 1945. There is enclosed the original of Mr. Arciszewski's letter of February 3 addressed to the President, the text of which was telegraphed to the President by the Map Room on the same date. Elbridge Durbrow Chief, Division of Eastern European Affairs Enclosure: From Mr. Arciszewski to the President, February 3, 1945. 8600,01/2-345 x20 463 FORVICTORY BUY UNITED STATES x220 x4675 brimean Conference DEFENSE BONDS AND STAMPS x4675 DECLASSIFIED State Dept. Letter. FEB 15 1972 By J. Schauble Date February 3rd, 1945. REPUBLIC OF POLAND PRIME MINISTER Mr. President At this time the fate of many nations rests in Your hands and in the hands of Prime Minister Churchill, The whole world expects that these important discussions in which You and the Prime Minister of Great Britain are taking part will result in the creation of foundations for a future peace, & peace which should bring to nations the freedom of conscience and speech and secure for them freedom from fear and want, I trust that these essential freedoms will also be granted to our nation which has been fighting unflinchingly for their realization at the side of the great American and British democracies. In particular I trust You will not permit any decisions to be taken which might jeopardize the legitimate rights of Poland or her independence and that You will not recognize any faits accomplis with regard to Poland, If peace in Europe is to be durable it must be based on principles of justice on respect of law, on good neighbourly relations as well as honesty in international life. While I am writing these words, the lives of many thousands of Poland's best sons are in danger. The so-called Provisional Government of Lublin Franklin Delano Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, The White House, WASHINGTON, D.C. 2. REPUBLIC OF POLAND PRIME MINISTER has openly declared its intention to try as traitors all soldiers of the Mass arrests and deportations have already taken place. Polish Home Army and members of the Polish Underground Movement., You are well aware that they have fought the Germans gallantly and regardless of sacrifice throughout the five years of occupation. You assisted them yourself with your aid and in the memorable days of the Warsaw rising the American and British Governments recognised the Home Army as part of the regular Polish forces fighting alongide the United Nations. Today the lives of these soldiers are in danger because they recognize the independent, legal Polish Government and because they firmly insist on their rights as men and citizens. Therefore I beg of You to urge upon the Soviet Government whose armies are at present in occupation of the territory of Poland to give proof that they genuinely desire understanding with Poland and to prevent the execution of the criminal plans of the Lublin men. Please accept Mr. President the assurance of my highest consideration Joman Amirod (Tomasg) PSF: Poland folder 6 March 1945 1-45 MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT: The attached message from General McNarney's Headquarters on the attitude of the Polish troops in Italy will be of in- terest to you. Chief of Staff. TOP SECRET file 5 March D.Roosevelt Library BECLASSIFIED From: General McNarney DOD DIR. 5200.9 (9/27/58) To : General Marshall Nr. : F 37952 Date- Signature- Carl L. spicer 7-14-66 Attitude and reaction of Polish soldiers in Italy to Yalta decisions regarding Poland has been one of extreme disappointment. They have however remained loyal to their officers and to their duties as soldiers. General Clark visited Eighth Army and II Polish Corps several days ago to determine what probable attitude of officers and soldiers would be in combat. As result of his visit he feels that their future attitude will depend large- ly on what General Anders has to say to them when he returns from London in the near future. Field Marshal Alexander, General McCreery and all senior American and British officers familiar with situation in II Polish Corps concur with General Clark's view. The influence which General Anders has on the Polish troops in Italy cannot be overemphasized. Seldom have the personality and views of a commander dominated his troops so completely. General Anders has organized the Polish Corps from the beginning and has played the role of a father to his troops in handling their many national and domestic problems for them as well as being their military leader. The amount of inspiration and encouragement which General Anders will be able to give them on his return is a principal factor which will probably determine the future attitude of Polish troops in Italy. In this connection the attitude of General Anders when he visited this Headquarters two weeks ago enroute to London may be of interest. In his conference with Field Marshal Alexander, General Anders stated that the Yalta conference constituted a major tragedy for Poland and that in spite of much thought he was completely at a loss to find a solution to his problem of what to tell his troops and how to maintain their morale. He felt that conference had sold Poland to the Soviet by putting his country almost entirely in their power. He stated that under their consti- tution Polish troops had given their oath of allegiance to the President and his Government. This President is the one who heads the Polish Govern- ment in London which is the only legal Government recognized by his troops. This Government he feels has now been displaced, the constitution annulled and all treaties made by the Allies with that Government have been abrogated. Impression is that General Anders was far more concerned with the composi- tion of the Lublin Government, of which he took a very low view than he TOP SECRET -1- TOP SECRET we.s with alteration of the eastern Polish frontier. He considered this the graver question for him and his troops because it affected their oath of allegiance and their honor. He felt that the agreement reached at Yalta legalized the Lublin Government which consists chiefly of natural- ized Russians. When the Yalta decision was first announced he wrote a letter to General McCreery, Eighth Army Commander, asking that Polish troops be taken out of the line. However, when he was told that there were no troops available to relieve them, he agreed to carry on and assured General McCreery that they would all do their duty. Before leaving Italy General Anders gave orders to his troops to carry on as they had been doing and to maintain complete calm and discipline. It appears that the appointment of General Anders as acting Commander- in-Chief Polish forces signifies that he has decided to throw in his lot with London Polish Government as opposed to the Lublin Government. It also signifies the termination of his appointment as commander of II Polish Corps in Italy (see following paragraph). Plans regarding General Anders return to Italy are not clear at present. Information just received from War Office indicates that they have had little contact with General Anders or with the London Polish Headquarters since the order was issued appointing him acting Polish Commander-in-Chief. It is believed that he will return to Italy shortly in capacity of acting Commander-in-Chief of all Polish armed forces. He is expected to explain Polish situation to his troops and to appoint successor to command II Polish Corps. Thereafter he is expected to return to London to set up his Head- quarters as acting Polish Commander-in-Chief. It is hoped that his talks with Prime Minister Churchill and other officials in London will have raised his morale and altered the views he held before leaving Italy. His return is awaited with interest in view of profound respect his visit will have on future morale of Polish forces here. The fighting capa- bilities of the Polish troops in Italy are extremely important to conduct of future operations in this theater. Fifteenth Army Group plans for future operations depend to a large extent on offensive capacity of Polish troops which has previously been excellent. Any marked deterioration in their offensive capacity as result of General Anders attitude and remarks on his return from London will make it necessary to recast those plans. The purpose of General Clark's recent visit to the Polish troops was to determine what their fighting capabilities were. As the result of that visit he estimates their capabilities in a defensive role as being satisfactory. He believes their capabilities in an offensive role are still to be determined and will depend to a large extent on attitude of General Anders when he returns here from London. TOP SECRET -2- TOP MAR 6 1945 MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT: The attached message from General McNarney's Headquarters on the attitude of the Polish troops in Italy will be of interest to you. (Sod) G.C. MARSHALL Chief of Staff. 1 Incl. Message BECLASSIFIED Library DOD DIR. 5800.9 (9/27/58) Data- 7-14-66 Signature- Care 1.specer Return to Originating Office of War Department Showing Action Taken TOP - 5 March 1945. Franklin D. Rocsevelt Library DECLASSIFIED From: General McNarney DOD DIR. 5200.9 (9/27/58) To : General Marshall Date- 7-14-66 Nr. : F 37952 Signature- Carl Specer Attitude and reaction of Polish soldiers in Italy to Yalta decisions regarding Poland has been one of extreme disappointment. They have however remained loyal to their officers and to their duties as soldiers. General Clark visited Eighth Army and II Polish Corps several days ago to determine what probable attitude of officers and soldiers would be in combat. As result of his visit he feels that their future attitude will depend large- ly on what General Anders has to say to them when he returns from London in the near future. Field Marshal Alexander, General McCreery and all senior American and British officers familiar with situation in II Polish Corps concur with General Clark's view. The influence which General Anders has on the Polish troops in Italy cannot be overemphasized. Seldom have the personality and views of a commander dominated his troops so completely. General Anders has organized the Polish Corps from the beginning and has played the role of a father to his troops in handling their many national and domestic problems for them as well 8.8 being their military leader. The amount of inspiration and encouragement which General Anders will be able to give them on his return is a principal factor which will probably determine the future attitude of Polish troops in Italy. In this connection the attitude of General Anders when he visited this Headquarters two weeks ago enroute to London may be of interest. In his conference with Field Marshal Alexander, General Anders stated that the Yalta conference constituted a major tragedy for Poland and that in spite of much thought he was completely at a loss to find a solution to his problem of what to tell his troops and how to maintain their morale. He felt that conference had sold Poland to the Soviet by putting his country almost entirely in their power. He stated that under their consti- tution Polish troops had given their oath of allegiance to the President and his Government. This President is the one who heads the Polish Govern- ment in London which is the only legal Government recognized by his troops. This Government he feels has now been displaced, the constitution annulled and all treaties made by the Allies with that Government have been abrogated. Impression is that General Anders was far more concerned with the composi- tion of the Lublin Government, of which he took a very low view than he TOP SECRET -1- TOP SECRET was with alteration of the eastern Polish frontier. He considered this the graver question for him and his troops because it affected their oath of allegiance and their honor. He felt that the agreement reached at Yalta legalized the Lublin Government which consists chiefly of natural- ized Russians. When the Yalta decision was first announced he wrote a letter to General McCreery, Eighth Army Commander, asking that Polish troops be taken out of the line. However, when he was told that there were no troops available to relieve them, he agreed to carry on and assured General McCreery that they would all do their duty. Before leaving Italy General Anders gave orders to his troops to carry on as they had been doing and to maintain complete calm and discipline. It appears that the appointment of General Anders as acting Commander- in-Chief Polish forces signifies that he has decided to throw in his lot with London Polish Government as opposed to the Lublin Government. It also signifies the termination of his appointment as commander of II Polish Corps in Italy (see following paragraph). Plans regarding General Anders return to Italy are not clear at present. Information just received from War Office indicates that they have had little contact with General Anders or with the London Polish Headquarters since the order was issued appointing him acting Polish Commander-in-Chief. It is believed that he will return to Italy shortly in capacity of acting Commander-in-Chief of ll Polish armed forces. He is expected to explain Polish situation to his troops and to appoint successor to command II Polish Corps. Thereafter he is expected to return to London to set up his Head- quarters as acting Polish Commander-in-Chief. It is hoped that his talks with Prime Minister Churchill and other officials in London will have raised his morale and altered the views he held before leaving Italy. His return is awaited with interest in view of profound respect his visit will have on future morale of Polish forces here. The fighting capa- bilities of the Polish troops in Italy are extremely important to conduct of future operations in this theater. Fifteenth Army Group plans for future operations depend to a large extent on offensive capacity of Polish troops which has previously been excellent. Any marked deterioration in their offensive capacity as result of General Anders attitude and remarks on his return from London will make it necessary to recast those plans. The purpose of General Clark's recent visit to the Polish troops was to determine what their fighting capabilities were. As the result of that visit he estimates their capabilities in a defensive role as being satisfactory. He believes their capabilities in an offensive role are still to be determined and will depend to a large extent on attitude of General Anders when he returns here from London. TOP SECRET -2- JOP SECRET WAR DEPARTMENT OFFICE CHIEF OF STAFF WASHINGTON 20 March 1945 MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT: I have just received the attached letter from General McNarney, and I am sure you will be interested in the points made by General Anders on the oc- casion of his recent visit to Allied Force Headquarters. 20 March 1945 MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT: I have just received the attached letter from General McNarney, and I an sure you will be interested in the points made by General Anders on the 00- casion of his recent visit to Allied Force Headquarters. (Sgd) G. C. MARSHALL Chief of Staff Enc.: Clear cpy of ltr to CS 3/16/45 fr Gen. McNarney AEPUEL Poland freder C TOP SECRET 1.45 o P Headquarters Y D. Roosevelt Library Mediterranean Theater of Operations Office of the Commanding General D CLASSIFIED APO 512 DOD DIR. 5200.9 (9/27/58) 16 March 1945 Date- 7-14-66 Signature- Carl spicer Dear General Marshall: General Anders, Commander of the Polish Forces, visited this Headquarters on 12 March 1945. General Anders explained to Field Marshal Alexander the position of the Polish Forces and the policy that he proposed to adopt for the future. This policy had gradually emerged as a result of various dis- cussions in London, among others, with the Prime Minister, CIGS, CAS and the First Sea Lord. It was based on the fact that in 1939 Poland had en- tered the War to defeat Germany; that the War had already lasted six years and it was not yet finished; and that no one could foretell what the future might bring forth. Much could happen between now and the making of peace. General Anders stated that in these circumstances he felt that the only sound military policy for the Polish Forces was to continue to fight along- side their allies until Germany was finally beaten, and that the Field Marshal could rest assured that the Polish Corps would continue to play its part exactly as it had in the past. The salient points made by General Anders were: 8. The intention of the Polish Armed Forces to fight the Germans until the end of the present War. b. The first difficult situation will arise at the time of the recognition of the new Provisional Polish Government by the United States and Great Britain. Should they consider it to be unconstitutional, the Polish Armed Forces would be unable to recognize it. In such an event the Polish High Command believes the Armed Forces should be kept completely in- dependent of such new government. C. The question of submission by the Polish Armed Forces to the new government will be governed by their military Oath of Allegiance and will depend upon whether the Polish Government is really free and sovereign. d. The House of Commons has stated that while the War was on help would be given to anyone who would kill Germans. Therefore, the Polish Armed Forces should be helped to keep their Oath of Allegiance, if only because they are fighting Germans. They are still fighting and determined to do so until the end. e. If the aforementioned fail, we will wish to and must remain on the side of Great Britain after the end of organized resistance and until a general peace. In such case, General Anders visualized the employment of the Polish Armed Forces as a part of the Anglo-American occupation forces in Germany. He stated that the Prime Minister had mentioned this question to him. TOP SECRET TOP SECRET Gen Marshall, 16 Mar 45 (cont'd) f. Finally, the question of continuing payments to dependents, maintenance of schools and the protection of families remaining in Poland, would have to be settled. General Anders' immediate intentions are to visit General Clark, General McCreery and the Polish Corps. In about 8. week he will return to AFHQ and complete the final arrangements for handing over command of the Polish Corps before returning to London. He stated that, subject to the Field Marshal's approval, he proposed to nominate General Szyszko-Bohusz as Acting Corps Commander and to leave with the Corps all present senior staff officers. In this way the least disturbance would be caused by his own departure. Moreover, he hoped that the Field Marshal would agree to his paying frequent visits to Italy to maintain close touch with the Polish Corps and other Polish establishments. The Field Marshal approved the nomi- nation of General Anders' successor and added that he would be delighted to see General Anders at any time. Sincerely, (sgd.) Joseph T. McNarney JOSEPH T. McNARNEY Lieutenant General, U. S. Army Commanding General of the Army George C. Marshall Chief of Staff, Wer Department Washington, D. C. Franklin D. Roosevelt Library DECLASSIFIED DOD DIR. 5200.9 (9/27/58) Date- 7-14-66 Signature- Carl L specer -2- TOP SECRET Carbon initialed "OK F.D.R." and Poland folder 1-45 returned to the Secretary of State 4/11/45, elb. 5R 4369 750 DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON April 7, 1945 MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT Subject: Transfer of Funds to the Polish Government. You will recall that last year you allocated $12,500,000 from your Emergency Fund to the Depart- ment for the use 01 the Polish Government, $2,500,000 of this sum was for the maintenance of Polish missions and related expenses in the western hemisphere. Three quarterly payments have already been made and the Polish authorities have now applied for the final quar- terly transfer of $625,000. Although circumstances have greatly changed since the allocation was originally made, I feel that for political reasons it would be inadvisable to refuse the transfer of the remainder of the sum agreed upon. In the circumstances, however, I believe it advisable to request your approval before making the payment. DECLASSIFIED State Dept. Letter, "FEB 15 1972 By J. Schauble Date Paland t THE UT POLAND ABO PSF THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND GENERAL INFORMATION 1. Poland's Place in Europe universal suffrage of both sexes, estab- lished the Constitution in 1921. This Poland is the sixth country in Europe Constitution made the Government both as regards area (150,470 square miles) and population (35,500,000). and the President of the Republic re- Among all the nations of the world, sponsible to parliament as the pre. Poland ranks eleventh in population dominant power. In 1935, the Con- and twenty-sixth in area. stitution of Poland was amended by a small majority, the power of the Poland's frontier is 2,250 miles long. executive strengthened, that of parlia- Of this only forty-five miles is Baltic ment restricted. Even so the President sea-coast. This 2% gateway to the of Poland had far less power than the world is totally inadequate for Po- President of the United States. Free- land's needs, compared to Germany's dom of religion, of press and speech 21%, France's 60%, Spain's 65%, was granted and even in the days of America's 71%, Great Britain's 100%. greatest State interference with indi- In the 15th Century, Poland was the vidual initiative, more than half the largest state in Europe, as the follow- Polish press openly criticised the Pol. ing table shows: ish Government, showing that consti- In the 11th Century, tutional rights were not impaired. Poland's area was 130,888 s.m. Universal suffrage gave men and In the 15th Century, women above 21 the right to vote in Poland's area was 430,502 " secret ballot irrespective of race and creed. In the 18th Cent., before the 1st partition 392,664 " In the 18th Cent., before 3. Government of Poland the 2nd partition 200,772 " Contemporary Poland 150,470 " After the invasion of Poland by Germany and Russia, President Mos- cicki, in accordance with the Consti- 2. Poland, a Democracy tution, transmitted his powers to After regaining her independence in Wladyslaw Raczkiewicz, then in Paris. 1918, Poland adopted a parliamentary In September, 1939, President Racz- form of Government. The first par- kiewicz took the oath of office at the liament of reborn Poland, elected by Polish Embassy there, and appointed [3] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND General Sikorski to be Prime Minister ning); the Rev. Zygmunt Kaczynski, and Commander-in-Chief. In Decem- Minister of Education; Henryk Stras. ber 1939, the Polish National Council, burger, Polish Minister in the Middle an advisory body acting in the absence East. of an elected parliament, was appointed and Ignacy Paderewski elected as its The Peasant and Labor parties each have one more member in this Gov. chairman. When France collapsed in 1940, the Polish Government was ernment than they had in that of Gen- transferred from Angers to London. eral Sikorski. The Peasant Party is The following year the Polish National represented by three members: Miko- Council was expanded to include repre- lajczyk, Banaczyk and Kot; the Polish sentatives of all Polish political parties. Labor Party by three members: Kwa. The Government submits its budget to pinski, Stanczyk and Grosfeld; the the National Council and consults it on National Liberal Party by two members: all Major policies. The National Coun- Kaczynski and Popiel; the National cil has the right to make representa- Democratic Party by two members: tions to the Government on all matters Komarnicki and Seyda; three members affecting the welfare of the Polish belong to no party: Romer, Kukiel and nation. Strasburger. Of the thirteen members of the Gov. ernment, two are peasants, two are 4. Composition of the Polish labor men, three are professors, three Government are newspapermen; one is a lawyer, one is a soldier and one is a career After General Sikorski's tragic death diplomat as follows: on July 4th, 1943 President Raczkie- wicz called upon Stanislaw Mikolajczyk, Two Peasants: who had been acting as Prime Minister Prime Minister Mikolajczyk, the son in General Sikorski's absence, to form a of a small farmer, organizer of rural Government. Prime Minister Mikolaj- co-operatives and a prominent leader czyk's cabinet consists of Jan Kwapin- of agricultural labor; Minister of the ski, deputy Prime Minister and Minister Interior Banaczyk, a small farmer. of Industry, Commerce and Shipping; Tadeusz Romer, Minister of Foreign Two Labor Men: Affairs; General Marian Kukiel, Minis- Deputy Prime Minister Kwapinski. ter of National Defense; Wladyslaw Minister of Industry, Commerce and Banaczyk, Minister of Home Affairs; Shipping, an agricultural laborer who Stanislaw Kot, Minister of Information; fought the Czar and was exiled to Ludwik Grosfeld, Minister of Finance; Siberia; Minister of Labor and Social Jan Stanczyk, Minister of Labor and Welfare Stanczyk, a miner and labor Social Welfare; Waclaw Komarnicki, leader. Minister of Justice; Marian Seyda, Minister of State (Peace Conference Three Professors: Planning); Karol Popiel, Minister of Minister of Information Kot, pro- State (Polish Administrative Plan- fessor of the history of Polish civiliza. [4] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND tion; Minister of Justice Komarnicki, 6. Language and Religion in Poland son of a farmer, Professor of Law; Minister of Polish Affairs in the Mid- Language dle-East Strasburger, Professor of Eco- Polish 69.0% nomics, protagonist of parliamentary Ukrainian 13.8% Yiddish and Hebrew union with Czechoslovakia. 8.2% White Ruthenian 3.2% Three Newspapermen: German 2.3% Minister of State Popiel, son of a Russian 0.4% working man; Minister of State Seyda, Other and not given 2.5% son of a storekeeper, fought German imperialism for forty years and was Religion exiled by Germany before the last war; Roman Catholic 64.9% Minister of Education, Rev. Kaczynski, Greek-Orthodox 12.0% head of the Polish Catholic Press Greek-Catholic 10.3% Agency, very active in the Polish under. Hebrew 9.5% ground movement in 1939-1940. Protestant 2.7% Not given 0.2% One Lawyer: Minister of Finance Grosfeld, coun- After 1918, in independent Poland, sel and financial adviser to Polish labor political and civil rights were granted unions. to all national minorities. They had their own representatives in parliament One Soldier: and in local-government, their own Minister of National Defense Gen- educational system and full freedom of eral Kukiel, Professor of Military cultural and religious development. In History. 1939 there were in Poland 3,000 Ukrainian schools maintained by the One Diplomat: Government. Ukrainians in Poland dif- Minister of Foreign Affairs Romer, fer greatly as regards religion and lan- career diplomat, former Ambassador to guage from the Ukrainians in Soviet Japan and Russia. Russia. Among the White Ruthenians, national development is slow. Polish efforts to raise the national culture of 5. Poland's Vitality White Ruthenians were successful only in part. For instance, a certain num- From 1920 to 1937, the average ber of high schools, organized by Poles increase of Poland's population was for White Ruthenians, had to be closed 14.9 per thousand, the total increase for lack of pupils. 26.9 per cent. During the same period the population of Germany increased by 13.0 per cent. But for the war the 7. Population of Polish Cities population of Poland would have ex- Warsaw 1,289,000 ceeded that of France before 1950 Lodz 672,000 and equalled that of Germany by 1975. Lwow 318,000 [ 5 ] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND Poznan 272,000 In France 600,000 Krakow 259,000 In Brazil (some two-thirds in Wilno 200,000 the State of Parana) 300,000 Bydgoszcz 141,000 In Lithuania (mostly around Czestochowa 138,000 Kovno) 200,000 Katowice 134,000 In Canada Sosnowiec 150,000 130,000 Lublin 122,000 In Rumania 80,000 Gdynia 120,000 In Latvia 75,000 Chorzow 110,000 In Argentine 70,000 Bialystok 107,000 In Paraguay 18,000 8. Density of Rural Population 10. How the Poles Voted In Poland the density of gainfully occupied rural population per 100 In Poland the number of voters had acres of farmland compared as follows increased from 12,989,000 in 1922 to with other countries: 14,907,000 in 1925. Then it rose to 15,791,000 out of a population of Persons per 35,500,000. This represents an elector- 1,000 acres of Year Country farmland ate of 44.5%. In the United States 1931 Poland 154 with a population of 131,669,275 the 1931 Yugoslavia 146 vote cast in the last presidential elec- 1933 Germany 132 tion was 49,815,312 or 37.8% of the 1930 Czechoslovakia 129 total population. The most striking 1930 Hungary 120 thing about the Polish electorate was 1931 France 89 the very small number of extremists. 1931 Great Britain 26 The extreme right and communists combined, never amounted to more than 4% of the total votes cast in 9. Poles Abroad any election. Nearly half the votes (46.4%) were cast for liberal and Some nine million Poles and people progressive candidates. The Center, of Polish descent are living abroad: made up of middle-class democrats, In the United States (ap- polled 28.6% of the votes and the proximately) 4,500,000 minorities (Jews, Ukrainian, White In Germany (mostly in Si- Ruthenians, etc.) 21%. In the last lesia and East Prussia) 1,450,000 election under Marshal Pilsudski's In Soviet Russia (approxi- administration the opposition parties mately - not including polled 53% of the votes, but were so 1,500,000 Polish citizens divided among themselves that they deported to Russia in never had a working majority in the 1939-1941) 1,000,000 parliament. [6] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND POLISH HISTORY 11. First Two Dates in Polish 14. Polish-Lithuanian Union and History the Polish Commonwealth Recorded Polish history began with In 1385 Poland entered into a union two dates: with her northeastern neighbor, Lithu- ania. This union was strengthened by 963, when German hordes, under the Act of Horodlo (1413) which Margrave Gero, invaded Poland:- proclaimed: Germany's first attempt to get "Lebens- "Let those be united to us by love raum" by aggression; and made equal, who are bound to us 966, when King Mieszko I, together by common faith and identical laws with his people, adopted Christianity. and privileges. We pledge our im- mutable and solemn word never to 12. Poland-Defender of desert them." Christianity In 1569 the complete union of Po- land and Lithuania was achieved by At Lignica in 1241, Polish troops the Act of Lublin, and the Common- under Duke Henry the Pious stopped wealth of Poland came into being. On the invasion of Western Europe by the same occasion the constitutional Tartar hordes. Henry the Pious was position of the Ruthenian provinces killed. In this battle the Tartars used including Volhynia and Ukraine, as choking vapors that had an effect parts of the Commonwealth, was similar to that of poison gas. definitely fixed. The principles of this union were virtually those of 13. Grunwald the United States. Under an elected King and one Parliament, local state In 1410 the united armies of Poland government existed. Moreover, Poland and Lithuania defeated the Teutonic and Lithuania kept separate armies Order of the Knights of the Cross in under separate Commanders-in-Chief. the Battle of Grunwald. By that vic- Other provinces of the Polish Common. tory the "Drang nach Osten" was wealth were East Prussia, Livonia, stopped, but that great Polish success Courland. They enjoyed wide auton- was unexploited and it was not be- omy. The Ruthenian and Lithuanian fore another war of 13 years, which upper classes had the same rights as Poland had to fight in the middle of the Polish gentry. the century, that she could enjoy three hundred years of almost uninterrupted 15. Cracow University peace from the German side. The Cracow University was founded in lesson should not be forgotten: partial 1364 and in the fifteenth century be- or unexploited victories over the Ger- came the great intellectual center of mans, give only short-lived and pre- Central-Eastern Europe. The father of carious peace. modern astronomy, Mikolaj Kopernik, [7] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND was its most famous student. Attract- of Kalisz had been granted to the ing distinguished scholars and thou- Jews in Poland by Boleslaus the Pious. sands of students from many European The only document of its kind in all countries, it prepared the Golden Age Europe giving them cultural autonomy of Polish literature and culture. and their own coinage. From the 16. Polish Democracy and the 15th Century onward, Jewish religious schools flourished and won world-wide Polish "Habeas Corpus" recognition. "The old Polish state"-writes the distinguished American historian, 18. Poland Saves Europe From Robert H. Lord, Chief of the Polish Islam Division of the American Delegation In 1683, the Polish King, Jan So- at the Paris Peace Conference-"was bieski, ran the risk of Russian aggres. an experiment of a highly original and sion to go to the assistance of Vienna, interesting character. It was a republic besieged by the Turks. By his victory, both in name and in fact, although one of the world's decisive battles, nominally it had a king as its first Poland saved Europe for Christianity. magistrate. It was the largest and most A "Te Deum" was sung in the Cathe- ambitious experiment with a republican dral of St. Stephen in Vienna, and form of government that the world these words were uttered from the has seen since the days of the Romans. pulpit: "There was a man sent from Moreover, it was the first experiment God whose name was John." Later, on a large scale with a federal republic Poland signed a pact of perpetual down to the appearance of the United friendship with Turkey, the only State States. In the sixteenth and seventeenth that never recognized the partitions of centuries this republic was the freest Poland, keeping an empty seat at all state in Europe, the state in which the diplomatic receptions for the "tempo- greatest degree of constitutional, civic rarily absent" Polish ambassador. and intellectual liberty prevailed." 200 years before the English "Ha- 19. Partitions of Poland beas Corpus" Act, Poland guaranteed In 1772 occurred the first partition liberty of the person by the "Neminem of Poland, by her three neighbors, Captivabimus" Act of 1430, as well as Russia, Prussia and Austria: absolute personal property rights. No one could monarchies unwilling to have on their be arrested without a warrant from frontiers a free and democratic Poland. legal authority. In 1793, Russia and Prussia carried out a second, and in 1795, together with 17. Freedom of Worship Austria, a third partition of Poland, In 1573, by the Confederation of which for 123 years disappeared from Warsaw, Poland established freedom the map of Europe. Jefferson called the of conscience and worship at a time partitions of Poland "a crime"; Wilson, when religious persecution was rife. "one of the great crimes of history." Ever since, Poland has been the refuge It was also condemned spontaneously in Europe of oppressed religious mi- by the "Peoples Commissars" of the norities. Already in 1264 the Statute communist regime in 1919 in Mos- [8] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND cow. They termed it: "contemptible in Belgium, Italy, Greece, Hungary, imperialism." Latvia, the Argentine, Bolivia, Peru Poles fought for the cause of human 20. Constitution of the Third of freedom under their war cry "For Our May Freedom and For Yours." When Po- On the Third of May, 1791, after lish patriots put "your" liberty on a the first partition, the Polish Parlia- par with "ours," it was no mere ges- ment passed a Constitution inspired by ture, but a forceful expression of their the ideals of the American Declara- conviction that the only guarantee of tion of Independence and the French freedom for any nation is the freedom Declaration of the Rights of Men. It of all nations. was the first written democratic Con- stitution in Europe establishing the 22. "Eighteenth Decisive Battle of rights of the middle classes and of the World" the peasants. The absolute rulers of Prussia, Austria and Russia regarded In 1920, Russian Red armies attacked Poland and marched as far as the this Constitution as a threat to their Divine Right to rule, and hastened to suburbs of Warsaw. Polish armies, stifle Poland's democracy. The par- without any assistance from the west- titions of 1793 and 1795 resulted. ern powers, defeated the Red armies Thaddeus Kocciuszko, on his return and single handed saved Western Eu- from America in 1794, led the first rope from communism. The importance Polish insurrection which preceded the of that victory was emphasized by Lord third partition. He was wounded and D'Abernon, who called the battle of captured. Thanks to the rights granted Warsaw "The Eighteenth Decisive Bat- tle of the World." The Polish-Russian by the Third of May Constitution to Polish peasants, they formed a large war was ended by the Treaty of Riga, proportion of the insurgents. signed on March 17, 1921. This treaty definitely established Poland's eastern 21. 123-Year Struggle for Freedom boundaries. The Treaty of Riga was a compromise between Poland's past and Poland had 12 million inhabitants her present. Offered even more terri- at the time of the third partition. The tory by Lenin, Poland exercised a country was devastated, the people ter- statesmanlike restraint and Lenin, the rorized by armies of occupation, repre- dictator of Russia, called the Treaty of senting three empires with a total Riga "a voluntary and just agreement population of 85 million. Despite this to stand for all time." Victorious Po- enormous disproportion of strength, the land gave up to Russia nearly two- Poles time and again rose in arms thirds of the pre-partition territories against their oppressors. Risings took in the east, The frontier included the place in 1794, 1830, 1848, 1863, 1905. cities of Wilno (94% of Poles) and During all the 123 years of partition, Lwow (87.8% of Poles) but nowhere Poles fought on the battlefront of Lib. did it extend to the frontiers of the erty all over the world for the freedom 18th Century, not to speak of the 14th of other peoples. In the United States, or 16th Centuries. 1,500,000 Poles [9] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND were left in Russia and 134,000 Rus- Affairs, as an armistice line in the war sians were left in Poland. Poland's with the Russians. When, in 1939, the eastern frontiers are the boundary of Germans and Russians divided Poland, Western civilization, as witnessed by the frontier established by the two in- architectural styles, peasant costumes, vaders, followed the "Curzon line," go- folklore, music, dances, decorative art ing beyond it to the West at several and literary taste. points. The claim that ethnographically this line is Poland's eastern frontier is 23. What Is the "Curzon Line"? absurd. The territories between the Some of Poland's opponents claim so-called "Curzon line" and the east- that ethnographically the so-called ern frontier of Poland are inhabited "Curzon line" really constitutes Po. by 6,396,000 Poles, 4,530,000 Ukrain- land's eastern frontier. This line was ians, 1,122,000 White Ruthenians, proposed in 1920 by Lord Curzon, 134,000 Russians, 89,000 Germans British Secretary of State for Foreign and 84,000 Lithuanians. POLAND'S ECONOMIC PROGRESS 24. After the First World War had been laid. In the same time the length of Polish highways had been Poland was devastated during the increased by 30%. In 1918 Poland first world war. The total number of did not possess a single ship, in 1939 buildings destroyed in Poland by all she had more than 500 merchant and sorts of invaders was 1,785,305, in- passenger vessels sailing the seven seas. cluding 6,586 schools, 1,969 churches, 40% of all the railway bridges and 25. Education in Poland stations were destroyed. After the war Poland received very little financial Between 1918 and 1937 there were assistance from abroad (about 15 cts. opened in Poland 23,604 new primary per inhabitant p.a., Germany received schools for children from seven to four- $1.10 per inhabitant p.a.) yet, during teen years of age. All these schools the twenty years between the two wars, had libraries as well as assembly rooms, she achieved significant progress. Take lecture and recreation halls. In 1938-9, the soil, a basic factor: 11,362,000 5,402,300 children-ninety-one out of acres of fallow land were brought every hundred-attended school. Uni- under cultivation, and 8,027,500 acres versal and compulsory education had of large estates were parcelled into brought illiteracy in the lower age small farms. In 1918, Poland had 1,750 brackets down to a fraction of one per cent. Just before the war, Poland had locomotives, 3,043 passenger cars and 27 Universities and other academic in- 30,000 freight cars. In 1939 she had stitutions, 74 teachers' training colleges, well over 5,500 locomotives, 11,350 2,230 High Schools, 103 technical passenger cars and 164,000 freight training schools, 28,722 primary cars. 1,250 miles of new railroad track schools and 1,651 kindergartens. [10] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND 26. Poland, a Land of Small ant holdings to 50,007,303 acres, or Holdings 79.07% of all utilized land in Poland, A) Ownership of land in Poland. and decreasing large holdings to According to the census of 1931 the 15.21%. In other words five-sixths of entire area of cultivated land, orchards all agricultural holdings in Poland are and gardens, meadows and pastures in the hands of peasants and only one- was 63,232,145 acres, of which 11,- sixth in the hands of large landowners. 411,281 acres or 18.04% were larger So Poland is predominantly a land of holdings of 123.6 acres (50 hectares) small and not of large holdings. In each and more, and 48,198,207 acres Great Britain, for instance, large es- or 76.22% were small holdings of less tates of more than 123.6 acres (50ha.) than 123.6 acres; the remaining 3,585,- constitute about 68%, and small es- 238 acres or 5.74% were owned by tates of less than 123.6 acres only State and local governments. Peasant about 31% of the utilized land. By ownership of farm land in 1931 con- 1948 all large estates would have been stituted three-fourths of the whole util- parcelled. ized area. Moreover, between 1931 and B) Ownership of livestock by large 1938, 1,799,095 acres of large holdings and small holdings (1937) in thou- were parcelled, thus increasing the peas. sands of heads: Sheep and Horses % Cattle % Pigs % Goats % Large holdings 396 10.69 736 7.20 436 5.96 435 12.49 Small holdings 3,309 89.31 9,491 92.80 6,983 94.04 3,048 87.51 Total 3,705 100 10,227 100 7,419 100 3,483 100 27. Poland's Share in World Agricultural Production Grain heat, rye, Horned Cattle barley, oats) Potatoes Sugar and Pigs (millions (millions (thousands (millions of tons) of tons) of tons) of heads) United States 32.36 8.98 1,174 110.35 Great Britain 2.90 4.66 550 13.08 Poland 12.53 34.28 418 18.27 France 12.84 14.99 800 22.87 Germany 20.84 46.32 1,500 46.07 28. Poland's Industrial Progress 7th place in world coal output and 4th Despite the world economic crisis place in world coal exports. In zinc Poland's industrial progress was far Poland held the 5th place in the world. from negligible. Between 1925 and For her 2,638,000 spindles and 69,000 1938 the number of electric plants in- looms Poland imported 128,000,000 creased almost threefold; the installed lbs. of cotton and 68,000,000 lbs. of power was doubled. Poland occupied wool yearly. She exported textiles to [11] TEBORG Rise Ventapils GOTTLAND ¥ Kholm Volga (10 Sweden) Kalma IGA OLAND Jelgava Rzhev Keriskrong Liepajar (Mitsw) (Libau) MOSKVAGE Danga (Bepecow) Ko enhavn Shavii (Copenhagen) Klaipeda ORNHOLM (Mone) Departurio LITHUANI bak Vyazmar Kaunas Nek 8male Kaluga B (Koyne Sasznitz R RUGEN Odynier KONIGSBE Wilso Villa W DEgilev OMinsk S Dnieper o CASTE B S Grodno River Bryansk Orel IM River drioszcz Torun Bialystok emberg Frank The Pultusk O WARSZAWA Desna U Kursk POZNAN Posen) DINNA (Warter) Bransc nad Pinsk R Bugien PA A = River Chernigov zig N Oder River Pripet Dresden Lodz Sumy Of bwel Nezhin Radom an Lublin Bus ROET Kiev Kielce River Zhitomir Katowice dpolta Traha kowo Jaroslaw LWOW OBerdiche 0185 AT U K Vinnitsa River Uman 1 POLAND Bug Frontiers of 1772 (Osernowitz) Balta River Frontiers of 1939 Tisa o Debrec FOR Prut Busdape 15538 Vernolemnsk SINAU H UNG ASR Kherson THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND more than 30 countries. Among Po. unions were recognized by act of Par. land's main industrial exports were: liament in 1919. Some of the social weaving and spinning machinery, wool- measures adopted by the First Polish en, linen, cotton textiles, plywood, Parliament in 1921, were voted by the wood articles, furniture, pianos, glass French Parliament in 1935 during the and china, leather and leather goods, period of social reconstruction under gloves, electric appliances, chemicals, the Premiership of Leon Blum. drugs, perfumery, canned meats, seed, Finally the Polish death-rate was medical herbs, liquors, etc. Some of steadily decreasing, from 16.7 per 1,000 these articles were exported to 42 inhabitants in 1925, it fell to 15.5 in countries. 1930, and to 14.0 in 1937. 29. Labor and Social Security 30. Poland's Occupational Structure Assuming per capita production in Manual and skilled wage earners 1928 as 100, the output rose to 129 constitute 28.6% and white collar in 1937. Polish labor was organized in workers 4.3% of the total population. 298 trade unions which in 1937 con- In the various occupation groups the cluded 727 collective working agree- percentage of non-salaried "independ- ments with employers. Polish labor ents" is as follows: agriculture, 85.2%; managed to maintain the real value of industry 32.7%; commerce 72.8%; wages, despite the economic crisis. Al- communications 15%; other occupa- though in 1937 nominal wages dropped tions 8.3%. This proves that Poland 34% from 1933 levels, the same period was a land of small and medium saw a decrease in industrial wholesale individual enterprise, an essential char- prices of 39%, and in agricultural acteristic of liberal economy. prices of 46%. The general purchas- ing power of wages rose 6%. The Polish system of social security was 31. Poland's Cooperative System based upon compulsory insurance of Poland had 11,720 cooperative so- all working people. Health insurance cieties with more than 3,000,000 mem- covered 2,171,000 persons; accident bers, divided into Agricultural, Con- insurance 2,183,000 persons; disability sumers and Credit Unions. During and old age pensions 2,523,000 per- the 20 years of Poland's independent sons; unemployment insurance 1,690,- existence the number of cooperatives 000 persons. Social insurance provided trebled. In 1928 for instance 24% of hospitals, child care, rest-maternity- cheese exports was handled through anti-tubercular centers in every city, cooperatives, in 1938 this percentage health control centers, etc. Social leg- had risen to 99.4%. islation restricted the employment of women and minors, and controlled the prevention of accidents, provided paid 32. Poland's Progress on the Sea holidays for workers, etc. This social Poland's most striking achievement security legislation was one of the first was the construction and development steps taken by reborn Poland and labor of the port of Gdynia on the Baltic [14] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND Sea. In 1924, the number of incoming by sea is most significant. The value and outgoing vessels was 58 with a of Polish imports by sea increased from total tonnage of 10,167. In 1938, it 27.4% in 1928 to 65.5% in 1937; was 12,990 with a total tonnage of similarly the value of Polish exports 9,174,000 tons. Together with Danzig, by sea rose from 25.2% in 1928 to which was smaller, the total tonnage 66.27% in 1937. This was due to the exceeded 17,800,000, constituting the establishment of maritime connections 5th port in Europe and the largest on with more than forty countries. Polish the Baltic. The shift of exports and merchant vessels called at more than imports by land to exports and imports 200 ports. POLISH CULTURE 33. Poland's Contribution to World R. Waigiel, discovered anti-typhoid Culture and Civilization serum; Dr. Kazimierz Funk (b. 1884), first introduced the term "Vitamin" Some idea of Poland's contribution (his book on the subject published in to world culture and civilization may New York is a recognized authority); be gathered from this much too brief Baudouin de Courtenay (1845-), Jan list of famous Poles: Rozwadowski (1867-), and Tadeusz Mikolaj Kopernik (Copernicus) Zielinski (1859-), world-famous phi- (1473-1543) the discoverer of the solar lologists; Dr. L. Zamenhof (1859. system, of the earth's rotation about the 1917), created Esperanto; Joachim Le- sun and father of modern astronomy; lewel (1786-1861) and Oswald Balcer Jan Dlugosz (1413-1480), distin- (1858-), famous historians. Jan Kucha- guished historian; Jan Sniadecki (1756- rzewski (1876) is Poland's most dis. 1830), astronomer and famous mathe- tinguished contemporary historian. matician who worked with Oxford University; Jozef Hoene-W ronski 34. Painters (1778-1853), philosopher and famous mathematician, discoverer of differen- Piotr Michalowski (1801-1855) and tial equations; August Cieszkowski Aleksander Orlowski (1777-1832), ex- (1814-1894), famous philosopher; cellent painters and draughtsmen; Jan Zygmunt Wroblewski (1845-1888) Matejko (1838-1893), creator of a series of monumental visions of Po- and Karol Olszewski (1846-1915), land's glorious past; Artur Grottger scientists who first liquefied air; Ignacy (1837-1867), painter of tragic insur- Lukasiewicz (1822-1882), philosopher rection of 1863 and the Siberian de- and mathematician, inventor of the portees; Juliusz Kossak (1824-1899), petroleum lamp; Stefan Kopec (mur- famous battle painter; Jozef Chelmon- dered by the Germans), discovered the ski (1850-1914), realist painter; Leon hormone of insects; Maria Sklodowska- Wyczolkowski (1852-1937), greatest Curie (1867-1934), Nobel prize win- Polish impressionist; Jacek Mal- ner, discovered radium and polonium; czewski (1855-1929), the Polish [15] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND Rubens; Julian Falat (1855-1929), phonies. Barcewicz, Bronislaw Huber- landscape painter and aquarellist; Stan- man, Zygmunt Stojowski, Pawel Ko- islaw Wyspianski (1869-1907), lead- chanski, Wanda Landowska, Artur ing painter of "Young Poland"; Pro- Rubinstein, Jozef Hoffman, Witold fessor Stanislaw Noakowski (1867-), Malcuzynski, J. Michalowski and Jozef distinguished architect; J. Mehoffer (b. Sliwinski are Polish performers whose 1869), famous designer of stained glass names are familiar to music-lovers in windows; Wladyslaw Skoczylas (1883- Europe and America. Emil Mlynarski 1934), illustrator of Polish folklore. and Artur Rodzinski are well-known School of St. Luke, eleven painters Polish conductors, while among Polish under a modernized spell of El Greco, singers of international repute Ada Sari, responsible for the seven historical Sembrich-Kochanska, the de Reszke paintings in the Polish Pavillion at the brothers, Adam Didur and Jan Kiepura New York World's Fair. Jan Rosen (b. deserve mention. 1891), the painter of frescos in Poland, Italy and U.S.A., Feliks Topolski, the 37. Literature Rembranditian draughtsman. Mikolaj Rey (1505-1569), founder 35. Sculptors of Poland's national literature; Jan Wit Stwosz (1438-1533), great mas- Kochanowski (1530-1584), the great ter of the XV century, who carved the Polish lyrical poet; A. Frycz Modrzew- altar in St. Mary's Church, Cracow, ski (1503-1572), political thinker and removed by the Germans to Nurem- social reformer; L. Gornicki (1527- berg; Ksawery Dunikowski (b. 1876) 1603), distinguished writer; Piotr and Edward Witting (b. 1877), whose Skarga (1536-1612), Jesuit writer and monuments to aviators stand in War- greatest Polish orator; Ignacy Krasicki saw and Paris; Stanislaw Ostrowski (1735-1801), distinguished fabulist; (b. 1878), sculptor of the equestrian Aleksander Fredro (1793-1876), statue of King Jagiello before his vic- greatest Polish dramatist; Adam Mic- tory over the Prussians at Grunwald, kiewicz (1799-1855), Juliusz Slowacki at the World's Fair in New York, (1809-1849) and Zygmunt Krasinski 1938. (1812-1859), Polish national bards; Henryk Sienkiewicz (1846-1916), Po- 36. Composers and Musicians land's great historical novelist, Nobel Fryderyk Chopin (1810-1849), one prize winner; Boleslaw Prus (1847. of the greatest composers, whose 1912), distinguished novelist; Zofia music is essentially Polish; Stanislaw Nalkowska (1885-), distinguished Moniuszko (1819-1872), the father of writer and dramatist; Stanislaw Wys- the Polish opera; Ignacy Paderewski pianski (1869-1907), poet, dramatist, (1860-1941), who earned fame as a painter; Stefan Zeromski (1864-1925), pianist before he rose to symbolize modern novelist on social problems; Polish patriotism and Statesmanship; Wladyslaw Reymont (1868-1925), au- Henryk Wieniawski (1835-1880), and thor of "The Peasants," a monumental Karol Szymanowski (1883-1937), dis- rural epic, Nobel prize winner; Ta- tinguished composers of modern sym- deusz-Boy Zelenski (1874-1942), [16] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND murdered by the Germans, famous being acted in Great Britain. "Pygma. writer and translator of French litera- lion" beat all records, running for ture; Karol Hubert Rostworowski 179 performances. (1877-1938), dramatist and poet; Zo- fia Kossak-Szczucka (b. 1890), famous 39. Architecture historical novelist; Joseph Wittlin, Architecture in old Poland developed novelist and poet. Among contempo- under Gothic influences, the Polish rary Polish poets mention should be style being known as Vistula Gothic. made of Stanislaw Balinski, Jan Le- In the 16th century, Renaissance, and chon, Kazimierz Wierzynski, Julian later a sedate Baroque style predomin- Tuwim, Antoni Slonimski and I. K. ated. Modern Polish architecture was Galczynski. moulded by national reconstruction and urban and industrial planning. The 38. The Theatre schools of architecture in Warsaw and Modern Polish dramatic art dates Lwow became centres of progressive from the XVIth Century and in 1765 architectural thought, based on the na- the actor-manager Boguslawski founded tional style evolved during the later the first national theatre in Warsaw. half of the 19th century. In the plan- The most popular plays of the Polish ning of new and the modernizing of stage are those by Adam Mickiewicz, old urban areas, special regard was had Juliusz Slowacki, Zygmunt Krasinski, for the rest and recreation of children, Stanislaw Wyspianski, Aleksander and an effort was made to preserve Fredro, Stefan Zeromski. Contemporary natural beauties and buildings of his- writers are Gabriela Zapolska, Adolf toric interest. Thus the old Market Nowaczynski, Waclaw Grubinski, Zyg- Place of Warsaw was rennovated and munt Nowakowski, Antoni Cwojdzin- repainted in its original pattern of ski, Hubert Rostworowski. The plays of color. The Renaissance town of Za. Shakespeare, Shaw, Sheriff and Ches- mosc was rebuilt around its beautiful terton are also popular in Poland. Town Hall, not unlike Williamsburg, During the 20 years of Polish inde- Va., in U. S. A. A score of other pendence there were no less than old towns were thus restored, in- 652 performances of Shakespeare's cluding three most beautiful and dear tragedies and comedies. G. B. Shaw to all the Poles: Cracow, Wilno and was acted 569 times and three of his Lwow, where Polish culture was born plays were produced in Poland before and whence it radiated. HOW THE WAR CAME TO POLAND 40. Why Hitler Attacked Poland? ler's proposals. Furthermore, Poland's From 1934 to 1939 Hitler repeat- vitality and the decline of the German edly urged Poland to join Germany in population made it obvious that by an attack on Soviet Russia, promising 1975 the Poles would have become her large territorial gains in Eastern equal to the Germans and that time Europe. Poland rejected all of Hit- was working against German suprem- [17] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND acy. Indeed 1939 was the year in crossing the frontier at 14 points from which the strength of the German man- East Prussia, West Prussia, Silesia, Mo. power in relation to the Polish man- ravia and Slovakia. Germany bombed power was at its maximum. That year all Polish airfields and 61 towns within was chosen long before for aggression the first few hours. against Poland. 41. September 1, 1939 42. Unequal Forces At dawn on September 1, 1939, The relative strength of Polish and German land and air armies attacked German forces in September, 1939, Poland without any declaration of war, was as follows: Poland Germany Infantry 31 divisions 70 divisions Panzer units 1 division 14 divisions Planes 443 4320 Fire power ratio 1 72 43. 35 Days of Polish-German War On September 14, German panzer units The German-Polish war lasted 35 had been stopped thanks to the resist- days, from September 1 to October 5, ance of the Polish armies and to the 1939. At Kock the last of the major extension of German supply lines. The engagements of the war was fought Poles began to organize effective re- on October 5th. The siege of Warsaw, sistance along the marshes of Polesie capital of Poland, lasted 19 days in and in Galicia. But at dawn on Sep- spite of heavy air and artillery bom- tember 17, without any declaration of bardment. Warsaw surrendered on war, Soviet Russia despite her non- September 27, when the armies had exhausted all ammunition, the water aggression treaty with Poland attacked supply was cut, and 200 large fires the rear of the Polish armies fighting were raging in the city. Germany. On September 28, Ger- many and Russia signed an agreement 44. Sept. 17, 1939-the Critical Day dividing Poland between themselves September 17, 1939, was the most for "all times," along the Ribbentrop. critical day of the German-Polish war. Molotov line. POLISH ARMY IN EXILE 45. Polish Army in France infantry divisions, an armored brigade and the Carpathian brigade, some Very shortly after the cessation of 100,000 men in all. The first and sec. organized fighting by Polish forces ond divisions took part in the battle of against the German invaders, a Polish France; the Carpathian Brigade fought army was formed in France by General in Norway and was the first to enter Sikorski. This army consisted of 4½ Narvik. [18] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND 46. Polish Army in England than 6,000 tons of bombs on 42 targets After the collapse of France, Gen- in Germany and German occupied ter- eral Sikorski succeeded in evacuating ritories. In Tunisia, Polish airmen a large part of the Polish troops to brought down 79 enemy planes as England, where Poland now has an compared with 527 downed by the American air forces. Since 1939 Polish army corps including an armored divi- sion, a rifle brigade, a parachute brig- pilots have shot down more than ade and other units. 1,000 German planes. A considerable number of Polish airmen also serve as 47. Polish Army in the Middle East pilots in the Allied armies. The Polish When the Polish-Russian Treaty Air Force now numbers more than was signed in July, 1941, a number of 12,000 men. Polish prisoners of war in Russia were released, and a new army was organ- 49. The Polish Navy ized on Russian soil under General The Polish Navy has been fight- Anders. Before being equipped it ing since the outbreak of the war was transferred to the Middle East alongside of the British Royal Navy. at the request of the Soviet Govern- Polish sailors have taken part in ment. With the Carpathian Brigade many important naval actions, in- now expanded to a Division, it forms cluding the evacuation of Dunkirk, a separate army corps. Polish ground the spirited attack on the "Bismarck," forces in the Middle East number some the landing at Dieppe, and the recent 75,000 men, fully trained and equipped operations off the North African coast. with the most modern American and They have played their full part in the British armament. Battle of the Atlantic and carry on an unceasing vigil with the fleets of the 48. Polish Air Force United Nations in the Atlantic and After the fall of Poland, Polish the Mediterranean. Thus the destroyer fighter squadrons were set up in "Garland" fought a 6-day battle against France, while bomber crews were train- Nazi planes and U-boats in convoying ing in Britain. When Hitler attacked American and British munitions to in the West, 133 Polish fighter pilots, Russia. The officers and crew of this fighting with the British and French "Very Gallant Ship" were saluted by Air Forces faced his air armada. They the officers and crew of the flagship of won 55 victories, losing 15 men. Yet the convoy and received high British the most glorious achievement of the and Polish decorations. Poland has Polish Air Force was in the Battle to its credit a sizable bag of U-boats. of Britain, when it destroyed 195 The "Slazak", (Silesian) of the Polish enemy machines out of the total of Navy, has shot down more enemy 2,366 brought down by the Royal Air planes than any other war vessel of its Force. Since then, Polish fighter and class in all Allied fleets. Poland's Mer- bomber squadrons have been continu- chant Navy is also in constant service ally engaged and up to March, 1943, on all seas and has carried much lend- had destroyed more than 526 enemy lease material in convoys to Russia aircraft, 7 U-boats and dropped more and elsewhere. [ 19 ] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND POLAND FIGHTS ON 50. German Reign of Terror Polish Government in London, through its representative in Poland who con- In his message to Poland, broadcast veys its instructions to the Directorate of on May 3, 1941, Prime Minister Civilian Resistance responsible for the Churchill said: organization of sabotage, the trial and "Every day Hitler's firing parties are execution of German criminals. busy in a dozen lands. Monday he shoots Dutchmen, Tuesday Norwe- 53. Religious and Cultural Persecu- gians, Wednesday French and Belgians tion in Poland stand against the wall, Thursday it is the Czechs who must suffer, and now Seven Polish dioceses have been there are the Serbs and the Greeks to suppressed: Poznan, Gniezno, Wloc- fill his repulsive bill of execution. But lawek, Plock, Pelplin, Lodz, Katowice; always, all of the days, there are the seven Bishops deported or imprisoned, Poles." ninety per cent of the clergy thrown into concentration camps. A large 51. 8,000,000 Poles Sacrificed for number of priests have been executed Freedom by the Gestapo. In Oswiecim alone 1,500 priests have died of maltreat- The struggle of the Polish Nation ment; churches are closed and many for freedom and integrity of Poland millions of Catholics are entirely de- cost the Nation 8,000,000 victims. prived of religious services, in a coun- During that time: try where more than 70% of the peo- 3,200,000 Poles were murdered by the ple are Catholics. Polish Universities, Germans. professional and technical institutions, 2,000,000 Poles were sent to forced high schools and all private schools labor in Germany. are closed. Libraries, museums, scien- 1,600,000 Poles were deported from tific collections and laboratory equip. Western Poland to the Gov. ments have been looted and taken to ernment General. Germany. All books dealing with Polish culture were burned. German 1,500,000 Poles were deported by Sov- iets to Russia. specialists, mostly university professors, who had been received in Poland as In 1942 alone 348 villages were cherished guests, supervised the looting burned to the ground and ploughed of Polish universities, academies, re- under like Lidice; 1,080 villages evacu- search institutes and museums. The ated and all the inhabitants either killed Germans consider that Poles do not or deported. require learning Governor Gen- eral Frank said: "The Poles do not 52. Directorate of Civilian Resistance need universities or secondary schools, Underground resistance on the Po- the Polish territories are to be trans- lish Home Front is directed by the formed into an intellectual desert." [20] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND Forster, Gauleiter of the "Warthe- ration cards and must starve with their land," the western provinces of Poland families. Workers whose output is illegally incorporated in the Reich, said: 68% receive 1/3 of the concentration "I promise you that in ten years from camp ration; those whose production now not so much as a single sheaf of is 80% receive 50% of the German wheat will grow on Polish soil." Wer- ration. ner Best, in "Zeitschrift fuer Politik" of June 2nd, 1942, wrote: "Historical experience has shown that the destruc- 55. More Than 110 Underground tion and elimination of a foreign na- Newspapers tionality is not in the least against the laws of life, provided that destruction Although the publication, circulation and elimination are complete." and possession of a secret newspaper is punishable by death, more than 110 underground newspapers are read by 54. Economic Pillage at least 3,000,000 people. Some have The confiscation of public and pri- four editions daily, and news broad- casts from London and New York are vate property in Poland has been com- plete. The Germans not only took all printed within an hour. Even photo- real estate away from the Poles, they graphs are smuggled into Poland and confiscated all stores and workshops, published in the secret press. In spite even household furniture and personal of the danger most of the distribution effects, furs, jewelry, clothing, etc. is done by women and children. The eviction of the small farmers is continuing apace. Poles are replaced 56. Resistance and Sabotage by German colonists, imported from Russia and the Baltic States. The Poles, Pending the opening of an allied who are only used as slave labor, are offensive in Europe, the home front in exploited by the Germans; they receive Poland keeps up a continuous warfare. less pay and the "Polenabzug," a flat In the course of a single month in 15% on their gross earning is de- 1943, 100 locomotives were damaged, ducted in addition to taxes, social in- 17 trains derailed, 340 trucks destroyed, surance, dues and contributions to the 7 oil wells rendered useless, 18 mili- Arbeitsfront, from which they derive tary transports attacked, more than no benefits. Their pay on the average 500 Germans killed, including Wil- is half of what Germans get for the helm Krueger, the Polish Heydrich. same work, but their hours are longer Poland also maintains two under- and no holidays are allowed. Food ra- ground universities and several hun- tions are less than half the German dred schools. rations and no fuel is sold to Poles. When slow-downs-an essential fea- 57. Secret Courts in Poland ture of underground resistance-occur ration cards are withdrawn. Workers, Poland, the only occupied nation whose output falls to 60% of the nor- that has no Quisling, Hacha or Vlas- mal German production, receive no sov, administers justice under enemy [21] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND occupation by secret courts. A recent Bulletin, announces the execution of communication of the Directorate of 59 sentences on German Gestapo of. Civilian Resistance printed in No. 464 ficers in the single month of May, of the underground daily Information 1943. POLAND'S POST-WAR PLANS 58. General Principles has plagued it for centuries. Such a commonwealth would facilitate the The present war is a struggle for economic development of Central and Christian civilization. The people of Eastern Europe, promote neighborly Poland believe that the postwar or- trade-exchanges with Russia and act as ganization of the world should be a stabilizing element on the continent. based on Christian morality, interna- It would be a potent factor of Russia's tional democracy, and political and security in the west. The Governments economic collaboration. This order of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Jugoslavia should be established and enforced and Greece have formed a Central- throughout the world by international Eastern European Planning Board, the institutions and an international force, nucleus of cooperation along these and cannot be the prerogative of a few lines. The Board has various committees powerful nations. Poland, the first working on the agricultural, industrial, real democracy in Europe, is deeply financial, educational and social pro- attached to her parliamentary system, blems envolved. Other committees will based on broad democratic representa- be organized as need arises to deal with tion of the people. Recognition will every aspect of the mutual advantages be given to private property and free to be derived from the close collabora. enterprise, but "jungle" economy will tion of 110 million people, who will not be tolerated. The "average man" become a first class power in the will be at home in Poland. Poland World Council. This power will be will be a land of the middle class, of used solely for the preservation of workers and farmers, an average man's peace and raising of the standard of approximation to the ideal of the Four living of its peoples. It will serve Freedoms. Racial minorities will be European culture and Christian civili- given full liberty of cultural develop- zation for which that culture stands. ment and will exercise the equality of It is democratic and in the terms of rights and of obligations. the Polish-Czech declaration of No. vember 11, 1940, the Constitution of 59. Central and Eastern European the individual States included in the Federation Confederation will guarantee to citizens Poland expects the Nations of Cen- of those States the following rights: tral and Eastern Europe to form a commonwealth sufficiently strong to a. Religious Freedom. withstand German aggression, which b. Personal Liberty. [22] THE TRUTH ABOUT POLAND c. Freedom of Learning. 60. Polish-Youth Manifesto d. Freedom of Speech and of the "Manifesto of Young Poles," under Press. the heading "Character": e. Freedom of Organization and As. "Every Polish youth must have as sociation. the inmost passion of his soul an aspi- f. Equality of all citizens before the ration for spiritual growth. He must Law. cultivate his inner life, steadfastly lift. ing up his heart to those imperishable g. Free admission of all citizens to values, human and divine, which teach all State functions. us the way of life: 'He chat would save h. Independence of courts of law, his life must lose it.' This inner life, control of government by repre- well ruled, but ardent as a living sentative national bodies elected flame, must find expression in our out- by means of free elections. ward life. Let us not forget the words There are 15 million Americans who of that great Pole, Stanislaw Szczepa. nowski: 'Our regeneration begins are descendents of the peoples consti- within our heart, not within our mind. tuting the proposed commonwealth. It depends, not on the degree of our They will link the Eastern European culture and enlightenment, but on our Commonwealth to the United States growth in character. Changed lives, in a bond of mutual understanding and not changed opinions are the witnesses identical ideology. of regeneration." Printed in U.S.A. Published by the Polish Information Center, 745 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. PSF: Poland 1944 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES Number 2 PSF POLISH FACTS and FIGURES will seek to acquaint the American public with Polish political and social problems, and to give a true presenta- tion of the struggle that the Polish Nation has carried on for its integrity and independence since September 1, 1939 CONTENTS POLISH-RUSSIAN CONTROVERSY PAGE Introduction 1 Treaty of Riga 1921 2 Curzon Line 6 Ethnographic survey of Eastern Poland 8 Soviet "plebiscite" in occupied Poland 13 Murder of Polish officers at Katyn 19 Polish Underground 22 Polish Government's attitude toward the Soviet Union 24 APPENDIX PAGE Declaration of the Polish Government, Jan. 5, 1944 29 Declaration of the Soviet Government, Jan. 11, 1944 30 Declaration of the Polish Government, Jan. 15, 1944 31 Statement of TASS Agency, Jan. 17, 1944 31 All matter in POLISH FACTS and FIGURES may be reproduced with or without acknowledgment. POLISH FACTS and FIGURES Published by the POLISH INFORMATION CENTER 745 Fifth Avenue, New York 22, N. Y. No. 2. MARCH 25, 1944 Single Copy 10c. Early in January 1944, their victorious offensive against the Germans carried the Soviet forces across the Polish-Russian frontier and they advanced on a narrow sector into Polish territory. In connection with this the Polish Government on January 5, 1944 issued a Declaration, to which the Soviets replied on January 11th by proposing the "Curzon Line" as a boundary. This the Polish Government answered on Janu- ary 15th and these documents together with the Soviet rejoinder of January 17th are appended. This exchange of declarations is sufficiently revealing to enable political con- clusions to be drawn with regard to Polish-Russian relations. It seems fair to emphasize that: 1) the initiative to resume conversations concerning mutual collaboration came from the Poles (Declaration of January 5, 1944), and that 2) all attempts to come to an understanding have been defeated temporarily by the unyielding attitude and intransigeance of the Soviets. However, the Soviet Government realized that public opinion in the United Nations would not approve its refusal to collaborate with one of their oldest members. Poland enjoys a very high moral standing in the public opinion of the United Nations, because Poland was the first to resist Germany and has never ceased to fight her on land, at sea and in the air, and despite the cruel terrorism of German occupation, she has never collaborated with the invader. So in their declarations the Soviets bolstered their refusal to cooperate with Poland by a number of arguments neither accurate nor well founded. These concern the following problems: 1) the Polish-Soviet frontier as established by the Treaty of Riga in 1921, 2) Curzon Line, 3) ethnography of Eastern Poland, 4) Soviet "plebiscite" in Eastern areas, 5) massacre of the Polish officers at Katyn, 6) organization of the Underground Movement in Poland, and its identity with the Polish Government, 7) attitude of the Polish Government toward the Soviet Union. Each of these arguments is discussed separately below to enable the reader to form his own opinion on these matters and to discriminate between fact and fiction. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 Treaty of Riga 1921 " Injustice caused by the Treaty of Riga in 1921, that was forced on the Soviet Union (From the Soviet Declaration of January 11, 1944.) The Peace Treaty signed at Riga on March 18, 1921, gave real expression to Poland's sincere desire for a lasting agreement with Russia; it was not a dic- tated peace imposed by victor upon vanquished, but a treaty freely negotiated by men who sought a just solution that would afford equal protection to the interests of both Poland and Russia, and once for all liquidate the age-old conflict between the two countries. This spirit found its official expression in the preamble to the treaty itself, which stated explicitly: "Poland on the one hand, Russia and the Ukraine on the other, desiring to put an end to the war in which they had been involved, and desiring to conclude a definite, lasting and honorable peace based on mutual under- standing, decided to enter upon negotiations with each other." Mr. Joffe, Head of the Soviet Delegation to the Peace Conference of Riga in 1921, said in his speech after the signature of the treaty: I am glad to be able to state, that although the international situa- tion has changed several times in the course of the Russian-Ukrainian- Polish peace negotiations in Riga, the atmosphere of these conversations has remained invariably favorable and this facilitated the conclusion of a satisfactory agreement. We have been calmly negotiating a peace here in Riga, and not only have we not displayed any aggressiveness, but we have concluded a peace treaty giving full satisfaction to the vital, legitimate and necessary interests of the Polish nation." It is important to emphasize that the instructions given by the Polish Gov. ernment and Diet to the Polish delegation when it went to Riga after Poland's military victory, were virtually the same as those it had received for the pre- liminary conference at Minsk in August, 1920, when the Soviet armies were at the gates of Warsaw.¹ The Polish people did not want their relations with Russia to be dependent on a temporary state of affairs or on the military situa- tion. The Polish delegation did not go to Riga with instructions to secure for Poland the greatest possible extent of territory, and a frontier as far to the east as possible, it was sent with instructions to "establish a basis for good neighborly relations" between the two nations, by making a peace "without victors and vanquished" based on "a just harmonization of the vital interests of both parties." In order to achieve such a compromise, Poland consented to great sacrifices 1 The Polish-Soviet Frontier by S. Grabski. Keliher, Hudson & Kearns, Ltd., PP._24, 26, 28. Hatfields, London. No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 3 and showed herself more conciliatory than either of the two other signatories, in particular as regards territorial provisions of the Treaty. By this Treaty Poland abandoned her claims to territory of some 120,000 square miles that had been hers before the partitions at the close of the XVIII century, almost one-half of her territory at that time. She relinquished to Russia the provinces of Minsk, Mohylev, Polock, Witebsk, the Ukraine on the right bank of the Dnieper, half of Volhynia, and the whole of Podolia, except those parts of it which prior to 1918 had formed part of Austria. It should not be forgotten that the Russian Government itself had formally admitted Poland's right to the restitution of her pre-partitions frontiers. By its decree of August 28, 1918, the Soviet Government annulled all the treaties partitioning Poland in 1772, 1793 and 1795 and also all the subsequent treaties concerning Poland up to 1833. This decree signed by Lenin and Karachan, was published officially on September 9, 1918, and communicated to the German Government on October 3, 1918. The Treaty of Riga moved the frontier between Poland and the Soviet Union westward, even farther than the line proposed by the Polish delegation to the Peace Conference in Paris. The Soviet Government itself suggested to Poland -in private conversations in the autumn of 1919 and in an official declaration of the Council of People's Commissars of January 28, 1920-a frontier which was more favorable to Poland than the final line agreed upon at Riga.³ The Treaty of Riga fixed not only the frontiers between Poland and the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, but also the frontier with the Ukrai- nian Soviet Republic, a delegation from which took a direct part in the peace negotiations, and the White Ruthenian Republic, represented by the Soviet Russian Delegation. Sincerely desiring a peace that would lay the foundations of permanent good relations between Poland and Russia, the Polish delegation decided not to push the southernmost sector of the frontier further east than the old eastern frontier of Galicia, which had belonged to Poland from the middle of the XIV century, and had never at any time belonged to Russia. Even in the peace conditions proposed at Minsk the Soviet Union had laid no claim to Galicia whose popu- lation, irrespective of nationality, was mostly Catholic. The best proof that the Treaty of Riga was far from being an extorted and unjust peace, is an article in the "Great Soviet Encyclopaedia," official publica- tion of the Soviet Government published in Moscow in 1940, i.e. after the invasion of Poland and the Ribbentrop-Molotov treaty partitioning Polish territories.⁵ Under the heading "Polish-Soviet War 1920" the Encyclopaedia states that 2 &³ The Red Book. Compilation of diplomatic documents concerning Russian-Polish relations from 1918-20. The Peoples Comm. for Foreign Affairs. 4 The Polish-Soviet Frontier by S. Grabski. Keliher, Hudson & Kearns, Ltd., pp. 24, 26, 28. Hatfields, London. 5 Bolshaya Sovietskaya Enceeklopedya 1940, Gosudarstviennyi Institute, Moscow, 1940, vol. 46, P. 247. 4 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 247 ПОЛЬСКО-СОВЕТСКАЯ ВОЙНА ИНТЕРВЕНЦИЯ 248 скажем, B области вовиного дела? Когда люди цин, Ленин говорил: «Mu получаем тепорь уже me ограничнымотся огульным продвиженном нечто более существенное, чем простую nepe- вперед, a стараются BMecTo e TOM BaKpe- дышку... особенно велико значение победы, NO- пить захваченные позищии, перегруп- торую a конечном smore одержала Красная ap- n и 876 свои силы сообразно e измонив- MILA, несмотря Ha поражение под Варшавой, melica обстановкой, n a IS тылы, TaK Kax ona поставила Польшу B TaHoe поло- подвести резервы. Для чёго DCB это нуж- женио, что OHS are MMoeT совершенно can no- NOT Для ToΓo, чтобы гарантировать себя or должать bolluy.. MW оказались If TAKOM nuto- поожиданноства, ликвидировать отдельные про- женин, что, ne приобрети международной побе- рывы, or которых He гарантировано ии одно ды, единственной и прочной победы для H&C. наступление, H подготовить, таким образом, MM отвоевали себе условия, при которых MIXICOM полную ликондацию spara. Ошибка польских существовать рядом c капиталистическими дер- moller DI 1920 P., если взять только вовнную cTo- жавами... B процессе этой борьбы MM polly дела, cocToHT DI ToM, что оши пренебрегли cede fipaso Ha самостоятельное сущ-ствование этим правилом. Этим, можду прочим, и объло- (л e R и II, Сочинения, T. XXV, erp. 482, 483 илетси, что, докатившись огулом до Киева, if 484). B. Меликов. они вывуждены были потом TaK же огулом ПОЛЬСНО-ШВЕД ИНТЕРВЕНЦИЯ B MO- откатиться до Варшавы. Ошибка советских CHOBCHOE ГОСУ НАЧАЛЕ 17 BEKA. BONCK D 1920 P., если взять оплть-таки только B период обра -porta pyccKoΓo наши- воештую cTopoHy дела, состоит B TOM, что они онального госуда немецкие, шедские, a повторили ошибку поляков при cBoeM наступле- BATEM литовские If ские феодали, лаляясь una na Варшаву» (C a л is H, Вопросы лони- врагами MocKoBcK ударства, долали неод- низма, Il cTp. 313-314). нократные попыти (НТЬ pyccKoe насаление Порейда 0 середняе aBΓycTa a контривступле- и завоевать русски IM; bill вслчоски меша- HISO, болополяки были, TeM se MoHoe, бессильны ли культурным = шческим салзям MocK- продолжать войну. Экономическое положение DM C 3an. Esponoll. Русский народ a героиче- Польши было a это время весьма плачевным, ской борьбе отстанвал свою ивциональную no- a BHyTpeHHoe политич. положение, песмотря Ha зависимость. По подсчетам ясторика B. O. Клю- успехи na фроите, крайне напрлжонных (чрез- чевского, 34 период c 1492 no 1505 было 3 notime puct нодовольства трудищихся Macc, CO Шовцией H 7 воён C Литвой, Польшей, Ливо- буржуллиий Teppop). B этой обстановке гла- нией. B течение этих 103 лет pyc. государству sapa Польского государства больше BceΓo Gon- приходилось a среднем rua волнать II ГОД oT- лись войны = nóporo наступления CO- дыхать - B конце 16 и пачале 17 su. обостри- Bollex, Поотому белополяки пошли Ha лись противоречня можду различными группа- переговоры o Советской республикой Mit pyc. феодалов et pe3Ko ухудшилось положе- II винуждоны oui абаться OT своих широ- HING крестьли. Оформление крепостинч. oTHo- ких планов насч гранны it Белоруссии. mesnal B царствование Федора Ивановича It 21/1X возобновил усско-польские мирные Бориса Федоровича Годунова усилило экспло- переговоры D Pare our подписия договор атчиню крестьянства, a веурожан If голод o перемирии If ng парпых условнях мира 1601-03 сделали положение трудлшихся Macc Совотской Pod on, a 20/X заключено eure более певыносимым. Начались If усилива- перемприе Ha not 5. 17/XI B Pure начала лись крестыпнские восстания (восстание Хлопка работать PycΓKo-1 Ran конферминия no 38- Косолала B 1603, восстания монастырских Kpe- ключенню мира; 18/111 1921 стьли).-Обострением социальных, классовых мирный morouqp был подписан. По условинм противорочий внутри MocKoBcKoΓo государства этого мира Польша сохранила 3a собоӏ! Гали- решили воспользоваться польские паны, эти шню = часть Волоруссии. Одлако HOBAR CO- старые враги pyccKoΓo государства: они сделали ветско-польская граница продставляла собой eme одну полытку зароовать русские зомли. для болополиков значительное ухудшение ye- Загадочнал смерть царовича Димитрия и XO- ловий, к-рыв CoBeTcKoe правительство, . целях дившие B народа слухи 0 ToM, что unpears сохраления мира, предлигало Польше B апроле жив и cofivac находится где-то B тайном MocTo,- 19:0: граница, установленная после П.-с. B., DCG это польские феодалы ловко использовали проходила na 50-100 KM западнее TON, к-рая B cBoHx целнх-борьбы C Московским государ- предлагалась до пачала pollitu. Это означало, CTBOM. Польские пать лыставили B лица abalitio- что Советская Poccma II na этого BoeHHoΓo столк- риста-Лжедмитрия 1-претендента Ha MOCROS- HOBOTTIN c сплами контрреволюции вышла побе- престол III организовали интервенционы- дительницей. стский поход против MocKoBcKoΓo государства. Top. Вильно, к-рый B нюле 1920 был OTHAT Лигомитрый I (cM.) enepowe (a 1002-03) Ясками y полянив, a сентябре был обълвал ceón царовичем, находясь a услуже- передля Литое, 150 9/X 1920, захвачен частими нии y польского князя Адама Вишнерецкого. ren. Желиты KoΓo и насильствено присоеди- Польские килзья Вишновецкие, владония к-рых неи K П льшо. B 1939 восле распада nancro/R K концу 10 D. граничили c землями MocKoBcKoΓo Польши CCCP BHODL передал Вильно Литво... государства, полялись прыми сторониннама Нопосродственным результатом мира c Поль- ингернениям против MocKoBcKoΓo государстия; mell для Conercitoli Республики явилась DOG- OHH He pas пытались захватывать русские зомли, можность ускорить pa3ΓpoM Врангеля, что и 470 принодило K пограничным ковфликтам. было блестяще осуществлено войсками Южного Адам Вишневецкий доставил самозранца K CRO- фронта B нолбре 1920. Крушение завоеватоль- eMy брату Константину Вишиновцкому, к-рый, BNX планов белополянов il полное поражение B спою очерадь, немедленно направил Лжадми- Врапгеля означало конец периода иностранной трим K cHoeMy тестю пану 10pino Мнишен. интероенция против молодой Советской cTpa- Миншек ухпатился 3a самозлания KaK no пред- ны. B 3TOM заключался основной политич. INTOP erno, могущее поправить ero ЛЯЧНЫР длла. On войны e панской Польшей. 20/XI 1920, высту- договорился выдать 34 HeΓo дочь Марину, если DAR Ha Московской губернской партконферен- TOT сдалается московским шарем. Будущий THE GREAT SOVIET ENCYCLOPAEDIA As late as 1940 this official publication of the Soviet Government did not consider Poland's eastern frontier, established by the Treaty of Riga in 1921 as unfair to the Soviet Union. On the contrary, it stated that in April, 1920, the Soviet Government had suggested to Poland a frontier from thirty to sixty miles east of the boundary agreed upon in the Treaty of Riga. Literal translation of the excerpts on page 5. No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 5 at the time of the peace treaty in Riga the Soviet Government wanted to give Poland a frontier much further East. "On March 18th, 1921, the Peace Treaty was signed. In accordance with its provisions Poland kept Galicia and part of White-Ruthenia. How. ever, the new Polish-Soviet frontier meant for the White Poles much worse conditions in comparison to those which the Soviet Government suggested to Poland in order to maintain peace in April, 1920. The frontier deter- mined after the Polish-Soviet War runs 50-100 kilometers to the West of the line which was suggested at the beginning of the war. This means that Soviet Russia emerged victorious also from this struggle against the forces of counter-revolution." On March 15, 1923, the Conference of the Ambassadors, representing the "Principal Allied and Associated Powers" (Great Britain, France, Italy and Japan) referring to art. 87 of the Versailles Treaty, recognized the boundary line determined in Riga as the eastern frontier of Poland. Three weeks later (April 5, 1923), this frontier was recognized by the United States of America. Thus the matter was definitely settled from the point of view of international law and a basis found for the establishment between the two countries of normal neighborly relations. When the new Soviet Constitution of July 6, 1923, called into being the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, the Soviet Government in its Note of December 14, 1923, addressed to the Polish Government, again confirmed all the treaties concluded by the various Soviet Republics before the creation of the Union, including the Treaty of Riga, and pledged itself solemnly to observe and fulfill them. It is also worthy of note that never in the past eighteen years has Russia questioned the justice of the Treaty of Riga, and has never regarded the frontier as unfair to herself. She always considered it permanent and advantageous. The passage from the official Great Soviet Encyclopaedia of 1940, quoted above, is only one instance. In the same Encyclopaedia a quotation from Lenin's "Works," Vol. XXV, PP. 482, 483 and 484, says: "We found ourselves in such a position that without achieving interna- tional victory-the only permanent victory from our point of view-we have attained conditions in which we can exist at the side of the capitalist powers During this war we have won the right to independent existence." The preamble of the non-aggression pact, signed in Moscow between Poland and Soviet-Russia on July 25, 1932, says: "Considering that the Treaty of Peace of March 18, 1921, constitutes now as in the past, the basis of their reciprocal relations and undertakings have decided to conclude the present Pact 6 Polish White Book. Hutchinson, London, 1940. 7 Op. cit., vol. 46, P. 248. 6 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 On May 5, 1934, this pact was prolonged until December 31, 1945 (and is therefore still in force). On this occasion Maxim Litvinov, the Soviet Commissar of Foreign Affairs, delivered a speech in which he underlined the friendly and cordial relations existing between the two largest countries of Eastern Europe. Finally, on No. vember 26, 1938, a joint communiqué was issued by the Polish and Soviet Governments, the first paragraph of which reads as follows: "Relations between the Polish Republic and the Union of Soviet So- cialist Republics are and will continue to be based to the fullest extent on all existing Agreements, including the Polish-Soviet Pact of Non- Aggression dated July 25, 1932. This pact has a basis wide enough to guarantee the inviolability of peaceful relations between the two States." Only after Hitler's unprovoked aggression, when Poland was overwhelmed by superior German forces, did Russia decide that she was not bound by any treaties, and on September 17, 1939, the Red Army entered Polish territory. From that moment Russia began to complain about the Treaty of Riga, which had existed for 18 years to the satisfaction of all parties concerned. Was the "Curzon Line" Proposed as a Frontier? "The so-called Curzon Line was adopted in 1919 by the Supreme Council of Allied Powers and provided for the incorporation of the Western Ukraine and estern bite Russia into the Soviet Union." (From the Soviet Declaration of January 11, 1944.) The so-called Curzon Line never constituted a boundary line between Poland and the U.S.S.R., and was never proposed as such. The term was used for the first time during the Spa Conference in 1920 (not in 1919), to designate a line suggested by the Supreme Council of the Allied and Associated Powers on December 8, 1919, in the following declaration: "The Principal Allied and Associated Powers, recognizing that it is important as soon as possible to put a stop to the existing conditions of political uncertainty, in which the Polish nation is placed, and without prejudging the provisions which must in the future define the eastern frontiers of Poland, hereby declare that they recognize the right of the Polish Government to proceed, according to the conditions previously provided by the Treaty with Poland of June 28, 1919, to organize a regular administration of the territories of the former Russian Empire situated to the West of the line described below." (The detailed description of the line follows.) "The rights that Poland may be able to establish over the territories situated to the East of the said line are expressly reserved." No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 7 So it is quite clear that this line had been proposed in 1919 only for admin- istrative purposes. The Supreme Council did not contemplate its adoption as a permanent frontier; on the contrary, it explicitly reserved Poland's right to territories situated to the east. When this same line was put forward by Lord Curzon at the Spa Conference in 1920, again it was not in any way proposed as a frontier. Poland had appealed to the Allied and Associated Powers to intervene in the Polish-Rus- sian war, and they declared their readiness to do so, provided Poland signed an agreement submitted to her Government on July 10, 1920, under which Poland agreed to promote and to sign without any delay an armistice, the first condition of which would be the withdrawal of the Polish army from the line of battle to the line indicated by the Peace Conference on December 8, 1919. Thus, the Curzon line was proposed by the Allies exclusively as an armistice line, and at no time was there even a suggestion that it was a frontier line, nor was any attempt made to settle the frontier problem. It is most important to note that the Declaration of December 8, 1919, and Lord Curzon's proposal of July 10, 1920, concerned only territories which in 1914 were under Russian rule, having been annexed by her in the partitions of Poland in the XVIII century (see Map on page 9). They never concerned the South-Eastern Polish territories (Galicia), which at no time in history had ever been under Russian rule. (The term Western Ukraine as applied to these territories was coined by Russia after her aggression of 1939).¹ Polish administration in Eastern Galicia was based on decisions of the Supreme Council of June 25 and December 22, 1919. In relation to this territory, both in accordance with the agreement of July 10, 1920, between Poland-and the Powers which met in Spa, and in compliance with the condi- tions of the armistice proposed by Lord Curzon, the Polish and Soviet armies were to stand on the line which they occupied on the day of the proposed armistice. It must be emphasized that on July 11, 1920, the Soviet army had not at any point entered the territory of Eastern Galicia. Even at the time of the deepest penetration of the Soviet army to the West, Lwow was never occupied by the Soviets. The so-called Curzon Line: (1) was never proposed as a Polish-Soviet frontier by any Allied Power, (2) was never advanced as a legal basis for the incorporation of Polish ter- ritories into the Soviet Union, and therefore (3) cannot be used to justify any such attempts in the future. 1 British and Foreign State Papers, Vol. 112, P. 971. 8 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 Ethnographic Survey of Eastern Poland The territories of Western Ukraine populated in an over- whelming majority by Ukrainians The territories of estern bite Russia populated in an over- whelming majority by hite Russians (From the Soviet Declaration of January 11, 1944.) Nowhere in Europe are ethnographic frontiers clearly delineated and at any point where two neighboring countries meet there are always territories inhab- ited by mixed population. This is true also of the Franco-German frontier (Alsace and Lorraine), of the Danish-German frontier (Schleswig), of the Balkan peninsula (Macedonia), of the Italian-Yugoslav frontier (Fiume), of the Austrian-Italian frontier (Tirol), of the Czechoslovak-German frontier (Sudetenland), etc. So it is virtually impossible to find a nationally uniform population in any border territory. On either side of the frontier one finds mixed groups, in which one nationality is only slightly stronger than the other. Eastern Poland is an instance of such a mixed population where two different cultures and two civilizations meet and penetrate each other. All through history the influence fo the West (Roman culture) has here been opposed to that of the East (Byzantine influences). With the exception of the partition period these territories have of their own accord formed part of Poland ever since the XIVth Century. Christianity, modern civilization, literature and arts came to them from Poland and they were saturated with Western influences. This process was temporarily halted during the partition of Poland (1772-1918) which President Wilson called "one of the great crimes of history," an opinion unanimously endorsed by the whole civil- ized world of today. What is Polish territory, occupied temporarily by the Soviets in September, at Stake? 1939, under the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, comprised 77,606 square miles, i.e. an area greater than the whole of Czechoslovakia or of Greece, greater indeed than Belgium, Holland, Denmark and Hungary combined. So according to European standards, this territory is quite large. Indeed, it is more than half of Poland, 51.6% to be accurate. This territory is inhabited by 13,199,000 people (1939), or 37.3% of the whole population of the Polish Republic. This is more than the entire population of the Argentine. Historical and political conditions in northern Poland are different from those in southern Poland. So when discussing the ethnographic problem of Eastern Poland it is necessary to analyze separately: No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 9 PARTITION of POLAND Sept. 28, 1939. Baltic Sed LATVIA ORIGA PARTS ANNEXED by GERMANY U.S.S.R. LITHUANIA RIBBENTROP-MOLOTOV- CURZON LINE KAUNAS @KÖNIGSBERG @WILNO ANY EAST PRUSSIA Viemen TORUN ©BIALYSTOK U. S. MINSK S. R. A GERM ©/POZNAN Vistula Bug eisem WARSAWO ORZESConBUG GLODZ G LUBLIN 1919 BLUCK CRACOW LWOW CZECHOSLOVAKIA B BRATISLAVA AUSTRIA HUNGARY RUMANIA Poland as partitioned between Germany and Soviet Russia, under the Ribbentrop- Molotov agreement of September 28, 1939. Polish Republic: area 150,470 square miles, population 35,339,000. Eastern Poland (occupied in 1939 by Soviet Union) inhabited by 13,199,000 people more than the entire population of the Argentine-has an area of 77,606 square miles and is larger than Belgium, Holland, Denmark and Hungary combined. 10 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 (1) the northern territory annexed by Russia during the partitions, and (2) the southern territory, which never at any time belonged to Russia. Statistical data concerning all the Polish territory occupied by the Soviets in September, 1939, is appended. North-Eastern The north-eastern territory of Poland, between the boundary Poland defined in the Treaty of Riga and the Ribbentrop-Molotov Line (marked on the map with the letter "A") comprises 53,732 square miles and has 5,803,900 inhabitants.¹ Classified according to the mother tongue of the population, there were: Poles 1,867,700 32.1% Jews 623,800 10.6% Ukrainians and Ruthenians 1,324,700 22.8% White Ruthenians 993,000 17.1% Russians 118,900 2.4% Lithuanians 75,800 1.3% Germans 53,500 0.9% Others and not given 746,500 12.8% Total 5,803,900 100.0% Wilno is the largest city and the cultural center of this area. The population of Wilno (195,100 inhabitants) was divided as follows: Poles 128,600 65.9% Jews 54,600 28.0% Ukrainians and Ruthenians 200 0.1% White Ruthenians 1,700 0.9% Russians 7,400 3.8% Lithuanians 1,600 0.8% Germans 600 0.3% Others and not given 400 0.2% Total 195,100 100.0% South-Eastern South-eastern Poland, otherwise known as "Eastern Galicia" Poland (marked on the map with the letter "B") comprises 23,874 square miles and had 6,208,000 inhabitants. This popula- tion was divided as follows: Poles 2,926,300 47.1%. Jews 421,200 6.8% Ukrainians and Ruthenians 2,814,300 45.3% Russians 1,100 0.0% Germans 31,500 0.5% Others and not given 13,700 0.3% Total 6,208,100 100.0% 1 All data are quoted unless otherwise stated - from the last Polish census in 1931. No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 11 Lwow is the largest city of this territory and the center of its tradition and culture. It has 312,200 inhabitants, divided as follows: Poles 198,200 63.5% Jews 75,300 24.1% Ukrainians and Ruthenians 35,100 11.2% Russians 500 0.2% Germans 2,500 0.8% Others and not given 600 0.2% Total 312,200 100.0% Eastern Poland Covering the whole territory occupied by the Soviets in as a Whole September, 1939, under the Ribbentrop-Molotov agreement (77,606 square miles), the figures according to the 1931 census, are: Poles 4,794,000 39.9% Jews 1,045,000 8.7% Ukrainians and Ruthenians 4,139,000 34.5% White Ruthenians 993,000 8.3% Russians 120,000 1.0% Lithuanians 76,000 0.6% Germans 85,000 0.7% Czechs 32,000 0.3% Others and not given 728,000 6.0% Total 12,012,000 100.0% It is estimated that eight years later, i. e. on August 31, 1939, that the num- ber of Polish citizens on this same territory was 13,199,000. Classified according to the mother tongue there were: Poles 39.9% Lithuanians 0.6% Jews 8.4% Germans 0.7% Ukrainians and Ruthenians. 34.4% Czechs 0.3% White Ruthenians 8.5% Others and not given 6.2% Russians 1.0% Religion Religious statistics for Eastern Poland are as follows: Catholics 7,066,000 58.8% Rom. Cath. (Latin rite) 4,016,000 33.4% Greek Cath. (Uniats) 3,050,000 25.4% Greek Orthodox 3,529,000 29.3% Protestants 99,000 0.8% Other Christians 81,000 0.7% Hebrew 1,222,000 10.2% Other non-Christians 7,000 0.1% Unknown and not given 8,000 0.1% Total 12,012,000 100.0% 12 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 The Russians In connection with Russian claims to these territories, the Russian population is as follows: North-eastern part (A)-118,900 Russians, i.e. 2.4% of whole population South-eastern " (B) 1,110 " 0.01% Whole territory -120,000 ** 1.0% Because the number of Russians is so insignificant, the Soviets are seeking to make the world believe that any non-Polish inhabitant whether Ukrainian, White Ruthenian or Jew, must ipso facto desire to be a Russian and live under the Soviet régime. This is absolutely contrary to the true state of affairs, which fact had been sufficiently demonstrated during the temporary occupation of Eastern Poland by the Red Army from September, 1939, till June, 1941. It is surely more logical to assume that the relative ethnographic majority of Poles in the area between the Riga boundary and the Ribbentrop-Molotov line constitutes the political nucleus of an absolute majority in favor of leaving these territories to Poland. Besides in these Eastern provinces of Poland other demo- graphic groups are seeking the solution of their national problems in democratic institutions; and in this part of Europe, these can be fostered only by democratic Poland. Especially as regards the Jews it is noteworthy that on January 24, 1944, the Representation of Polish Jewry in America cabled to Polish Prime Minister Stanislaw Mikolajczyk, that "at the present crucial moment our Representation wish to assure you of the solidarity on the part of Polish Jewry with the Polish nation and with the Government of the Polish Republic in the defense of Poland's cause." Conclusions (1) Everywhere in Eastern Poland, a territory of mixed popu- lation, Poles form a relative majority of the population. (2) The largest cities in this area, Lwow and Wilno, have an overwhelming Polish majority. (3) Eastern Poland is the borderland of Western culture, civilization and humanitarian ideology. East of the Polish border stretch lands where Byzantine influence was predominant. (4) In the Eastern provinces, as everywhere in Poland, the people desires to live under republican form of government in which, as in all Western democra- cies, authority is vested in the elected representatives of the people. This applies to local self-governing bodies (rural and municipal administrations), as well as to the parliamentary organization of the central Government. The totalitarian one-party concept of government is completely alien to the thirteen million inhabitants of eastern Poland, imbued with traditions of individual freedom. It would have been unbearable to them irrespective of creed or nationality. Individual ownership of their farms, houses, workshops and other means of production created in the predominantly peasant and lower-middle-class popu- lation of eastern Poland, a profound distrust of state ownership or collectivism which the Soviet authorities had endeavored to force upon them during the period of occupation. No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 13 Soviet "plebiscite" in Eastern Poland The Soviet Constitution established a Soviet-Polish frontier corresponding with the desires of the population of the estern Ukraine and estern Vhite Russia, expressed in a plebiscite carried out on broad democratic principles in the year 1939." (From the Soviet Declaration of January 11, 1944.) To understand the value and meaning of the so-called "plebiscite" in Eastern Poland one must realize the reasons why the referendum was held and the con- ditions in which it took place. In its note of September 17, seeking to explain and justify: (a) the breach of neutrality by the USSR in the Polish-German war; (b) the violation of treaty of non-agression with Poland, and (c) its unprovoked attack against Poland from the East, the Soviet Government adopted the German thesis that the Polish State and its Government had in fact ceased to exist. Putting this theory into practice, the Soviet armies did not treat Polish terri- tory invaded after September 17, 1939, as occupied during military operations. They did not apply to it the provisions of the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907, concerning the military occupation, but considered it as a no-man's land into which they introduced the Soviet régime, without delay. Pre-plebiscite All Polish authorities, administration officials, judges, prose- Atmosphere cuting attorneys, policemen and other employees of the Polish State were immediately arrested and charged with criminal counter-revolutionary activities (Article 58 and the following of the Penal Code of the USSR). The same fate awaited members of local municipal or rural boards, whose offer to collaborate with the Soviets was rejected, while they themselves were jailed. This "purge" included not only Polish officials, but also all "enemies of the people." Among the latter were: (a) commissioned and non-commissioned officers of the Polish Army or reserve; (b) the constabulary, erroneously thought by the Soviets to be similar to the former Czarist "gendarmes" connected with the political police ("ochrana"); (c) all men who since 1918 had enlisted in the Polish army as volunteers; (d) the so-called military settlers, i.e. veterans of the 1918-1920 wars, who had obtained farmsteads under the Agricultural Reform Act; 14 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 (e) persons suspected of collaboration with the Polish police; (f) owners of landed estates, of factories and commercial enterprises; (g) all active members of non-communistic Polish, Ukrainian, Jewish and other parties (leftist labor parties such as the Polish Socialist Party, the "Bund," etc., being considered the most dangerous); (h) active social workers, trade-union leaders, directors of educational and cultural organizations, of co-operative societies, economic associations, religious brotherhoods and societies; in short, all elements active in a given community or which in the opinion of Russian authorities could play a role in organizing the local population. Tens of thousands of people were arrested on the basis of reports of "local residents" and "labor guards" of the temporary administration. Inasmuch as abuses and the settling of personal accounts were rife, virtually no one could feel safe. Thus the population of the occupied territories was terrorized. Why a Plebiscite? The Soviet-German agreement for the partition of Poland concluded on September 28, 1939, stipulated that the par- tition of the Polish State between the two Contracting Powers excluded "any interference with this decision on the part of the other Powers." Had the partitioning States succeeded in carrying through the above claim, the USSR would-under accepted international law-have been released from its legal international responsibility for the violation of its treaties with Poland (especially the treaty of Non-Aggression of May 5, 1934), and the obligations resulting therefrom, and have acquired legal title to its annexation of Polish territories conquered together with the Germans. This explains the pressing appeal of the Soviet Government and press (September, 1939) to England and France, demanding that they stop further military operations against Germany and agree to consider the partition of Poland as the conclusion of the war. The two Western Democracies, however, kept their pledges to Poland. That deprived the Soviet Government of any possibility of sanction in international law for its acts on the territory of the "conquered" Polish State. When it became clear that the theory of the non-existence of the Polish State and its partition could not be upheld, the Soviet Government looked for new arguments which might at least confer some semblance of legality in inter- national law to Soviet activities in Eastern Poland. It was then that the Soviets struck upon the idea of a "free expression of the will of the population" inhabit- ing the territories occupied by the Red Army, in favor of joining the Soviet Union. Having doubts as to the eventual reaction of the local population, should annexation be put squarely and plainly before them, the Soviet authorities refrained from organizing a plebiscite but resorted to "camouflage" and called instead for an "election" to the so-called National Assemblies of "Western Ukraine" and of "Western White Ruthenia." No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 15 It should be emphasized that the terms "Western Ukraine" and "Western White Ruthenia" had never before been used nor were they even known to the local population. They were arbitrarily introduced by the Soviet authorities which, following their illegal occupation, had divided Eastern Poland into two parts: "Western White Ruthenia" to the north and "Western Ukraine" to the south. On October 6, 1939, Soviet Army commanders and military councils of the southern (Ukrainian) and northern (White Ruthenian) front, announced their decision that the election to the so-called People's Assemblies would take place on October 22, 1939. The elected Assemblies met a few days later in Lwow and Bialystok. The same authorities published simultaneously election rules, patterned after those in force in the Soviet Union. The elections were to be held in Lwow and Bialystok, under the supervision of special committees con- sisting of citizens and officials of the Soviet Union, and representatives of the Supreme Councils of the White Ruthenian and the Ukrainian Soviet Republics. In the Wilno territory, which at first had been included in the so-called "Western White Ruthenia," similar measures were taken to induce the popu- lation to vote in the election of delegates to the National Assembly in Bialystok. This electoral campaign was suddenly interrupted, and the announcement made that the city of Wilno and the Wilno district had been ceded by the Soviets to Lithuania. This was done without ascertaining the views or wishes of the population of Wilno. Had it been consulted it would never have agreed. This was confirmed by Mr. Molotov, Soviet Commissar for Foreign Affairs in his speech before the Supreme Council of the USSR, on October 31, 1939. Mr. Molotov declared that the Soviet Union had decided to transfer Wilno to the Lithuanian Republic not because the city's population had a Lithuanian majority. No, that majority was not Lithuanian." Organization The so-called "plebiscite" was recently described by a British of Plebiscite writer, F. A. Voigt, in an article "Poland," that appeared in the "Nineteenth Century and After" (Vol. CXXXV, No. 804, of February, 1944. Pp. 53-56). He says: "The elections for 'Popular Assemblies' to represent the Polish White Ruthenian and Ukrainian territories were held on October 22, 1939. "Space does not allow us to describe in detail the complicated procedure by which elections of a type unknown in Poland, were organized in about a fortnight. Only a few days were allowed for dividing a population of 12,662,000 people¹ in 2,424 constituencies. "The electorate was not made really aware what the "Popular Assem- blies' were for. The Municipal Council of Lemberg (Lwow) did issue a statement that the Assemblies were to decide upon the future national status of the Polish Ukraine. A similar statement was published in the 1 Those residing in the region ceded to Lithuania being excluded. 16 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 Russian newspaper Izvestia. But the population as a whole cannot have known what really was afoot. The citizens of Lemberg probably knew. Perhaps that is why, when the elections came, they produced such a meagre poll. It is hardly conceivable that the primitive peasants of remote villages in White Ruthenia could have known. "The Election Committees were composed of persons who were, for the most part, strangers. It may be that local Communists had a share in them, but it must at best have been a very humble share. The elections were organized by the Russian military and civil administration under the superintendence of the Russian higher authorities. Many Russian officials -including members of the NKVD (Secret Police)-arrived from Mos- COW as organizers. "The candidates were not chosen by the electorate. They were appointed by the Russian authorities and were, as a rule, persons quite unknown in the constituency. Many, if not most, were Politruks (Political Officers) who had been sent from Russia. Some factories tried to put forward their own candidates, but were invariably overruled by the 'Politruks.' In some constituencies the candidates were Mr. Molotov and Marshal Voroshilov. In some of the rural constituencies the candidates were illiterate. "While multitudes of the electorate-Polish, Polish Ukrainian and White Ruthenian political leaders and organizers-were being deported to Russia, many persons arrived from Russia not only to organize but also to vote as 'permanent or temporary residents.' Agitators were also imported from Russia.³ Speeches and lectures, and propagandist plays (some of them with well-known Russian casts) were given. 'Propaganda trains' of the kind used in Russia during the revolution, were sent to Poland. Russian troops took part in the canvassing-'the soldier agitator was here and there and everywhere.' "The propaganda was directed against imperialism and capitalism, against the Polish land-owning class,⁵ in particular, against Ukrainian nationalism, and, of course, for the Soviet Union and its achievements. "The polling was as follows:- Only One Name "There was only one name-the name of the one candi- to Vote For! date-on the ballot paper. There was a screen, behind which voters could retire to mark their papers. Some did so, crossing out the name of the candidate, or scribbling some comment of 2 Constituency IV, Krzemieniec (Pravda, October 19, 1939). It does not appear that Mr. Molotov and the Marshal ever showed themselves in this constituency. 3 100,000 agitators were drafted into White Ruthenia (Pravda, October 22, 1939). in Zolkiev there were 600 agitators for 11,000 inhabitants (Pravda, October 15). 4 Izvestia, February 2, 1940. 5 'Polish landlords' and "British imperialists' were sometimes classed together: 'Is there another people in the world, with the only exception to the peasants of India, groaning under the boot of British imperialists, which has gone through such a tragedy as the Ukrainians and White Russian people under the yoke of the Polish landlords? Pravda, October 2, 1939. No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 17 their own on the paper. But they were observed. and a mark would often be put against their names in the register. In some polling stations, voters were 'advised' by the officials present-Russian militiamen, soldiers, agents of the NKVD, or an occasional local Communist-to drop their papers into the ballot without going behind the screen. Many persons arrived who had no identity card and were not on the register, and were yet allowed to vote. Their names were entered in the register subsequently Many Russian soldiers voted. "The voting, though theoretically free, was in practice compulsory. Agents of the NKVD would call on persons who did not appear, and warn them. They feared that if they did not vote they would be deported to Russia. "The votes were counted by "Regional Committees' appointed by the Russian authorities. The "Regional Committees' forwarded their returns to the "Central Committees' similarly appointed. The electorate had no means of checking the counts. The published results were: Electorate Votes "Western Ukraine 4,776,275 4,433,997 or 92.83 per cent. "Western White Ruthenia 2,763,191 2,672,280 or 96.71 per cent. "In some localities, when noon approached, and none or few turned up to vote, Russian troops or militiamen rounded up the constituents and escorted them to the polling station. In some districts the polling was preceded by numerous arrests. In some, many of the younger men fled and disappeared in the forests. "Returns were published for regions made up of several constituencies and for some of the larger towns, but none for individual constituencies. "In some villages there was much obstention, but it was not to be traced in the returns. In Lemberg the poll amounted to only 43.48 per cent. The Russian authorities ordered a new election-it was never held.¹ "Out of 1,495 candidates for all Eastern Poland, 1,484, were returned. Many of them-especially those from White Ruthenia-were illiterate. "Unanimous"-by "The returned candidates formed the two National As. a Show of Hands! semblies-the White Ruthenian and the Ukrainian-which met on the end of October." The latter was attended by Marshal Timoshenko. Both Assemblies passed the following resolutions- not by ballot, but by a show of hands, and unanimously. "1. That 'Western White Russia' and 'Western Ukraine' pass into the hands of the working class. "2. That 'Western White Russia' and 'Western Ukraine' be 'admitted' to the Soviet Union. 6 Pravda, October 25, 1939. 7 Pravda, October 25, 1939. 8 In Lwow on October 26, in Bialystok on October 28, 1939. 18 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 "3. That the big estates be confiscated. "4, That the banks and industries be nationalized. "5. That homage be paid to 'the great Stalin.' º "This was the plebiscite referred to in the Russian Declaration of Jan- uary 11, 1944. In this way Eastern Poland was annexed to Russia." That is the story as told by an impartial British writer. Some Legal To conclude this account of the saddest "plebiscite" in modern Remarks history:- On November 1st and 2nd, 1939, the fifth special session of the Supreme Council of the USSR decided to grant the aforesaid request, and thereby "legalizing" the status of the provinces, that had existed for the past six weeks. To furnish further proof of the "legality" of the incorporation of these Polish Eastern provinces in the Soviet Union, the Constitutions of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and of the Ukrainian and White Ruthenian Soviet Republics were changed and new maps and atlases published, showing these Polish terri- tories as forming part of Soviet Russia. In defending Russia's territorial acquisitions of 1940, the Soviet declaration of January 11, 1944, refers to these territorial changes in the Constitution. While the Soviet Government maintained that the constitutional amendments of November, 1939, definitely established the western frontier of the USSR, it later took the Curzon Line (which does not correspond to the Ribbentrop- Molotov Line), as a basis for frontier negotiations with Poland. Obviously the Soviet Constitution can no more create international law than any other state constitution. By its declaration of January 11, 1944, the Soviet Government has shown that in practice if not in theory, it shares this point of view. 9 Pravda, October 28, 29, 30, 1939. No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 19 Murders in Katyn "Soviet circles wish that it should be borne in mind that diplomatic relations with the Polish Government were broken off through the fault of that Government because of its active participation in the bostile anti- Soviet slanderous campaign of the German invaders in connection with the alleged murders in Katyn." (From the Soviet Statement of January 17, 1944.) On September 17, 1940 the first anniversary of the invasion of Poland by the Soviet armies, the official newspaper of the Russian Army Red Star¹ puo- lished a report on that campaign, stressing the capture of 181,000 Polish prison- ers, among them some 10,000 officers. The latter were first (1939) quartered in three camps on Soviet territory: in Kozielsk (about 4,500 officers); in Starobielsk (about 4,800 officers) and in Ostaszkow (380 officers). On April 5, 1940, the Soviet authorities began to evacuate these camps transferring several scores of officers daily to an un- known destination. A few of them (some four hundred or so) were trans- ferred in a northerly direction to Griazovec in the Vologda district. After the conclusion of the Polish-Soviet agreement of July 30, 1941, the Polish Government began to organize on Soviet territory a Polish army re- cruited from Poles in Russia (deported civilians and prisoners of war). Officers taken prisoner by the Red Army, among whom fourteen generals, were to form the cadres of that army. However, only a small group of army officers, who had been interned in Griazovec, reported to the Polish base, while not one of the officers who had been transferred from the above mentioned camps in the direction of Smolensk, appeared. Greatly concerned by such a state of affairs, the Polish Embassy in Moscow and the Polish High Command appealed to the proper Soviet authorities for information about these officers. Polish Ambassador Kot in conversaitons with Commissar for Foreign Affairs Molotov and Vice-Commissar Wyszynski (and General Anders in conversa- tions with Soviet military authorities) repeatedly raised the question of the lost Polish officers, insisting that they be furnished a list of all war prisoners, that had been compiled in 1939 by the Soviet authorities. General Sikorski, Polish Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief, during his visit to the Kremlin in December 1941, also sought to obtain the liberation of all Polish prisoners of war. To facilitate research, he handed Premier Stalin an incomplete list of missing army officers. The list contained the names of 3,843 Polish army officers. Premier Stalin gave the same answer as had previously been made to all 1 Krasnaya Zviezda, September 17, 1940. 20 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 Polish inquiries, namely the amnesty had been of a general nature, and the Soviet Government had set all Polish army officers free. Simultaneously with these efforts in Russia, diplomatic measures were taken in London. On January 28, 1942, the then Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Edward Raczynski, delivered a note to Mr. Bogomolov, Soviet Ambas- sador, calling the latter's attention to the fact that number of Polish army officers, prisoners of war, had not been traced or released as yet. Ambassador Bogomolov's answer was the same as that made by Premier Stalin-all of them had been set free. In April 1943, the German radio and press announced the discovery of a mass cemetery of Polish army officers in the forest of Katyn, near Smolensk. Despite its origin the announcement caused a sensation throughout the world and its effect on Poles everywhere was tremendous. It was the first reply to the question what had become of the army officers who had all disappeared without leaving a trace. To understand the tragic impression created, one must realize that every man in the Government, every officer in the army, all the leaders of the Polish underground and many Polish refugees had friends or relatives among the lost officers, whose number exceeded 8,000. The Polish Government could not possibly ignore the German reports. The fate of the officers of its army was a matter of supreme importance to its war effort. Despair and indignation among Poles at home and abroad reached a critical pitch. The disappearance of the elite of the Polish army was not only a great blow to Poland's military effort, it deprived the Polish State of a large number of her intellectuals. Among the prisoners, besides regular army officers, were many reserve officers, civil engineers, scientists, doctors, lawyers, etc.-to mention only the camp of Starobielsk, four hundred Polish army doctors were interned, men who would have been invaluable in the reconstruction of a country devastated by war. Under these circumstances, the Polish Government asked the International R Red Cross to make an investigation and establish the facts on the spot. In doing so the Polish Government made it clear that it was appealing to an in- stitution that enjoyed the respect and confidence of the civilized world, and that it placed no reliance on German political propaganda reports.2 There was no other way to get at the truth. The city of Smolensk was under German occupation, and neither the Polish nor any other United Nations Gov- ernment could make an investigation there. The International Red Cross in Geneva is the official institution for the settlement of all matters connected with prisoners of war. The Board of the International Red Cross is composed of representatives of all civilized countries without regard to politics. That is why it was not only the most suitable, but the only institution that could undertake the difficult task and perform it with complete impartiality. Moreover, international precedents existed. In 1942, Great Britain had asked the International Red Cross to investigate cruelties committed by the Japanese in Shanghai and Hongkong. 2 Communiqué of the Polish Ministry of National Defense of April 16, 1943. No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 21 This was the only action taken by the Polish Government concerning the mur- der of its officers at Katyn. The Soviets, who asserted that the Polish Govern- ment lent itself to "active participation in the hostile anti-Soviet slanderous campaign" were unable to give a single instance of such a campaign. The fact is that in this difficult position, the Polish Government showed great restraint. On April 16, 1943 the Soviet official news agency TASS published a com- muniqué concerning the disappearance of the Polish army officers. The Polish Government had waited in vain for more than eighteen months for such a communiqué. According to this statement the Polish prisoners of war, who had been doing construction work west of Smolensk, were captured by the Germans during the Soviet retreat in the summer of 1941. The assumption was that they had been murdered by the Germans. Had this explanation of the capture of the Polish officers by the Germans near Smolensk been given to the Polish authorities at any time during the many conversations and diplomatic exchanges in 1941, 1942 and 1943, Poland's appeal to the International Red Cross would not have been made. Moreover had the civilized world known about the seizure by the Germans of the prison- ers-it is probable that the Germans would not have dared to exploit this tragedy for the benefit of their propaganda. The Polish Government's effort to establish the truth of and responsibility for the mass murder of defenseless prisoners of war met with a violent reaction, on the part of the Soviet authorities and the official Soviet press. The Soviet Government considered it sufficient ground for breaking off diplomatic rela- tions with the Polish Government (Note of the Soviet Foreign Office of April 25, 1943). At the same time the Soviets went as far as to charge that the Government and army of the Nation which had been the first to fight Hitler and had never for a moment ceased to do so, was in league with the Germans. Such an accusation was so improbable and monstrous, that it found no credence anywhere. The Red Cross refused to undertake the investigation on the ground that as an international institution it would have to have the agreement of all inter- ested parties. As the Soviet Union opposed any investigation by a commission, the Polish Government on May 1, 1943, withdrew its appeal to the Interna- tional Red Cross. In September 1943, after the Katyn district was reoccupied by the Red Army, the Soviet Government appointed a special Commission to conduct an investi- gation of the Katyn murders. No representatives of any Allied institution, not even of the Red Cross, were invited to participate in the investigation of the Soviet Commission. Upon the conclusion of this investigation, Soviet correspondents and repre- sentatives of the American and British press in the U.S.S.R. were invited to go to Katyn to see the graves, where the final report of the Commission was made known to them. It was to the effect that 11,000 Polish officers had been mur- dered in August 1941 by the Germans. 22 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 Polish Underground "The emigré Polish Government, cut off from its people, proved in- capable of organizing an active struggle against the German invaders in Poland itself." (From the Soviet Declaration of January 11, 1944.) The underground movement in Poland is by far the best of its kind in any occupied country and works with the Polish Government in London, which has its full support. How close the contact and collaboration is between the people in Poland and the Polish Government in London is well known to the govern- ments of the United States and Great Britain. Only a few days ago, the Lon- don press reported that British Foreign Secretary, Mr. Anthony Eden, heard a report from an Underground leader, who had recently arrived from Poland. On August 15, 1943, the four largest Polish political parties in Poland-the Christian Democrat Labor Party, the National Party, the Peasant Party, the Polish Socialist Party-issued a joint manifesto setting forth their political views and their relations with the Polish Government. The Declaration asserted that until such time as democratic elections could be held in Poland, they would collab- orate with each other on the basis of the declaration made by the Polish Gov- ernment in London on July 27, 1943. This manifesto signed by the representatives of the four most important po- litical organizations in Poland promises full collaboration between the Political Representation in Poland and the Council of National Unity and the closest possible contact with the Delegate of the Polish Government.¹ On September 1, 1943 the Fourth Anniversary of Germany's unprovoked aggression, the underground organizations in Poland addressed themselves as follows to the Polish Government in London: "We assure our President, the Polish Government and our British and American Allies that even the great sacrifices Poland is bearing to-day, will not hinder the nation in its struggle to restore an independent demo- cratic Republic, within unreduced boundaries." These resolutions are unequivocal; they mean that the Polish Government in London is the actual leader and representative of the underground movement in Poland. There even exists a "shadow parliament" which meets from time to time "somewhere in Poland," to discuss all political issues. It communicates its views to the Polish Government in London, thus maintaining unity between the people and their Government. 1 The Polish underground paper "Rzeczpospolita," No. 15 (66), 1943; full text in "Dziennik Polski," London, October 22, 1943. English text in "Polish Fortnightly Re- view," No. 80, London, November 15, 1943. No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 23 Underground in Poland there exists a complete Polish State, fully organized in all phases of state administration, political, military, social and economic. The highest authorities of that State acting abroad on its behalf reside in Lon- don.2 The Delegate of the Government in Poland is the representative of the Polish executive. He holds the position of the Deputy Prime Minister in the London Cabinet. This organization has proved its efficiency during four and a half years of German occupation. In spite of the most difficult living conditions, in spite of the systematic extermination of the nation, no Quisling has been found in Poland to collab- orate with the Germans. Poland is the only occupied country of which this can be said. Polish underground courts pass sentence upon German officials guilty of murder and other crimes. These sentences are regularly carried out by the Polish Underground as in the case of the Chief of Police in the Government General, Gen. Krüger, the Chief of the Gestapo in the Warsaw District, Gen. Fritz Kutschera, the Directors of the Labor Bureau (Arbeitsamt) in Warsaw -Hoffman, Werner and Lubberg and many other German criminals. It is not possible to give a full picture of the many acts of sabotage and armed resistance of the underground. Several forms of fighting and sabotage cannot be mentioned because of the danger of the Germans discovering methods with which they are as yet unfamiliar, nor can any estimate be given of the results of industrial sabotage, the "Work slow!" campaign. Only a small part of the actual fighting and sabotage has been revealed by Polish sources or the German press. As stated by Mr. Banaczyk, Polish Minister of Interior, at a press conference on March 2, 1944, the record of the Polish underground army in 1943 was as follows: Armed encounters with Gestapo, Wehrmacht, Bahnschutz and Grenzschutzs units 81 Attacks on prisons and convoys of prisoners (liberating 652 persons active in underground movement) 19 Germans killed in these operations 740 Death sentences passed by Polish courts and executed by the Polish under- ground: Gestapo agents 1,163 German higher officials 18 Destruction of German communications and seizure of large amounts of military equipment, arms and ammunition: Railroad derailments 81 2 For more details about organizations in Polish Underground and contacts with Gov- ernment in London see "Polish Facts and Figures," No. 1 of March 10, 1944. 24 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 Attacks made on trains carrying war material 474 Ammunition trains blown up 3 Bridges blown up 6 Railway stations blown up 9 Petrol train burnt 1 Germans killed and wounded in above actions 393 Organized sabotage: Locomotives damaged 2,013 Trucks destroyed 9,980 Tankers damaged 212 Gallons of petrol burnt 562,000 All of the above achievements of the underground army have received offi. cial German confirmation. The Poles are proud of their underground movement, for no other under. ground organization in Europe has done as much. The Attitude of the Polish Government toward the Soviet Union The emigré Polish Government has proved incapable of establish- ing friendly relations with the Soviet Union (From the Soviet Declaration of January 11, 1944.) " The present Polish Government does not desire to establish neigh- borly relations with the Soviet Union (From the Soviet Statement of January 17, 1944.) On June 23, 1941, within forty-eight hours after Russia had been attacked by Germany, General Sikorski, then Prime Minister of the Polish Government in London, passing over the wrongs done to Poland by the Soviets in 1939- 1941, held out the hand of conciliation. After brief negotiations the Polish Government signed an agreement with the Soviet Union on July 30, 1941.¹ On this occasion General Sikorski broad- cast to Poland, saying in part: In 1795, in their pact for the third partition of Poland, the two Germanic Powers and Russia declared that Poland and the Polish name were to disappear forever. An identical agreement seeking the annihila- tion of Poland forever was entered into in September 1939. The for- mer was wiped out by history, the latter has lived less than 2 years. Such pacts are but scraps of paper in the face of the vitality and dynamism of our nation. Poland is immortal! 1 Full text of this agreement is quoted in "Polish-Soviet Relations 1918-1943," Polish Information Center, New York, (documents No. 30 and 31). No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 25 "Now, that this last pact has been obliterated, we stand on the threshold of a new era in Polish-Russian relations. The present agreement tempo. rarily adjusts our ancient differences. It contains no suggestion of doubt about Poland's frontiers as they were before September 1939. It contains no suggestion that Poland might surrender part of her territory. It restores normal relations between the two nations and promises mutual and re- ciprocal assistance When today Russia, in mortal combat with the German avalanche, takes the path of reconciliation with Poland and seeks common action against our common enemy, we approach this action ready to forget the bloody wrongs we have suffered at her hands. The future of the agree- ment just concluded will depend on the goodwill of the other party. "Russia has her own social and state system entirely different from ours. We, Poles, belong in the camp represented by our ally Great Britan and a friendly United States of America. We fight German tyranny and cruel totalitarianism in the name of Christian ideals and principles of freedom and justice. "God looks into our hearts and sees our absolute sincerity. Our nation bears up under the worst trials in history. To us, every Pole, especially everyone of those who survived the hardships of their life in Russia with- out breaking down, is enormously important for our future. This was one of the reasons why the Polish Government did not hesitate to assume responsibility for this historic decision and signed the pact with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. And when by God's grace we regain our independence, we shall build our State on those principles for which we fight, side by side with our Allies. We shall strive for genuine social justice, in keeping with the principles of Christian morality. "Poland is far from communism. And yet she has never allowed herself to be used for an anti-communist crusade, nor did she seek to interfere in Russia's internal affairs. She expects the same attitude on the part of her neighbor. A brotherhood in arms must be stimulated by respect for our sovereignty and for all that is and will be the countenance of Poland." On August 14, 1941 a Polish-Soviet Military Agreement was signed which provided for the formation of a Polish Army in the USSR to embrace all Polish citizens fit for military service. A few months later, on December 4, 1941, Polish Prime Minister Sikorski visited Moscow and signed with Marshal Stalin a Declaration concerning the cooperation of both nations in their fight against Germany. On the same day General Sikorski broadcast as follows: " Both sides have agreed to let bygones be bygones. We are con- fident that the Russian people will remember that we rallied to their side in their hour of trial, that they will appreciate the good will and friend- 2 Full text in op. cit. (document No. 32). 26 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 ship of Poland; mutual respect for national sovereignty will make these relations durable. Recognizing realities and taking advantage of them, we shall do our best to fulfill our agreements of July and August 1941. Thus we shall demonstrate to the world at large, that international problems can be settled peacefully in the name of common sense and for the good of all." When in winter of 1942-43 substantial differences developed between the Polish and the Soviet Governments, the Polish Ambassador T. Romer was sent to Moscow with a personal letter from Prime Minister Sikorski to Premier Stalin, expressing the Polish Government's desire for the settlement of all diffi- culties and close cooperation between both States. However, desipte Polish good will, the relations between Polish and Soviet Governments were severed on April 25, 1943, not by the Polish but by the Soviet Government. The pretext for this suspension of relations was the appeal of the Polish Government to the International Red Cross to conduct an im- partial investigation into the mass murder of Polish officers at Katyn. What has been the attitude of the Polish Government, since relations were broken off by the Soviets? On May 4, 1943 Premier Sikorski broadcast to Poland as follows: No one can reproach us if, after having accepted single-handed the challenge of Germany's whole military might, staking the entire heritage of a thousand years of our history in defense of the Polish Nation's integrity, sovereignty and honor, we do not want to sacrifice the same values in favor of one of our allies. We believe that our martyrdom and our struggle for the common cause will spare us untimely reproaches and render impossible the putting forward of claims to our land so painfully redeemed in blood. We are carrying on with our duties. It is beyond human strength to do more. We have given of ourselves all that materi- ally and morally can be given for victory and solidarity. Accordingly the securing of friendly relations with Soviet Russia has been and continues to be one of the main guiding principles of the Polish Government and the whole Polish Nation. Therefore the facts that are separating us must be removed as soon as possible. "We expect the Soviet authorities to allow the tens of thousands of Polish soldiers' families to leave the USSR as soon as possible, together with tens of thousands of Polish children and orphans. We also ask for the release of men fit to carry arms and, in conclusion, for the continua- tion of welfare and relief work for Polish citizens in Russia, deported after 1939 until they are able to return to their homes in Poland. "After all these are not problems that affect allied unity. If they are solved it will perhaps facilitate the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Poland and Russia. But there are limits to concessions which no one in the Polish nation will pass. We state calmly: do not waste your efforts. The Polish Nation, though bereft of the protective armor of its No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 27 own Statehood, has rallied to the Government composed of representatives of peasants, workers and professional classes; and in so doing it displayed maturity and strength of spirit. When the time comes for the Polish Nation to be judged by its actions, it will prove to be a solid nation of high assay, strong not only in moral but in true brotherly unity." The next day General Sikorski gave a correspondent of the "N. Y. Times" the following statement ("N. Y. Times" of May 5, 1943): The Polish nation wants, of course, to continue its friendly rela- tions with Soviet Russia and to base them on an alliance directed against Germany. "However, it is difficult for me not to be reserved, even in the face of such a favorable declaration as that of Premier Stalin, at the very moment when the Polish Ambassador is leaving Russia and masses of the Polish population in the USSR are left without the assistance and care of their Government. "Yet in spite of this and many other facts, the Polish Government is ready to give a positive answer to any Soviet initiative which will coincide with the interest of the Polish Republic as defined in the common Polish- Soviet declaration of December 4, 1941, and in my speech in London yesterday." After the tragic death of General Sikorski in an airplane crash off Gibraltar on July 4, 1943, Stanislaw Mikolajczyk was appointed Prime Minister of Poland. In his first address to the Polish National Council on July 27, 1943, he declared: Understanding between Poland and Russia is an historic necessity for both our countries, but it is also an historic necessity for Europe as a whole, for on it will depend the consolidation of Europe. Europe regards the Polish question as a test case which will show what is to become of the European continent as a whole. Therefore Polish-Russian understand. ing must be honest, just and permanent. Poland is necessary to Europe, just as a consolidated Europe is necessary to Poland." Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Tadeusz Romer, addressed the Polish National Council on September 13, 1943 in the same tone: "Our attitude towards Soviet Russia is quite simple. We look forward not backward, and we fully realize that any break in the harmony of the United Nations cannot but harm this cause. We do not wish to minimize in any way the position due the Soviet Union in the post-war world organ- ization on account of the magnitude of its contribution, vastness of its territory and number of its population. We desire a full and just under- standing with the Soviet Russia based on complete loyalty and recognition of mutual rights to independence and we look for the re-establishment of normal relations with the Soviet Union along these lines, not only for collaboration during the war and solidarity in the Allied camp but also 28 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 for peaceful neighborly cooperation between Poland and Russia in the future." In his broadcast to Poland of September 30, 1943, Stanislaw Kot, Polish Minister of Information, outlined the Polish attitude towards Russia: There was profound truth in his (General Sikorski's) unchanging statement that in her geographical position Poland could not afford the luxury of two enemies and must therefore transform her historic quarrel with one of them into "good neighborliness." Since Germans have always been and always will be Poland's mortal enemies, determined on the bio- logical, economic and cultural extermination of the Polish nation, it fol- lows that Polish relations with Russia must be placed on a basis of a last- ing and straightforward understanding that will take into consideration the vital interest, honor and rights of the Polish nation." These texts show that both the Government of General Sikorski and the present Polish Government sought and now seek to collaborate with the Soviet Government. Official declarations of the Polish Government, printed in this issue of Polish Facts and Figures, are clear proof of the desire of the Polish Government to come to an understanding with Soviet Russia. To facilitate this understanding the Polish Government proposed the media- tion of the governments of the United States and Great Britain. This sugges- tion was declined by the Soviet Government. That the attitude of the Polish Government is not influenced by the fortunes of war, is shown by the fact that the Polish Government sent its first Am- bassador to Moscow in the early autumn of 1941, when German armies were hammering at the gates of the Russian capital. General Sikorski visited Premier Stalin in December 1941, although the situation of the Russian armies was still critical. The solid front of the United Nations was broken by the Soviet note sever- ing diplomatic relations with Poland. That solid front must be restored, because a fair agreement, safeguarding the vital interests of both countries, is a con- dition for lasting peace in Eastern Europe. Such peace existed on the territory in question for the eighteen years preceding the war. Poland is still fighting the common enemy on land, at sea and in the air, and she wants to live in harmony with Soviet Russia. So far no friendly answer to the repeated overtures of the Polish Government has come from the other side. No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 29 Four Declarations Early in January 1944, their victorious offensive against the Germans carried the Soviet forces across the Polish-Russian frontier and they advanced on a narrow sector into Polish territory.-When news of this reached London the Polish Government issued the following declaration: Declaration of the Polish Government of January 5, 1944 "In their victorious struggle against the Charter common to all the United Nations German invader, Soviet forces are reported and by binding international treaties. to have crossed the frontier of Poland. "The provisions of those treaties, based "This fact is another proof of the break- on the free agreement of the parties, not ing-down of German resistance and it fore- on the enforcement of the will of one side shadows the inevitable military defeat of to the detriment of the other, cannot be Germany. It fills the Polish nation with revised by accomplished facts. The conduct hope that the hour of liberation is drawing of the Polish nation in the course of the near. Poland was the first nation to take present war has proved that it has never up the German challenge and it has been recognized and will not recognize solutions fighting against the invaders for more than imposed by force. 4 years, at a cost of tremendous sacrifices "The Polish government expects that the and suffering, without producing a single Soviet Union, sharing its view as to the Quisling and rejecting every form of com- importance of future friendly relations be- promise or collaboration with the aggressor. tween the two countries, in the interests of "The underground movement, among its peace and with the view of preventing many activities, concentrated upon attack- German revenge, will not fail to respect ing the Germans in their most sensitive the rights and interests of the Polish Re- spots, upon sabotage in every possible form public and its citizens. and upon carrying out of many death sen- "Acting in that belief, the Polish Gov- tences on German officials whose conduct ernment instructed the underground author- had been particularly outrageous. ities in Poland on October 27, 1943, to "Polish forces, twice reorganized outside continue and to intensify their resistance their country, have been fighting cease- to the German invaders, to avoid all con- lessly in the air, at sea and on land, side flicts with Soviet armies entering Poland by side with our Allies, and there is no in their battle against the Germans and front on which Polish blood has not been to enter into cooperation with Soviet com- mingled with the blood of other defenders manders in the event of resumption of of freedom. Polish-Soviet relations. "There is no country in the world where "If a Polish-Soviet agreement, such as Poles have not contributed to furthering the Polish Government has declared itself the common cause. The Polish nation, willing to conclude, had preceded the therefore, is entitled to expect full justice crossing of the frontier of Poland by Soviet and redress as soon as it is set free from forces, such an agreement would have en- enemy occupation. abled the Polish underground army to co- "The first condition of such justice is ordinate its action against the Germans the earliest re-establishment of Polish sov- with Soviet military authorities. ereign administration in the liberated ter- "The Polish Government still considers ritories of the Polish Republic, and the such an arrangement highly desirable. At protection of the lives and property of this crucial moment, the importance of Polish citizens. which in relation to the outcome of the "The Polish Government, as the only war in Europe is evident to everyone, the legal steward and spokesman of the Polish Polish Government issues the above decla- nation, recognized by Poles at home and ration, confident in final victory and in the abroad as well as by the Allied and free triumph of the just principles for which governments, is conscious of the contribu- the United Nations stand. tion of Poland to the war and is responsible "This declaration has been handed to for the fate of the nation. It affirms its all the United Nations with which the indestructible right to independence, con- Polish Government had diplomatic rela- firmed by the principles of the Atlantic tions." Six days later came the answer of the Soviet Government. 30 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 Declaration of the Soviet Government of January 11, 1944 * "On January 5, a declaration of the ex- Soviet-German front speed day by day the iled Polish Government on the question of liberation of the occupied territories of the Soviet-Polish relations was published in Soviet Union from the German invaders. London. It contained a number of errone- The selfless struggle of the Red Army and ous affirmations, including an erroneous the fighting operations of our Allies that affirmation concerning the Soviet-Polish are unfolding bring the rout of the Hitler- frontier. ite war machine nearer and bring libera- "As is known, the Soviet Constitution tion to Poland and other nations from the established a Soviet-Polish frontier corre- yoke of the German invaders. sponding with the desires of the popula- "In this war of liberation the Union of tion of the Western Ukraine and Western Polish Patriots in the U.S.S.R. and the White Russia, expressed in a plebiscite Polish army corps created by it and oper- carried out on broad democratic principles ating on the front against the Germans in the year 1939. The territories of the hand in hand with the Red Army are al- Western Ukraine, populated in an over- ready fulfilling their gallant tasks. whelming majority by Ukrainians, were "Now an opportunity for the restora- incorporated in the Soviet Ukraine, while tion of Poland as a strong and independent the territories of Western White Russia, State is opening. But Poland must be re- populated in an overwhelming majority by born, not by the occupation of Ukranian White Russians, were incorporated in So- and White Russian territories, but by the viet White Russia. return of territories seized from Poland by "The injustice caused by the Riga Treaty the Germans. Only thus can confidence in the year 1921, which was forced on the and friendship among the Polish, Ukrai- Soviet Union, with regard to Ukrainians nian, White Russian and Russian peoples inhabiting the Western Ukraine and White be established. The eastern borders of Russians inhabiting Western White Russia, Poland can be fixed by agreement with was thus rectified. The entry of the West- the Soviet Union. ern Ukraine and Western White Russia "The Soviet Government does not con- into the Soviet Union not only did not sider the frontiers of the year 1939 to be interfere with the interests of Poland but, unchangeable. The borders can be cor- on the contrary, created a reliable basis, rected in favor of Poland on such lines for a firm and permanent friendship be- that districts in which the Polish popula- tween the Polish people and the neighbor- tion predominates be handed over to Po- ing Ukrainian, White Russian and Russian land. In such case the Soviet-Polish border peoples. could approximately follow the so-called "The Soviet Government has repeatedly Curzon Line, which was adopted in the declared that it stands for the re-establish- year 1919 by the Supreme Council of ment of a strong and independent Poland Allied Powers and which provided for the and for friendship between the Soviet incorporation of the Western Ukraine and Union and Poland. The Soviet Govern- Western White Russia into the Soviet Union. ment declares that it is striving toward "Poland's western borders must be ex- the establishment of friendship between tended through the joining to Poland of the U.S.S.R. and Poland on the basis of age-old Polish lands taken away from Po- firm good-neighborly relations and mutual land by Germany, without which it is im- respect, and, should the Polish people so possible to unite the whole of the Polish desire, on the basis of an alliance of mu- people in its own state, which thus will tual assistance against the Germans as the acquire a necessary outlet to the Baltic principal enemies of the Soviet Union and Sea. Poland. Poland's adherence to the Soviet- "The just striving of the Polish people Czechoslovak treaty of friendship, mutual for complete unity in a strong and inde- assistance and post-war cooperation could pendent state must receive recognition and assist in the realization of this task. support. The émigré Polish Government, "The successes of Soviet troops on the cut off from its people, proved incapable All texts of Soviet declarations are quoted from the New York Times. No. 2 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES 31 of establishing friendly relations with the interests of Poland and the Soviet Union Soviet Union. It has proved equally in- lie in the establishment of firm and friend- capable of organizing an active struggle ly relations between our two countries and against the German invaders in Poland it- in the unity of the Soviet and Polish self. Moreover, with its wrong policy, it peoples in the struggle against the com- frequently plays into the hands of the mon outside enemy, as the common cause German invaders. At the same time, the of all the Allies requires." The Polish Government, anxious to avoid any aggravation of the conflict, refrained from public discussion with the Soviet Government and sought to negotiate through diplomatic channels, approaching the Governments of the United States and of Great Britain with the request for their participation and mediation in these negotiations. Statement of the Polish Government of January 15, 1944 "The Polish Government have taken plished facts which have taken place or cognizance of the declaration of the Soviet might take place on the territory of the Government contained in a TASS commu- Polish Republic, they have repeatedly ex- niqué of the 11th of January, issued as a pressed their sincere desire for the Polish- reply to the declaration of the Polish Gov- Soviet agreement on terms which would be ernment of January 5th. just and acceptable to both sides. "The Soviet communiqué contains a "To this end the Polish Government are number of statements to which complete approaching the British and the United answer is afforded by the ceaseless struggle States Governments with a view to secur- against the Germans waged at the heaviest ing through their intermediary the discus- çost by the Polish Nation under the direc- sion by the Polish and Soviet Governments tion of the Polish Government. In their with participation of the British and earnest anxiety to safeguard complete soli- American Governments of all outstanding darity of the United Nations, especially at questions, the settlement of which should this decisive stage of their struggle against lead to friendly and permanent coopera- the common enemy, the Polish Government tion between Poland and the Soviet Union. consider it preferable now to refrain from "The Polish Government believes this to further public discussion. be desirable in the interest of victory, of "While the Polish Government cannot the United Nations and harmonious rela- recognize unilateral decisions or accom- tions in postwar Europe." The Soviet Government's reply to this proposition was voiced in an official Soviet News Agency's (TASS) communiqué, in which it declined to negotiate over the points at issue. Soviet "TASS" Statement of January 17, 1944 "In reply to the declaration made by not in a position to enter into official nego- the Polish Government in London on Jan- tiations with a government with which uary 15, TASS is authorized to state: diplomatic relations have been severed. "First, in the Polish declaration the "Soviet circles wish that it should be question of the recognition of the Curzon borne in mind that diplomatic relations Line as the Soviet-Polish frontier is en- with the Polish Government were broken tirely evaded and ignored. This can be off through the fault of that Government interpreted only as a rejection of the Cur- because of its active participation in the zon Line. hostile anti-Soviet slanderous campaign of the German invaders in connection with "Second, as regards the Polish Govern- the alleged murders in Katyn. ment's proposal for the opening of official "Third, in the opinion of Soviet circles, negotiations between it and the Soviet the above-mentioned circumstances once Government, the Soviet Government is of again demonstrate that the present Polish the opinion that this proposal aims at mis- Government does not desire to establish leading public opinion, for it is easy to good neighborly relations with the Soviet understand that the Soviet Government is Union." 32 POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES No. 2 On January 26, 1944, the Soviet Government rejected an offer of the United States' Government to mediate in Polish-Russian conversations asserting, that "the conditions have not yet ripened to a point where such good offices could be utilized to advantage." Nevertheless the Polish Government decided to change their attitude and to order the Underground Forces to cooperate with the Red Army in the fight against the Germans, without any reservations whatsoever. The following is the contents of the previous issue of POLISH FACTS AND FIGURES which appeared on March 10, 1944: THE POLISH GOVERNMENT ITS COMPOSITION, PROGRAM AND CHARACTER THE POLISH UNDERGROUND STATE ITS ORGANIZATION, LEADERSHIP, POLITICAL COUNCIL, ARMY, CIVILIAN RESISTANCE, SECRET PRESS AND YOUTH MOVEMENTS Available at the Polish Information Center, 745 Fifth Avenue, New York 22, N. Y. PRINTED IN U.S.A. POLAND is reflected as in a mirror in the pages of THE POLISH REVIEW published weekly to keep you informed how Poland lives under its Nazi rulers. True and inspiring stories of Poland's struggle for freedom! Timed with the greatest call in history for a better knowledge of Fighting Poland - THE POLISH REVIEW keeps you abreast of today's developments. It brings you weekly a clear exposition of all aspects of Poland, historical-social- economic-political-cultural and educa- tional. It tells of Poland's place in the present and of the prospect of her future! ALL PHASES OF POLAND'S LIFE DESCRIBED AND ILLUSTRATED! Annual Subscription Four Dollars THE POLISH REVIEW 745 Fifth Avenue New York 22, N.Y. MARCH 25, 1944 Price 10c PSF: Poland PP-7,9,18,820,21 1942 WHAT POLAND WANTS BY IGNACY MATUSZEWSKI PSF Paland WHAT POLAND WANTS BY IGNACY MATUSZEWSKI Published by NATIONAL COMMITTEE of AMERICANS of POLISH DESCENT 105 EAST 22ND STREET NEW YORK, N. Y. OCTOBER 1942 Printed in U.S.A. FIRST PRINTING, OCTOBER 1942 SECOND PRINTING, NOVEMBER 1942 THIRD PRINTING, DECEMBER 1942 FOURTH PRINTING, DECEMBER 1942 Translated from the Polish by RONALD VINER Published originally by M. I. KOLIN, LTD. in LONDON, England, in December, 1941 Ignacy Matuszewski is a prominent Polish statesman. The beginning of the economic slump found him Minister of Finance, which office he held from 1929 until 1931. During this period Matuszewski skilfully guided the Polish financial and economic policy, his aim being to maintain the stability of the currency, while avoiding exchange control. This he achieved, and in doing so laid the firm foundations for the Polish monetary system. In 1931 Matuszewski took over the editorship of the Gazeta Polska. His brilliant leading articles enhanced the reputa- tion of this daily, which soon became the most influential in Poland. For some years before the outbreak of war, Matuszewski had been in opposition to the Polish Government. During the September campaign Matuszewski was one of those en- trusted with the task of transporting Polish gold to safety. The story of how it travelled through Romania, on a British ship to Constantinople, and thence to Beirut in Syria, from which it finally left for Paris, is well known. Ignacy Matuszewski is at present in New York. WHAT POLAND WANTS A CONVERSATION that I had some years ago sometimes still haunts my mind. I was talking in Warsaw to Mr. Hamilton Fish Armstrong, editor of the New York Foreign Affairs. I did not ask my guest then to allow me to publish his opinion, and I do not feel authorized to do so today. But I am free to recall my own side of the conversation, especially as after the interview I expressed my views- naturally in a more moderate form-in a signed article in the Gazeta Polska. We talked about Pomorze. And the following is a fairly accurate résumé of the argument I put forward at the time. "It is a misconception to look upon the problem of Pomorze as a minor matter, a territorial error or an injustice to Germany. It is an even more serious mistake to believe that the issue can be settled by a compromise, i.e. by Polish concessions in favor of Germany. As to the notion that the question could be solved by some League of Nations vote, under Article 19 of the Covenant, at some conference of statesmen sitting round a table-it is simply preposterous. Moreover, even the votes of such august institutions as the Westminster Parliament, the American Congress, or the French Chamber of Deputies, should they give their attention to the matter, cannot change anything or induce us to make any concessions. It is a peculiar fact that Mussolini and Paul-Boncour, the German Nationalists and the French Radicals are all unanimous in recommending an application of Article 19 to Poland. They want a treaty revision at the expense of Poland, so that their gains might be paid for by Polish losses. Nevertheless, neither Mussolini's Cæsarean frown, nor Senator Borah's booming voice, nor Mr. Lloyd 6 WHAT POLAND WANTS George's fiery oratory, nor even the mysterious whispers of Stalin himself can influence us. We shall not retreat- not even if all the newspapers in the world should persuade us every day that concessions are necessary, noble and righteous. We shall not flinch, even if all the cities of the globe organized demonstrations in favor of the badly treated Germans,' and even if-not an unlikely contingency -the Grand Fascist Council and the Third International should vote identical resolutions on the subject. "Besides, isn't the world doing this already? Isn't it striving to weaken us and strengthen the Germans? Wasn't Locarno a Franco-British attempt to buy peace at the cost of the blood of peoples in 'second-class countries'? Don't the Americans lavish gold on Germany? Didn't Stalin offer hospitality to the German armament industry? Didn't Britain and France offer Germany a permanent seat on the League Council and refuse one to us? Are not American dollars, Bolshevik-German military co-operation, the Fascist League Commissioner in Danzig, Count Gravina and Mr. Montagu Norman of the Bank of England all helping the same cause? Is it not part of a general pressure exerted on Poland to make us submit to the German demands? Have we not to deal every day with actions far more dangerous than the strongest declarations, which prove the collabora- tion with Germany against Poland of large, often dominant, sections of British, French and American opinion and of the Italian and Russian Governments? "But we did not surrender. We could and we can hold out, for justice is on our side. Pomorze is Polish. Without it we could not live as free men. In this world of lies and pretense we Poles know where to look for truth, for we touch it every day with our bruised hands. The truth is that Germany, not Poland, is the imperialist and aggressive nation. The truth is that whoever tries to ward off the wolf by throwing it a bone is not acting wisely, even if he WHAT POLAND WANTS 7 happens to hold the highest position in one of the greatest countries of the world. "The Russian attitude is comprehensible: Soviet Russia wants to unleash war and realizes that a weakening of Poland is the first step towards this objective. The attitude of Italy is not unreasonable, for the Italians, afraid of German expansion themselves, are glad to divert it eastwards. The Russian attitude may be described as unethical, maybe Machiavellian-but it can be understood. The Italian policy is shortsighted, pusillanimous, but there is some logic in its human weakness. There is, on the contrary, little logic in the policy of those who are genuinely interested in main- taining peace and yet try to consolidate it by undermining its foundations. "You, happy people of the outside world, are perfectly alive to the significance of such fortified points as Singapore and Panama. But you do not seem to understand that Poland's geographical and political position is at least as important and that her size and strength may have an even more vital influence on the course of world history. "Poland is situated between two huge nations, both possessed by demons. Poland, by its very existence, counteracts two imperialisms whose power cannot be estimated by distant observers. There is the gloomy, grim Russian imperialism of negation and squalor, that morbidly seeks the abasement of others, an imperialism based on the worship of number and size, setting tremendous quantity and illimitable space against anything that has the stamp of quality. There is the predatory, slick, cunning and inhumanly efficient German imperialism of deified organization, the imperialism of model prisons and model barracks. Poland knows them both. "In 1920 Poland checked Russian imperialism which threatened to engulf Europe in an attempt that had at the time every chance of success. Nobody helped us then- 8 WHAT POLAND WANTS and few even understood. But we know, we know by direct experience, that this imperialism aims at world domination and will continue to covet it. The road to the rule of Moscow's men in Berlin, Paris and Madrid, perhaps in London and Washington as well, led through Wilno, Grodno and Warsaw. They were already in control of Budapest, Leipzig and Munich. Now the road to German world power leads through other towns whose names you have never heard, Chojnice, Wejherowo, Kartuzy,¹ sleeping amidst forests and lakes. There is no other way. A Poland cut off from the sea, a Poland forced to her knees or bullied into her grave, means the whole of Central and Eastern Europe in German hands. If the Germans should get back Pomorze, if they should defeat Poland or oblige her to surrender, the idea of 'Mitteleuropa' would become a fact. Then Germany would rule over lands extending from the Baltic to the Black Sea and a mass of over two hundred million people would be working for Germany. "The road to German world hegemony leads through Pomorze. "That is why we are serving your own cause when we disregard your advice and firmly maintain that we have nothing to give away. So long as Poland exists, both the German and the Russian imperialisms are kept in check. Poland is the first position that must be conquered if further progress is to be made possible. "The problem of war or peace in Europe is not, as is often thought, one of Polish concessions of any kind in favor of one of Poland's ambitious neighbors. On the contrary, it rests on the alternative of a sufficiently strong or a weak Poland. A weak Poland means approaching war. A strong Poland immensely increases the chances of maintaining peace in Europe, for its existence must hinder or discourage the first step towards aggression of each of the two imperialist Powers. A strong Poland constitutes a WHAT POLAND WANTS 9 safeguard both by reason of her own power of resistance and because the opposition of others is only possible when it can rely on solid foundations. The Baltic countries, Bohemia, Hungary and Rumania can resist attack only with Polish support. "No countries in Europe either want war, or will start a war, except Russia and Germany. But a war launched by one of them, or both, against Poland will be only a be- ginning. It will be a campaign for operational bases. And if Poland should lose the battle for her existence, death would soon knock with a bony hand at the doors of your now apparently so distant and peaceful homes. "This is not megalomania on our part. It is our mis- fortune to live on the open roadway of history. This is not our fault, it is not our doing-but fate's. And fate has taught us by deadly trials to understand what others have not yet grasped. Through centuries we have seen at close quarters the birth and monstrous growth of these two totalitarian systems of universalism. By universalism I mean an imperialism that aims at overpowering the whole world and shaping it to its own pattern. "This has become inevitable. Our planet is too small to allow limited hegemonies. Anyone who wants to rule by force cannot feel secure unless he controls the world. That is why Poland is placed today-by the hand of fate-in the vanguard of all those nations that have no wish to live in servitude. "That is why we reject and have the right to reject all proposals that we should surrender any part of Pomorze. That is why, even if the League of Nations should unani- mously decide a revision of Polish frontiers, even if an international expeditionary force should invade Poland, if the combined fleets of Britain and the United States were to attack our coast-we should still answer the fire of all your ships and fight your soldiers in every town. By so 10 WHAT POLAND WANTS doing we should be true to our duty to ourselves-and to humanity at large. It is our profound conviction that by such a protest we should be testifying to three truths: first, that Poland is no mere piece of merchandise and that no bargains can be struck over her soil; second, that freedom should be defended to the very last, even against the ignorance of the mighty of the world; third, that we should be free of responsibility for the cataclysm which would follow the unleashing of German imperialism." At the time of this conversation I was a private person, without any official position. Today I am a simple refugee. May not such men as I express, on their own responsibility, plainly and frankly, thoughts that are doubtless shared by many others? Today Mr. H. W. Dawson still advises us (Contemporary Review, April, 1941) to give Pomorze to the Germans. The Times of August 1st, 1941, stated that leadership in Eastern Europe must fall to the hands of either Germany or Russia, for there is no other alternative. It was also The Times which stated (July 14th, 1941) that: "Unless Poland is content to become the dependent of Germany - an unthinkable hypothesis whose implications have now been demonstrated beyond the possibility of misunderstanding- close co-operation and association with Russia are essential; and this is a matter of far more vital importance to her than any issue of disputed territorial claims. Russia on her side can afford to be generous." Influenced by such writings, almost every Englishman one talks to cordially recommends us to give to Russia the "Russian" territories of Poland, in order to secure Russian friendship and support after the war. And many are still inclined to return to the old prob- lem of the "Corridor," without which life would be so hard for the future democratic Reich. Recent events have caused so many British writers to declare the problem of our eastern frontiers open that the WHAT POLAND WANTS 11 official Dziennik Polski, published in London, had to make the following comment: "The fact that territorial problems will be discussed at the Peace Conference concerns, of course, all countries without any exception; it is clear, on the other hand, that Poland regards her frontiers as indis- putable." The Vice-President of the Polish National Council, Mr. Mikołajczyk, stated that the Polish-Soviet Agreement implies a return to the legal status prior to September 1939, and added: "Only our enemies could possibly place any other interpretation on this point of the Agreement." I do not charge with malice or ill will any of the British writers expressing such views. I know the British nation well enough not to doubt the mental honesty even of those whose words are most painful to us. But I discern in their opinions the results of ignorance and propaganda. Propaganda. The British Parliament is devoting con- siderable attention to the use of this weapon of war, so freely wielded against Britain herself. The views of practi- cally all Englishmen on the subject of Poland were formed, and could only be formed, under the influence of falsehoods hostile to Poland. Propaganda against Poland has been carried on for nearly two hundred years with hardly any break. It was started by Catherine of Russia and Frederick of Prussia and it is continued by the Third International and by all the Nazi fifth columns in the world. What an array of mercenary or prejudiced slanderers: The idiotic discourse of that ignorant genius Rousseau, the malicious lies of Bakunin², the "Pordre règne a Varsovie"⁸ of the ministers of France, scientific dissertations by Kautsky,4 the hysterical, shrill outbursts of Rosa Luxemburg ("Poland's independence is a bourgeois notion"), the daily mud-slinging of L'Humanité and the occasional abuse of the Daily Worker. The same idea is kept up throughout, a libel which, born in the boudoirs of the most cynical Em- 12 WHAT POLAND WANTS press in the world, charges Poland with reactionary Jesuitism, with being the seat of a Papist Inquisition, a hotbed of persecution directed against anyone who thinks or creates. There is another, just as consistent line of propaganda, a theory supported by Rousseau and Metternich, Bakunin and Count Benkendorf, Napoleon III and Bismarck, Kautsky and Ludendorff, Rosa Luxemburg and Alfred Rosenberg, L'Humanité and the Volkischer Beobachter. Though Bis- marck's argument was different from Bakunin's, the prac- tical upshot has been the same in both cases: that Poland cannot and should not exist. For 170 years Germany and Russia, whether reactionary or revolutionary, have been steadily pouring forth a flood of falsehoods about Poland. Poland was deprived of freedom, of economic means, of her own voice, for 135 years. For 170 years into the ear of every Tory a German or Russian diehard whispered accusations of anarchy against Poland and represented her destruction as a victory for law and order; a Russian or German liberal or Socialist whispered into the ear of every Whig that Poland was the home of reaction and that her national demise was a victory for progress. Countless in number were, and still are, the sources of lying information about Poland that our enemies have always made available to any interested, unwary British mind. Do people in Britain realize this? Do they know when they are expressing their own views and when those of others? Have they ever investigated the origin of current opinions about Poland? Have they tested these opinions? Have they satisfied themselves that what they think and say on this subject is their own considered and impartial opinion and not an unconscious repetition of lies which they have been absorbing, without knowing it, for generations? I believe that a vast majority of British statements about Poland are, all unconsciously, a rehash of lies which have WHAT POLAND WANTS 13 been imperceptibly infiltrating into the public mind for many years. It would be interesting to peruse Parliamentary speeches on the subject of Poland since the Constitution of May 3rd (1791)⁶ until the present day. I cannot here under- take such a study, but even fragments recalled from memory would appear to suggest that there has been a gradual re- vision of views about Poland and a slow deterioration in the understanding of her affairs. For men of Burke's gener- ation the partitions were simply a robbery; for contempo- raries of Lord Curzon the return of the same lands to Poland was morally questionable. From the welcome which Kościuszko⁷ received in London after his release from the dungeons of St. Petersburg there is a long way to the anti- Polish strike of the British dockers who refused to load munitions for Poland when Russian armies, like Suvorov's® long ago, were drawing close to Warsaw. It's a complete change, the result of the steady psychological work of German and Russian propaganda. How different was the value set on Poland by British members of Parliament in 1831, or even 1863, and that of 1918, or later days! Each morning when he opened that magnificent news- paper The Times, the average educated Englishman stood a ten-to-one chance of finding some item of information about Poland distorted by either reactionary or revolutionary circles in St. Petersburg or Berlin. He was also fairly cer- tain not to learn many important facts concerning Poland, for they were veiled by deliberate silence. This happened more frequently in the nineteenth than in the eighteenth century, and more often in the twentieth than in the nineteenth. During the years prior to the last war, Paris spoke sometimes as a genuine and sometimes as a corrupt mouthpiece of St. Petersburg, while Rome copied Berlin. There seemed to be unanimity throughout Europe on the subject. Before 1914, Mr. Wickham Steed, most eminent perhaps, among the correspondents who represented Britain 14 WHAT POLAND WANTS and The Times abroad, was probably the only one in that select group of men to have discovered Poland and the Polish problem, which later became one of the principal features of the reconstruction of Europe. Only this absence of information, or fund of false infor- mation, can be held responsible for the peculiar views about Poland held by even the most friendly of Britons. What sort of country is one in which "German" territory begins about 70 miles north of the capital, "Russian" territory about 100 miles east, and "doubtful areas" 140 miles south, while there is another "German" belt 140 miles to the west of the same capital? It is rather odd that a country com- posed, in view of many men of good will, only of a capital and some "doubtful" territories still has, even after being defeated and completely occupied, an army larger than those of some Dominions, an air force far stronger than that of any other occupied country, and over 10 per cent. of all the German aircraft destroyed over Britain to its credit. One or the other must be a fiction: either the idea of a Poland confined to Warsaw suburbs, or the Polish army in Britain and the Polish R.A.F. squadrons. Joseph Conrad, a man who knew and loved Britain like an Englishman and understood Poland like a Pole, once tried to dispel some British misconceptions about Poland. His words are now forgotten. And yet, if they had not been, history might have taken a different course. The ironies of history are not the work of coincidence alone. There are always underlying causes. Is it not ironical to think that Britain declared war, that she had to-after Versailles, after Locarno-as an ally of Poland? Is it not strange that Danzig, which owed its autonomy to British statesmen and was first taken by them from Poland, then favored by British Commissioners, should have been the immediate cause of the outbreak? Is it not ironical that after years of "doubts" Britain unsheathed the sword when Polish Pomorze was attacked? WHAT POLAND WANTS 15 It was no coincidence. It was the truth suddenly revealed at a testing time. Conrad and Chesterton proved to have been better prophets than the British politicians. When Britain was faced by German imperialism it became evident that the only country in Central Europe that could stand up to threats, the only one to value freedom higher than peace, the only one to remain faithful to its historical mission, was Poland. Elsewhere high-sounding words melted away when danger loomed close. The shadow of Hacha hung over Cen- tral and Eastern Europe from Bucharest to Riga. In the days of crisis Britain realized that the soundest, the most united, the most courageous nation was the one that she had so long doubted and weakened. It was the country which, though occupied for two years by the two greatest Powers of the Continent, by the two most cruel systems of oppres- sion, did not produce a single Quisling for either of them. For two centuries, poisoned by propaganda, Britain denied Poland's strength. And yet, when the time of trial came, nowhere else was strength to be found. All the tenets of British policy towards Poland since 1918 proved false. The Anglo-Polish Treaty of August 25th, 1939, gainsaid them all. But falsehood, which has found acceptance too long, can be cut away only by the sword. I admire the British press for its candor. It is seldom equivocal or timid. The Polish-Soviet Agreement of July 30th, 1941, called forth two different interpretations, so far as frontiers are concerned. The official Polish comment was that, in accordance with the principle pacta sunt servanda, the first article of the agreement amounted to a return to the legal status prior to September 1939, that is, to the frontiers delimited under the Treaty of Riga. The Soviet official interpretation, according to an article published in the Izvestia of August 3rd, 1941, is that the problem of Polish-Russian frontiers is left open to discussion. In this 16 WHAT POLAND WANTS delicate situation, when on the morrow of the signature of the treaty a serious divergence of views on a point of vital importance had arisen between Britain's old and new ally, the British press showed no embarrassment at all. It fa- vored, by a large majority and with complete frankness, the Soviet point of view. In some cases it even lavished on Poland advice to submit after a victorious war to friendly Russian leadership. The candor of the British press deserves not only recog- nition, but also gratitude. It helps us to know where we stand-and by it we are forewarned. Such sincerity calls for a reciprocal frankness. I will therefore say quite bluntly that I believe the attitude of the majority of the British press to be wrong. If that error of judgment on the part of the leader-writers were to influence a political decision, there would be reason to expect disastrous consequences for the future organization of Europe. I believe this attitude of the major part of the British press to be the outcome of its ignorance of the history of Central and Eastern Europe. It also displays a complete ignorance of Poland and the Polish character. What has history to say? It shows us that in the last thousand years the vast area between the Baltic and the Carpathians lost its political individuality only for the 135 years between Poland's first partition and her renascence. That independent character was lost only when Poland was torn in two by Germany and Russia. Throughout the remaining centuries, before the partition of Poland, the tribes, the peoples, and finally the nations, inhabiting that area stubbornly and effectively resisted absorption by either Russia or Germany. How great is the reluctance of the peoples living in that region to form part of either German or Russian civilization was proved by the fact that after the 135 years of servitude, which were years of enslavement for other nations too, WHAT POLAND WANTS 17 those other nations regained their freedom as soon as Poland was independent again. They did so certainly not in conse- quence of decisions taken at distant conferences, but rather in defiance of such decisions. The epic struggle of Estonia and Latvia against both Russia and Germany in 1918 and 1919 was proof that in those parts the words "Russia" and "Germany" both stood for one thing: slavery. If we are to take history into account, it is impossible to concentrate on the last, or rather last but one, period of 135 years out of a millenium. Such a fixation on that period is all the less justified in view of the fact that, despite the lapse of 135 years, the first shock caused a return to political conditions which resembled far more the preceding centuries than the last 135 years of occupation. As a consequence of the last war, a consequence unex- pected and unsought by the instigators of the war or indeed by any belligerent, most of the territories of the old Polish Commonwealth returned to an independent life, breaking away from Germany and Russia. This was the desire only of those, then gagged and defenseless, who have been living for many centuries between the Baltic, the Carpathians and the Black Sea. They must have desired it vigorously if this was exactly what came about. The profound, un- alterable spiritual division that had existed there since the dawn of history, between Slav and non-Slav nations nour- ished on Western Roman culture on the one hand, and the Byzantine Mongolian culture of Russia on the other, the complete and essential difference of race and character exist- ing between those nations and the aggressive German breed -both these divergences found a political expression which few expected. It was an expression which differed in legal status from the conditions which had prevailed during the long years when the Polish Commonwealth was the Federa- tion of all those peoples. But the actual situation was not very different from that of old. Practically speaking, 18 WHAT POLAND WANTS Poland became again, in the twentieth century, the nucleus of all those peoples' resistance against pressure from both west and east, just as she had been before, especially since the fifteenth century. When Poland fell, the freedom of the others vanished like a dream. History proves that the peoples living between the Baltic and the Carpathians and the Black Sea have always resisted either German or Russian domination and that the only permanent political expression of their free will was asso- ciated with the existence of an independent Poland. But the history of those particular 135 years conveys another lesson also. It points the moral that only the united efforts of Germany and Russia can subdue and paralyze the dy- namic racial, spiritual and cultural individualities of those free peoples. Only a brutal partition and a ruthless policy of extermination conducted by Germany and Russia together were capable of suppressing at least the outward manifesta- tions of the free will of the peoples of that region. Yet no attempt at absorbing or subduing that not merely geo- graphical but mainly historical obstacle by one of the imperialist Powers alone has ever succeeded. Russia could not achieve it, either under Catherine II, or under Alexander I, or under Lenin. Germany failed, too, both at the time of the crude attempts of Ludendorff and when Hitler made his bid, the boldest of them all, in 1936-1939. In each case Poland, destined by history to be the cham- pion of all the peoples of that region, led the resistance. This resistance against each of the agressors was sufficiently effective to compel them to join forces to break it down. That is why the verdict of The Times, which said that Eastern Europe must choose between German or Russian leadership, was from the historical point of view a pure absurdity. The fact is that only collaborating with each other can Germany and Russia overpower the many millions of free WHAT POLAND WANTS 19 men living in the area between their respective boundaries. Domination over them was possible only through partition, for the people concerned did not want to submit either to German or to Russia rule. The alternative presented by The Times caused the same reaction of indignant anger- whether articulate or not-from Constantinople, Warsaw and Stockholm. For a thoughtful observer the September campaign fought by Poland against both Germany and Russia at the same time and the prolonged Turkish neutrality in the present war are but two different aspects of the same phenomenon. They are the positive and the negative of the same picture, two manifestations of the same desire- the will to remain truly independent from the expansionist ambitions of either Germany or Russia. They are the tragic and the more fortunate versions of the same age-old story. Truly it seems a pity that the British Ambassador's explanation, rightly denying the implications of The Times leader, was presented only in the capital which has not yet tasted the terrible bitterness of the alternative. Without prejudice to the Turks, I would suggest that Warsaw, pointing to heaven the gaunt pile of its ruins, was entitled in this respect to preference over still peaceful Ankara.¹⁰ It is quite amazing that the logical-minded author of The Times article did not pause to wonder why such a simple and inevitable choice as the option between "Russia or Germany" was not made before, although there had been the space of over a thousand years in which it could have been made. Why on earth did Poland never submit voluntarily to Russian or German leadership for one hour out of a thousand years? Why did she never enter into "close association" with one or the other of her neighbors? Why did she continue to resist them even during that most difficult period of 135 years of subjection? It would be really a little too superficial to ascribe this decision merely to the Poles' love of contradiction. 20 WHAT POLAND WANTS During all these centuries Poland did not join either the Russian or the German community because she could not do so. The reason why Poland could not join either of them is that she has belonged to another community from the very outset of her historical existence. Although situated in the East, Poland belongs to the community of Western Europe. This paradoxical circum- stance is doubtless responsible for her tragic destiny. But the epic resistance of that far-flung outpost gave to Western Europe-defended by Poles at Lignica, at Cecora, at Smolensk, at Vienna, at Warsaw and on so many other battlefields-opportunitie for free development and growth. Poland always has been and still is a member of the Western European family. This means that, since its historical inception, Poland has known the same general problems which preoccupied the community of Western Europe. The Commonwealth of the Western European nations was not organized by the League of Nations for the first time. Before the Reformation, Western Europe had been-in spite of all regional differences-a far more homogeneous spiritual unity than ever since. Though remote, Poland lived the same life as England, France, Italy; Poland was brought up on the same books, the same examples, the same Bible and the same Plutarch. The fact that Cracow University was founded in the same period as those of Paris, Oxford and Padua-and many centuries before that of St. Petersburg-was no mere coincidence. Neither is it a simple coincidence that the visitor from the West encounters in Wilno or Lwów the familiar spectacle of Gothic, genuine Gothic and Renaissance architecture-which he would seek in vain in Byzantine Moscow or derivative St. Petersburg. Poland shared in the political and spiritual life of the Western European community. As in every other nation of that community the phenomena which we describe as the Middle Ages, the Renaissance, the Age of Enlighten- WHAT POLAND WANTS 21 ment, had there their own individual aspects. But they were the same phenomena. Polish brains and hearts had been stirred by every one of the great Western currents of thought -from the crusades and the teachings of St. Francis to the Reformation and the ideas of the modern era. Poland differed from the others, like England, more by the constitutional forms of its life than by its spiritual and intellectual back- ground. For instance, Poland never had a period of enlight- ened absolutism. Many of the shortcomings of Poland's present political life may be traced to the fact that the country can hardly be said to have known the periods of feudalism and liberal capitalism. The first formed the instinct of natural hierarchy and the second a sense of personal responsibility. Never- theless, the broad line of development was parallel even in that respect to the general trend of evolution in Western Europe. What could such a country have in common with Russia -with Russia, which throughout history has been living its own distant, primitive and peculiar life? How can there be any spiritual communion between Poland and a country which in the Middle Ages was a land of Tartars, which had no Renaissance, and achieved "enlightenment" by the process of Peter tugging at the boyars' beards? What political col- laboration can there be between a country that had known freedom bordering on license and one that, from its very birth until the present day, has never known anything but "unenlightened absolutism"? Russia's was practically a theo- cratic absolutism, for the deification of the Tsar and the abolition of religion are in fact only two different expressions of a desire to force the masses to give unto Caesar even that which is God's own. Where could we find in the history of Western civilization figures comparable to Ivan the Terrible, False Dimitri, Peter I, Nicolas II, Rasputin, Savinkov,¹¹ Trotski, or Stalin? There are no analogies, for anywhere else 22 WHAT POLAND WANTS even the greatest of these figures would have been unthink- able. The cultured British public probably reads Dostoyevski and admires him, quite rightly. But to read him is not enough. One must realize that what he describes is the reality. It exists not only in the artistic but also in the political sphere. His "Devils" are true. Sometimes it seems to me that nobody in Western Europe can believe to this day that these are not exotic tales but a bare account of actual facts. It may be a beautiful, magnificent, tragic reality, but no member of the Western European community can live in it. I should like every British politician, especially one of those who urge a "close association with Russia," to try to imagin whether he could himself move to "Selo Stepančikovo," live in the St. Petersburg of Crime and Punishment, or lead a permanent existence in the midst of Stavrogins, Verkhovenskis, Myškins, Raskolnikovs.¹² How would he like to remain, not as a tourist, not as a spectator, but as a man, in the atmosphere of The Brothers Karamazov? Possibly the majority of the British politicians who lightheartedly advise a whole nation to plunge into this atmosphere for ever have not read Dostoyevski at all. But then their opinion on Russian affairs is worth about as much as the theories of a child of four about astronomy. It is not my intention to assess comparative values or pass judgment on the differences between Poland and Russia, nor to apply to them any moral standards. I merely want to state that they are differences born through centuries, which only many centuries could reduce. A Polish-Russian "association" would be an act of suicide on the part of one of those nations. Four hundred years ago, when Polish armies held the Kremlin, Russia resisted the latinization which would have been the inevitable outcome of the rule of a Polish dynasty, although some of the boyars favored it for political reasons. This resistance produced the native dynasty of the Romanovs, which derived from WHAT POLAND WANTS 23 that origin its prestige and lasting power. In the course of succeeding centuries Poland has several times resisted the political endeavors of some Poles who attempted to organize a kind of Polish-Russian community. Its resistance was prompted by the same instinct of self-preservation. The tragic fate of Stanislaw Poniatowski,18 who met his death in the dingy gilded prison of St. Petersburg; the fate of Adam Czartoryski,14 who was forced to depose the brother of his royal friend during a war against Russia which set the seal on all his efforts; the fate of Wiepolski,¹⁸ a man of Cavour's stature, repudiated by his own countrymen-these three examples provide pathetic evidence that even the shrewdest political plans cannot run counter to the national instinct. In recent times the life of Dmowski, removed until his death, despite his merits and ability, from any influence in the Government of independent Poland, affords further proof that even an unrealized plan of association with Russia is a crushing liability for any Polish statesman. The splitting of the national movement into two branches and the numerous failures brought about by this division had their origin in this same problem. It took a generation to shake off the antag- onisms of that division. Polish-Russian neighborly relations can only be satis- factorily maintained by separation. When the national and spiritual boundary between the two countries is defined by a clear-cut demarcation line, when there is no mutual penetration and each lives a separate existence, springing from a different historical source and following its own course in worlds apart, then and only then will their peaceful neighborliness be possible. Any blurring of that line, any doubt cast on its family, must produce friction and therefore war. The lesson of history is clear. It spells war. Politicians may dislike history, but they should not forget it. In the crude minds of people who imagine that politics- 24 WHAT POLAND WANTS the art deciding the whole structure of human life-require less specialized knowledge than chemistry or veterinary surgery, the conclusion will be simple: "If not with Russia, then with Germany." There are no differences there: the Gothic churches of Cracow and Nuremberg are very similar, as are those of Wilno and Aachen, or the town halls of Zamość¹⁶ and Salzburg. The fact that Copernicus and Wit Stwosz¹⁷ are claimed by both Poles and Germans as their own seems to prove that the cultural and intellectual lives of the two countries must have had much in common. Nothing could be more misleading than such a "logical conclusion." Poland has been carrying on the same struggle in the west as in the east. Of course the Germans belong to the Western European community. No doubt they were among its builders. But they do not want to remain among its members. A misinterpretation of that fact underlies the frequent and repeated errors of policy committed by the Western Powers. The West has grown so used to regarding the Germans as members of itself that it cannot grasp or believe what has happened. There is the recurrent supposition that it is only an evil clique-formerly the Junkers, now the Nazis-that has in some unaccountable manner over- powered eighty million Germans and compelled them to indulge in irrational crimes. If the "good Germans" could only be delivered from this dominant minority of maniacs, they would surely return to the European fold. And then-to satisfy their justifiable ambitions and their genuine needs— they might, or perhaps should, be appointed general repre- sentatives of the whole Western community for Eastern Europe. The consciousness of community, which has been vanish- ing for reasons which seemed to Britain and France inex- plicable, was at the bottom of the popularity of the Weimar Republic, of the credits to Germany, of the premature evacua- WHAT POLAND WANTS 25 tion of the Rhineland, of the Locarno treaties, of the wel- coming of the Reich into the League, of the planned Four- Power Pact and of Munich. The same feeling of com- munity was responsible for the manner in which the present war has been waged - from R.A.F. leaflet raids organized for the benefit of the "good Germans" to the French Armistice, based on the belief that the victor would be moderate and merciful in the interests of the community, and the British-Soviet agreement, which is a military alliance against the National-Sorialistische Deutsche Arbeiter-Partei and not against the German State. There is a certain foundation of fact for all this. It is infinitesimal, but it is there. No doubt each of the move- ments stirring Western Europe has its adherents in Germany. No doubt every Briton, Frenchman, Italian or American can find "his own German" with whom he will be able to talk a common language. But events themselves: the fact that Germany has attacked Europe three times in less than a century, that she has started two world wars, broken scores of solemn pledges, rejected as unsatisfactory the most tempt- ing offers-all this cannot be accidental. We Western Euro- peans living in the eastern part of the Continent have been aware of it for a long time. The German nation rose in arms against the community of the West precisely because it has been a member of that community and wishes to be one no longer. The cruelty which shocked the world until it grew used to it must have other than purely pathological causes. The destruction of the Royal Castle of Warsaw was not dictated by savagery alone, and neither was the conversion of the royal chamber of Queen Jadwiga in Wawel Castle¹⁸ into a soldiers' latrine. It is a manifestation of the same spirit which found expression in the public burning of books and the encouragement of children to spy on their own parents. Hitler's talk of racial purity and the millennium is not mere boastfulness 26 WHAT POLAND WANTS or bluff. The German nation does not want to be a member of the Western European community, for it would have to belong to it on terms of equality with others. That is why it has set out to murder our whole family of nations. It cannot achieve power without committing matricide. If one admits the existence of a community, one also has to recognize a law binding all its members alike. Then only joint, not absolute, rule is possible. That is why the destruction of the whole of Western European culture, begin- ning with the tables of Moses, the Code of Justinian, includ- ing all the tenets of Christianity, all the years of common history, of common work, and even the visible signs of such a collaboration, is an imperative condition for a German victory, beginning the new millennium. The struggle, before it became a battle for world power, was a struggle for the soul of the German people. It lasted a long time, before culminating in a breach with the West. We have watched this conflict since its very beginning. We know what our allies do not know or understand, for we have seen at close quarters the growth of the monster of many heads. Half a thousand years ago we cut off the first of the heads of that dragon.¹⁹ Over every town in Britain there hangs today a threat; the same sinister shadow hovers over every British woman and child. It is not the swastika, the impermanent emblem of a party, but the ancient black cross of conquest, the black cross of death on the wings that fly at night over the peaceful homes of England. It is the old symbol of war against the West. Cemeteries of Polabians, Lithuanians and Mazurs were dug under the shadow of that cross. It was the symbol of Teuton East Prussia, a mailed fist thrust into our entrails. It was the sign of the flags flown on the day when, in Ver- sailles, Bismarck proclaimed the Second Reich. It was the mark on the missiles which fell on London a quarter of a century ago, as a mild foretaste of what was to come later. WHAT POLAND WANTS 27 It binds Germany today and represents her strength, that ancient historical emblem, rich in memories, glorified by vic- tories and bathed in oceans of alien blood-the sinister sign of the black cross. Britain has known it for two years. We have known it for over seven centuries. Poland did not associate herself with Germany, because she could not. Racial differences were not the only reason, for other peoples, of different origin, such as the Lithuanians, have resisted association with Germany just as stubbornly. What did not happen in a thousand years was obviously not possible-because Germany has always been for the East what Nazidom has now become for the West. I have not the space at my disposal to analyze the growth of a small monastic order into a power obsessed with world- wide ambitions. But there is no denying that the methods and principles which now shock the Western World have always been employed by the Germans in the East. A strange mixture of virtue and crime, of cunning and heroism, of cruelty and order, of falsehood and discipline, of cynicism and enthusiasm, of endurance and madness, of perjury and piety-these were the characteristics of the Electors of Brandenburg, as they were also of Frederick the Great and his successors, Bismarck, Ludendorff and Hitler. The only difference was in the steady growth of the Teuton Order, which expanded and changed its form, permeating and shaping everything that is German. Finally it became Germany itself. The war for Germany has been definitely lost by Western Europe. Today it is a question of winning a war against Germany-a war for Europe, for the very survival of European culture. There is no doubt that the Germans are the deadliest, because a deliberate, enemy of that civilization. They know where to strike. The matricide's knife more easily finds the mother's heart than does that of a stranger. 28 WHAT POLAND WANTS Western civilization is founded on the honoring of promises, on the sanctity of contract created by ancient Rome, the respect of obligations undertaken in good faith. In that simple, unique fact, that a man can trust another man's word-and be confirmed in his trust-lies the essence of Western civilization. Christianity made that concept fuller, universal. The words "Render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's and unto God the things that are God's" marked the birth of free men on earth, men with a conscience of their own. Thus was man- kind relieved of the omnipotence of authority and given instead a new responsibility towards something superior to human authority itself and ever present in each individual heart. From that moment onwards one man's pledge given to another was endowed with a supernatural sanction that no mortal authority can alter. Respect for agreements made between free men became the basis of all human relations. The attempt to confine to two main features our definition of such a vast phenomenon as Western civilization may seem futile. But such an attempt is confirmed by the fact that Germany's whole effort is aimed precisely against the moral value of obligations and against the sovereign freedom of conscience. By setting on the rights of the German nation a higher value than on the most solemn pledges, by suppressing the direct relations between man and God and returning to the pre-Christian belief in the omnipotence of the State, by denying the universal and absolute character of moral princi- ples, Germany declared open war on the West. The revision of moral standards is both the cause of the German secession and one of its symptoms. In September 1939, the easternmost stronghold of Western culture, attacked on two sides, was conquered after a des- perate struggle. Hardly two years have passed since the September dawn which saw the first sacrifice of the present WHAT POLAND WANTS 29 war-and Western culture has already been reduced to cling- ing to the fringe of Europe, defended by the old naval fortress of Britain alone. Free life exists only outside Europe, in America, Africa and Australia. Elsewhere-in the huge area of land between the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans— civilization has been practically suppressed. For the hundreds of millions who live in those lands provide proof by their own daily experience that no more than bare existence remains possible after the things which are as necessary to life as air, water and bread have been rejected, even after God has been expelled, the sanctity of human contracts ridiculed and conscience dismissed. At such a moment a voice speaking from the ramparts of the last fortress of Europe declares that "in future the eastern bastion of our faith, where the present war started, shall be ruled either by strangers or by enemies." Such a statement displays not only ignorance of the issues at stake, but also moral weakness. To abandon distant brothers to their fate, to avoid any commitments beyond the most immediate neces- sities, to betray the community when its support requires an effort-this is worse than folly. It is weakness and egoism, amounting to treachery. Those who, like the author of The Times article, con- descend to offer Eastern Europe the alternative of "Russia or Germany" are defeatists. Australia, if she gave up Singa- pore "for the sake of peace," would be making a useless and fatal surrender. Great Britain would be cutting her own throat by relinquishing Suez. It is equally suicidal for Western Europe to abandon Poland. That is the only view we can take. After all, it should not be forgotten that we Poles are also fighting in this war. We also have our war aims and we have not the slightest intention of renouncing them. Every personal opinion is subject to debate and every statement can be queried. But beyond arguments and theories 30 WHAT POLAND WANTS there are hard facts. The will of the Poles to preserve their birthright is a fact. I believe that I can clearly state, as any one of us could, what every Pole feels, what he thinks, what he wants, and what he will fight for. We would regard it as monstrous and insufferable if, after victory over Germany, our country were to be reduced or mutilated, if rank injustice were to be our reward for years of combat and suffering. There is no Polish land for sale; there is none to give away -not an acre, not a yard, whether for the sake of converting our enemies or for the love of our allies. The Poland of 1939 was a small Poland, the smallest that had ever existed as an independent State. Delineated at a time when the criteria of language and ethnography were given an absurdly exaggerated preponderance over the dictates of history, of strategy and even of common sense, our frontiers are so narrow as hardly to leave breathing space for the Polish nation. They are frontiers drawn by compromise, not expan- sion. There was compromise in the West, for the British delegates at Versailles took good care not to give Poland too much of the land that had been won. There was voluntary compromise in the East, for the sake of peace, since, at the time of the negotiations culminating in the Treaty of Riga, Polish armies held a line far to the east of the frontier which Poland freely accepted. Poland accepted that compromise and Poland respected it. Others attacked and crossed those fron- tiers. They encountered a resistance which still continues and will continue to the end, be it either victory or the total exter- mination of the Polish State. Poland withstood temptations. She refused to allow Soviet troops to pass through to Germany at a time when it seemed, after the Kapp putsch, that outside assistance might turn the scales for the German Communists. She refused to march with Germany against Russia, she refused to play the part WHAT POLAND WANTS 31 of an Eastern European Italy and to renounce independence for a bribe of ceded alien territory. And that is the very reason why Poland believes her own land to be inviolable and that her frontiers must be guarded not by treaties but also by her own good faith. They are Polish lands. Many more Poles were killed by Tartar arrows, Turkish scimitars, Austrian bullets or Russian bayonets in the defense of Lwów than live in that city today. Wilno, with Our Lady of Ostra Brama²⁰ and Pilsudski's heart sleeping at Rossa, is Polish. Ours are the Polesian plains and marshes, from which Traugutt22 set out to fight, on a journey which ended on the tall gallows of Warsaw. The White Krzemieniec²³ of Słowacki and the Nowogródek²⁴ of Mickiewicz are Polish. The forests and cemeteries of those lands, their very breeze and contour, are Polish, and so are Poznań and Torun. That is all that remained of a far larger Poland after 135 years of occupation. That is all-a small Poland, modestly, faithfully rebuilt after so many years of a hidden, persecuted existence. When she was being re-born, the mighty of this world lectured Poland on the need for humility and restraint, like a young girl. They laid down prim, humiliating rules, as if for a naughty child. 25 But in the course of twenty years, through a war which we won without outside help and from the experiences of recent times, we have learnt a good deal. We know today that, grave as were the mistakes we made, the faults of others were perhaps even greater. We know that though many sur- pass us in numbers and wealth, we are second to none in courage and moral strength. That is why present-day Poland will not bow to any tutelage. She will not agree to any limitation of her sover- eignty in matters that concern herself alone and no other Power. Still less can she permit any calling into question of her established frontiers. Polish soldiers, airmen and sailors are 32 WHAT POLAND WANTS today defending the integrity of the British Empire, irre- spective of whether any or all of the Empire's frontiers meet with their personal approval. We expect full reciprocity in that respect. Nor is that all. Poland will not surrender. So long as there is one Polish soldier left, he will resist all invaders, whether in Lwów or in Grudziądz, whether in Zbąszyn or in Stolpce, no matter whether they wear the swastika badge or the hammer and sickle. We did not reject Nazi proposals for "a road across Pomorze" or a plebiscite in Pomorze to bend the knee now and enter into arguments with anyone else on such subjects, other than by machine-gun fire. France was defeated because she admitted herself beaten. Britain will not be defeated, because she will not acknowledge defeat, not even if the war were to last a hundred years. Poland, too, has not been defeated. What is more, we know from our own history that we can fight against any odds, for years without number, suffering reverse after reverse-and yet win in the end. There is only one way of compelling the Polish nation to surrender its freedom or its land-and that is to exterminate the Poles to the last man. There is no other way. We fought during 135 years, unarmed, forgotten, and alone. On the morrow of our deliverance we again faced one of our aggressors single-handed-and won.2⁷ Twenty years later, fully aware of the meaning of our decision, unaided in that part of Europe, we took up the challenge of the greatest military Power in the world. Our history proves beyond doubt that it would be childish to expect to "persuade" the Polish nation to capitulate. There can be no capitulation of any kind. Poland considers herself an equal ally of Britain. Poland, like Britain, has her own war aims and insists that they be respected. Her aims are moderate; we cannot be accused of greed. Poland demands freedom and sovereignty for all her WHAT POLAND WANTS 33 lands. Poland must claim future security through a revision of her frontier with Germany, mainly by amputating the mailed fist that clutches at her vitals-East Prussia. Poland cannot admit that the fates of neighboring peoples, now con- quered or powerless, should be settled without consulting her, still less against her advice. That is all. It is not much. But there is no room for con- cessions. Such is the will of the Poles-of all the Poles. Moreover, it is simple justice. Whoever has concluded an alliance with Poland has thereby recognized that will, which was never concealed. A small Poland, the smallest of all Polands that ever existed, entered this war. She may emerge from it larger than before, or she may not survive at all. But she cannot end the war deprived of any part of her territory. In that event she would never lay down arms. 34 WHAT POLAND WANTS TRANSLATOR'S NOTES 1. Chojnice, Kartuzy and Wejherowo are three towns in Polish Pomerania. 2. Bakunin was a famous Russian anarchist of the middle of the nineteenth century. 3. L'ordre règne à Varsovie-Count Sebastiani, French Minister for Foreign Affairs, used these words to inform the French Chamber of Deputies of the fall of Warsaw in 1831. 4. Karl Kautsky was the theoretician of the German Social- Democratic Party in the nineteenth century. 5. Rosa Luxemburg was the leader of the "Social-Democratic Party of Poland and Lithuania" which opposed the Polish Socialist Party, while being closely linked with the extreme Leftist elements of the German Social-Democratic Party. She played a great part in the Spartacus movement and was killed with Liebknecht in Berlin in January 1919. 6. The Constitution of May 3, 1791, established the foundations of a democratic system in Poland. May 3 is celebrated every year as a national holiday. 7. Thaddeus Kościuszko was the leader of the Polish insurrection of 1794 and a hero of the American War of Independence. He was released by the Tsar Paul I from the prison of St. Peter and St. Paul in St. Petersburg in 1797, after being confined there for over two years. He left for America via London and Bristol in the same year. 8. Field-Marshal Suvorov commanded the Russian armies which crushed Kościuszko's insurrection and stormed Warsaw in 1794. 9. The Peace Treaty between Poland and the Soviet Union, which was signed at Riga on March 18, 1921, fixed the frontier between these two countries. Poland's eastern frontier, as fixed at Riga, was recog- nised by Great Britain and France by a decision of the Ambassador's Conference in Paris on March 15, 1923. On behalf of Britain that decision was signed by Lord Hardinge. It was also recognized by the United States in a note of April 5, 1923. 10. This pamphlet was written before Mr. Eden's speech at Leeds on August 30, 1941, in which the British Foreign Secretary stated that the assurances given to Turkey were equally valid for Poland. 11. Boris Savinkov was the leader of the Russian left-wing revo- lutionary socialists and a notorious terrorist in Tsarist times (he murdered the Grand Duke Serghey). After the Bolsheviks had seized power, he took a leading part in the armed resistance against them and in a number of terrorist attempts. In 1920 he returned to Soviet Russia and made a sensational confession. He disappeared soon after- wards and was probably executed. 12. These are names of famous characters in Dostoyevski's novels. 13. Stanislas Augustus Poniatowski was the last King of Poland. He died almost a prisoner in St. Petersburg in 1798. All his life he had pursued a policy of subservience to Russia. WHAT POLAND WANTS 35 14. Prince Adam Czartoryski was Russian Foreign Minister in 1804 and an intimate friend of Tsar Alexander I. During the Napoleonic wars he advocated the view that Poland's future lay in reaching an understanding with Russia. As Prime Minister of the revolutionary Polish Government in 1830, he dethroned the Tsar Nicholas I, brother of Alexander I, as King of Poland. He died, an exile in Paris, in 1861. 15. Marquis Wielopolski, Prime Minister of Poland from 1861-3, aimed at an understanding with Russia, from whom he obtained certain concessions. His efforts were thwarted by the Polish insur- rection of 1863, and he died in exile in Dresden in 1877. He was strongly opposed by many of his countrymen, and only many years after his death was his statesmanship appreciated. 16. Cracow, Wilno, Zamość are Polish towns. 17. Wit Stwosz was a great artist of the fifteenth century, whose famous high altar in the Church of Our Lady in Cracow has been stolen by the Germans. 18. Wawel is the Royal Castle in Cracow. 19. The author is referring here to the Battle of Grunwald (1410) at which the Poles and Lithuanians inflicted a crushing defeat on the Teutonic Knights. 20. The Madonna of Ostra Brama is worshipped throughout Poland, as Nôtre-Dame de Lourdes is in France. 21. Polesie is better known in this country as the Pripet Marshes. 22. Romuald Traugutt, the leader of the Polish insurrection of 1863, was hanged by the Russians in the Warsaw citadel in 1864. His death marked the end of the rising. 23. Krzemieniec is a town in Polish Volhynia on the Ikwa river, and was famous as a centre of Polish learning in the nineteenth century. Słowacki, one of Poland's greatest poets, was born there. 24. Nowogródek is the chief town of Poland's easternmost province. It is the birthplace of Mickiewicz, Poland's national bard. 25. The author is referring here to the Treaty on the protection of minorities imposed on Poland at Versailles in 1919. 26. Frontier towns or stations of Poland in the West and in the East. 27. The author is referring to the Polish-Soviet war of 1920.