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OCR Page 1 of 2PSF
Saudi Arabia
PSF: Sandi Arabia
Received from Fred V. Shipmen, Director of the Franklin
D. Roosevelt Library the following documents:
Subject: Financial aid to Arabia. (King Saud)
Encl:
(1)
Carbon copy of Memo for the Secretary of the Havy from
FDR, April 30, 1941
(2) Letter from John H. Dillon, Major, U.S.M.C., Department
of the Navy to Miss Derothy Brady. The White House. May
17, 1944
(3) Carbon copy of letter from John F. Q'Keefe, Special
Asst. to Secretary to Miss Marguerite LeHand, The White
House, May 23, 1941
(4) Carbon copy of Memo for the President from Frank Knox,
May 20, 1941
(5) Memo signed by H. A. Stuart, Rear Admiral. U.S. Havy,
Director. Naval Petroleum Reserves, for the Secretary
of the Navy, May 17. 1941
(6) Carbon copy of (5)
(7) Original Memo from FDR for the Secretary of the Havy,
April 30, 1941
(8) Original Memo, April 16, 1941 (4 pages) not signed
hlu two)
Dated March 2/ 1947
C.R.K.
Attorney for the executors
of the Estate of Frenklin D.
Roosevelt.
(7.W.S.)
Reta to file: 2/11/48 = S.W.R.
MEMORANDUM
The attached correspondence was handed personally to Mr. Marshall
Jacobs at Simpson, Thacher & Bartlett, 120 Broadway, NYC on January 27,
1949 as evidence in court action between James A. Moffatt VS. Aramco.
On April 27th, Mr. Jacobs returned the material to the Hopkins files.
Following is a list of the correspondence:
Hull Memo
4/25/41
State Dept. Memo
4/21/41
Moffett letter to LeHand
4/16/41
Moffett letter to FDR
4/16/41
Moffett Memo (attached)
4/16/41
Hull memo to President
5/29/41
Knox memo to President
5/20/41
FDP. memo to Hull
5/21/41
O'Keefe letter to LeHand
5/23/41
Hopkins letter to Jones
6/14/41
Jones to Hopkins
7/22/41
Jones Memo to Hopkins
8/27/41
Found in Hopkins Popus,
Grace Murphy
Secretary to Robert E. Sherwood
Jan. 1954.
SWR
PSF: Sandi drabia
MEMORANDUM
April 16, 1941
King Ibn Saud of Saudi Arabia formerly depended largely
on the revenue from the pilgrimage and customs duties to finance
his government. Due to the war, this revenue has been reduced to
a negligible amount.
The only economic resources of any substantial value of
Saudi Arabia are its oil resources, the development of which has
been seriously interfered with on account of the war.
The King has privately expressed himself, and we believe
sincerely, as strongly pro-Ally. No other man in the Arab coun-
tries, nor among Moslems the world over, commands prestige equal
to his. In order to feed and maintain control of his people, which
is essential to maintain his prestige in the Arab world elsewhere
and to prepare, even in a moderate way, for equipping his own sol-
diers for service, he estimates that he will require $10,000,000
per annum until the emergency has passed and he recently demanded
new
that the California Arabian Standard Oil Company supply him with
$6,000,000 during the year 1941. In addition to this, the British
have promised him 400,000 pounds sterling during 1941, which he
hopes to increase to 900,000 pounds.
Based on the best information which we have been able to
obtain, it is our opinion that the King's estimate of $10,000,000
for this year is moderate and close to a minimum figure for essen-
tial expenditures.
Page No. 2
4-16-41
The California Arabian Standard Oil Company owns an oil
concession in Arabia consisting of approximately 162,000,000
acres and embracing all the probable oil territory of the country.
This area is approximately equal in size to the states of Califor-
nia and Oregon. The original concession was acquired in 1933 and
runs to 1993; the remaining area was acquired in 1939 and runs un-
til 1999. The company is of American nationality and 50% is
owned by the Standard Oil Company of California and 50% by The
X
Texas Corporation. These two companies between them have approx-
imately 160,000 American stockholders.
The development work commenced in 1933 and to date the
company has discovered on three structures an estimated 750,000,000
barrels of crude oil reserves and there are many other structures
of considerable promise on this concession. The Calarabian Stan-
dard Oil Company has so far spent approximately $27,500,000 on this
development. In addition, the company has advanced to the King
against future royalties $6,800,000. It has now come to a point
where it is impossible for the company to continue the growing
burden and responsibility of financing an independent country,
particularly under present abnormal conditions. However, the King
is desperate. He has told us that unless necessary financial
assistance is immediately forthcoming, he has grave fears for the
stability of his country.
Page No. 3
4-16-41
PROPOSAL
1.
We propose that the United States Government purchase from the
Saudi Arabia Government finished petroleum products to the value of
six million dollars annually for a period of five years.
2.
The Company will contract with the King to produce, manufacture
and load such products for his account at a Persian Gulf port.
3.
The King will waive royalty on an amount of crude oil corres]
ding at current royalty rate to $6,000,000.
4.
The products taken under this arrangement, except that taken
for use by the U. S. Navy or other U. S. Government purposes within
the area, would have to be moved outside an area approximately de-
fined as follows: Egypt, the east coast of Africa, South Africa,
Australasia, India, the Straits Settlements, China, Japan and
possibly the Philippines.
5.
We suggest that for the purpose of determining the quantity
of products due under this arrangement an agreement be reached as
to the prices of certain products to be supplied over an agreed
period.
6.
We suggest that our State Department approach the British not
only to increase the amount of money which the British have been
advancing to the King, amounting to 400,000 pounds sterling per
year, but also to request the British to continue to make such ad-
vances in sufficient amount, which, added to those made by the
United States Government, plus any other revenue received by the
King, will total approximately $10,000,000 per year.
BEST AVAILABLE COPY.
Page No. 4
4-16-41
Any British advances should be on a political and
military basis and should not involve their getting any oil
from this concession, the British at the present time being
well supplied from Iran, Iraq, and Bahrein, etc.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
L4-2(25(410430)
April 30, 1941.
Pres.
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY
bard
This has not reached the
stage when you enter the picture.
Please read Moffett's letter,
then the Secretary of State's
memorandum; then send for Moffett
and see if you can work out some-
thing to submit to me.
F. D. R.
nory come
ask about Dulphas in this oct for
site
ungab
HullFulder Hull Falcles
1-41
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
April 30, 1941.
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY
NOW?
This has not reached the
stage when you enter the picture.
Please read Moffett's letter,
then the Secretary of State's
memorandum; then send for Moffett
and see if you can work out some-
thing to submit to me.
F. D. R.
Memorandum from the Secretary of State,
4/25/41 for the President, with accompanying
memorandum prepared by the Dept., 4/21/41
in re financial assistance for King Thn Cand
in order for independent Amb Kingdom to
survive present emergency, which was prepared
in connection with letter from J.A. Moffett,
NYC, 4/16/11, to the President in re above.
DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY
WASHINGTON
17 MAY 1944
My dear Miss Brady:
In accordance with our telephone con-
versation of this morning, I am attaching hereto
the correspondence which we discussed.
I have had a search made of the department's
files and this seems to be all that remains in our
files on this subject.
Sincerely yours,
Johnpour JOHN H. DILLON,
Major, U. S. M. C.
Miss Dorothy Brady
The White House
Washington, D. C.
L4 (25) (410430)
May 23, 1941
Dear Miss LeHand:
The attached correspondence, I believe,
should have been returned with the Secretary's
memorandum to the President under date of May
20, 1941.
I regret this oversight.
Very truly yours,
John F. O'Keefe
Special Asst. to Secretary
Miss Marguerite LeHand,
The White House.
Enos.
May 20, 1941
L4-2(25) (410430)
MEMORAWDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT:
Recently you sent no a memorandum concerning the
matter of giving some financial assistance to King Iben Saud
through the medium of purchasing $6,000,000 annually of petroleum
products for the next five years.
I have had an investigation made of the oil pro-
duced in Sandi Arabia and find that its qualify is not suitable
for Havy use. The gasoline has & very low octane number, about
70, which corresponds to a second grade gasoline. It could not
be used in airplanes and normally could not be used for ordinary
purposes.
The Diesel fuel oil has an octane number of 55, but
on account of its high sulphur content Navy men say it is inad-
visable to use it and do not recommend it. The sulphur content
runs between 1.5 and 1.95. Havy specifications have a maximen
limit of sulphur of 13. I an told the sulphur would have a very
deleterious corrosive effect on the exhaust system.
This high sulphur content also operates against
the use of the fuel oil for Navy purposes. In the case of fuel
oil, the sulphur content is 3.9% and the Navy specifications have
a limit of 1%.
I appreciate the gravity of the situation in the
Middle East and if needful, would be glad to ⑉ the small sugl
of money under question devoted to securing the military support
of King Iben Sand. I do not believe, however, there is any sound
business reason for mixing that help up with the purchase of the
type of oil produced in that field.
TRANK
Green
ADDRESS REPLY TO
THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY
AND REFER TO INITIALS
AND No.
NAVY DEPARTMENT
WASHINGTON
L4-2(25)(410430)
17 May, 1941.
MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY:
1. I have investigated the possibilities of the Navy using oil
from Saudi Arabia and I find conditions to be approximately as follows:
2. The gasoline has a very low octane number, about 70, which
corresponds to & second grade gasoline in commercial use in this coun-
try. It could not, therefore, be used in airplane service but could
under necessity be used for ordinary purposes, although not advisable.
3. The Diesel fuel has cetane number of 55 and could be used
from a purely operating standpoint, but on account of its high sulphur
content its use is inadvisable and is not recommended. The sulphur
content is 1.5 to 1.9% while Navy specifications have a meximum limit
of 1%. The sulphur would have a very deleterious corrosive effect on
the exhaust system.
4. The fuel oil is of 14 A.P.I. gravity and viscosity under 65
at 122° F. Purely from an operating standpoint this fuel also could
be used, but again its use is highly inadvisable for naval vessels on
account of its high sulphur content, 3.9%. Navy specification sulphur
limit is under 1%.
5. The exhaust gases would have a very serious corrosive effect
on the uptake spaces of naval ships and would also probably cause ser-
ious discomfort - if not more harmful effects - to the anti-aircraft
personnel of the ship if exposed to the exhaust fumes.
- 2 -
6. The gravity of the situation is appreciated, but Naval use of
these fuels could only be recommended as a last resort.
7. It is possible that use for a large part of these fuels might be
found in the merchant service where the fuel specifications are not so
strict for obvious reasons.
Hashrart H.VAY STUART,
Rear Admiral, U. S. Navy,
Director, Naval Petroleum Reserves.
syste
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
THE SECRETARY
April 25, 1941.
Memorandum for the President
The accompanying memorandum
which I had prepared after a
study of Mr. Moffett's letter
is self-explanatory.
Cit
pett EXHIBITIOUT 13
/ FEB 2 1949
U.S.D.of N.Y.
-
April 21, 1941.
Memorandum by the State Department
In the attached papers Mr. Moffett states that
unless King Ibn Saud receives financial assistance at
once there is grave danger that this independent Arab
Kingdom cannot survive the present emergency. Mr.
Moffett therefore proposes:
1.
That we urge the British Government to increase
from L400,000 to 6900,000 the payment which they are
making to the King in 1941.
2. That the United States Government agree to
purchase from King Ibn Saud petroleum products to the
value of $6,000,000 annually for the next five years.
(a) Mr. Moffett believes that some of this pe-
troleum could be consumed by the United States
Navy or other Government agencies.
(b) However, that part of the oil not used by the
Government would have to be marketed outside
the Pacific area, presumably through private
channels. In practice this would mean that,
as conditions are at present, the only marketing
area would be the Western Hemisphere.
-2-
COMMENT:
Although our own information regarding the financial
situation in Saudi Arabia is not precise (we have no
representative permanently resident in Saudi Arabia),
we do know that the King's finances have been severely
strained. Ordinarily the chief revenues of the Kingdom
come from the Moslem pilgrim traffic, from customs
revenues and from oil royalties. The first two sources
have been effectively dried up by the existing situa-
tion. The oil royalties paid by Mr. Moffett's company,
plus advances on those royalties in the amount of
$6,800,000, have apparently been insufficient to meet
the financial needs. The annual budget of $10,000,000,
estimated by Mr. Moffett, appears to be reasonable in
the existing situation.
POLITICAL BACKGROUND
King Ibn Saud is unquestionably the outstanding
figure in the Arab world today. He has long had in-
timate relations with the British and has been friendly
with them despite the fact that during the last war the
British supported his rival, King Hussein, as their
candidate for the proposed Arab Empire. All of our
recent reports from our own officers and from the British
indicate that the King favors the Allied cause. He has
some complaints against the British, particularly their
policy
-3-
policy of supporting the Jewish National Home in Pal-
estine. The only political dealings we have had with
him were on the same subject when, about two years ago,
he addressed a letter to the President objecting to this
Government's alleged activities in favor of the Jewish
National Home and against Arab interests. There seems
little reason to doubt, however, that fundamentally
Ibn Saud is anti-Axis. (It is pertiment to remark
that about three years ago he refused to grant oil con-
cessions to German and Japanese interests and instead
accepted a less favorable concession agreement with
Mr. Moffett's company.) Since Ibn Saud's influence
is great in the Arab world a good case can be made out
in favor of granting him financial support. The ques-
tion arises how this support can best be given. The
following comments are submitted on Mr. Moffett's pro-
posals, as outlines at the beginning of this memorandum:
1. No objection is perceived to discussing with
the British the question of their increasing by L500,000
their 1941 payment to the King. This would be a small
price for them to pay for Ibn Saud's support and in-
fluence in this vital Near Eastern Area.
2a. It would presumably be possible for the Navy
to use in the Pacific area some, or possibly all, of
the extra oil which Mr. Moffett proposes to produce.
This
-4-
This question would have to be discussed with the Navy
Department, and would involve consideration of such
points as whether the Navy is obligated by law to obtain
its oil by competitive bid, the extent to which the Navy
is restricted by current contracts, et cetera.
2b. Whether it would be possible for the Govern-
ment to sell, through commercial channels, that part of
the proposed Arabian new production which it could not
consume raises various considerations. Mr. Moffett
makes the condition that the proposed production in ex-
cess of United States Government requirements "would
have to be moved outside" of the Pacific area. This
probably means that in practice it would have to be
sold in the Western Hemisphere since there is no availa-
ble market in Europe or West Africa. Why this excess
oil could not be sold in the Pacific area through com-
mercial channels Mr. Moffett does not make clear. One
is perhaps justified in the speculation that such sale
would be contrary to marketing agreements among the large
oil companies or merely that there actually is no ready
market in that area except Japan. The further question
arises whether this excess oil could find a market in
the Western Hemisphere unless the Government was prepared
to sell it at a loss to marketing companies. Considera-
tion might also have to be given whether the charge might
not
-5-
not be made that the commercial part of Mr. Moffett's
proposal was of direct benefit to the California
Arabian Standard 011 Company and that the proposal was
designed to relieve that company from the difficult
situation in which it has been placed. All in all the
commercial part of the proposal seems open to come ob-
jections, although these might be overcome upon more
intensive investigation.
AN ALTERNATIVE PROPOSAL
If it is decided that action should be taken to
give financial support to Ibn Saud, and there appear
to be sound reasons in favor of such a proposal, pos-
sibly an arrangement might be worked out combining a
part of Mr. Moffett's proposal with action under the
Lend-Lease Act. Mr. Moffett feels that Ibn Saud needs
approximately $6,000,000 from our side. It might be
feasible for the Navy to purchase $3,000,000 to $4,000,000
worth of oil for use at bases in the Pacific. Even
more might be used, but it is not clear from Mr. Mof-
fett's statement whether it would be possible to produce
more refined products than he has suggested. (Nearly
one-half
-6-
one-half of the proposed production of $6,000,000
consists of gasoline which might not be required by the
Navy. In this connection it is understood that the
gasoline produced in the Saudi Arabian field is of low
octane content which, even when leaded to the maximum,
does not exceed 85-87 octanes.) Assuming, however,
that the Navy could use all of the heavy products
amounting to something over $3,000,000 in value, the
balance of the $6,000,000 might be made up by furnishing
supplies to Saudi Arabia under the Lend-Lease Act. Such
help might be extended in return for satisfactory
political assurances and commitments by Ibn Saud.
Negotiations covering these matters might appropri-
ately be undertaken by Mr. Kirk, our Minister in Egypt,
who in any case should be proceeding shortly to Jedda
to present his credentials to Ibn Saud, to whom he is
also accredited.
DEPARTMENT OF THE NAVY
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY
WASHINGTON
May 23, 1941
Dear Miss LeHand:
The attached correspondence, I believe,
should have been returned with the Secretary's
memorandum to the President under date of May
20, 1941. I regret this oversight.
Very truly yours,
John F. O'Keefe
Special Asst. to Secretary
Miss Marguerite LeHand,
The White House.
Encs.
DAX EXHIBITourt it
S.D. N.
A.
FEB
April 16, 1941
My dear Missy:
When I saw the President last week, he asked
that I prepare a memorandum covering the situation in
Saudi Arabia and what the King might be able to do in
furnishing finished petroleum products.
I enclose herewith a letter to the President
and also the memoranda in question and would greatly
appreciate your delivering same to him.
I am sorry to trouble you in this matter but
it is so urgent and I hope you will forgive me.
With my kindest regards, I am,
Yours sincerely,
J.a.maffix
maffied
Miss Marguerite LeHand
The White House
Washington, D. C.
J.A. MOFFETT
130 EAST 43 STREET
NEW YORK
April 16, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
Referring to the interview which you so kindly gave
me on Wednesday, April 9th, and in line with your request, I
am attaching hereto a memorandum covering the existing situation
in Saudi Arabia. Also a proposal which we hope will be accep-
table es EL means of providing funds for the Saudi Arabian Govern-
ment.
Our representatives have had numerous conferences
with the King. His financial situation is desperate. The
British Government has advanced him four hundred thousand pounds
and he is endeavoring to have this increased to nine hundred
thousand pounds. His budget requirement is conservatively es-
timated at $10,000,000.
You referred to the four Denish tank steamers which
might be utilized to transport finished petroleum products.
If the United States Government will advance to the King of
Saudi Arabia $6,000,000 annually for the next five years, we
feel confident that we can work out with the King an arrangement
whereby he will deliver through us the following quantities of pe-
troleum products, and at the prices mentioned:
F.O.B. SHIP
$ 2,606,000 (?) 1,800,000 bbls. of Gasoline
@ PERSIAN 3 1/20 GULF per gallon?
$ 1,999,500
2,660,000 bbls. of Diesel Oil
@ 75$
$1,360,000
3,400,000 bbls. of Fuel 011
8 40#
093'216'34
totalling approximately $6,000,000 worth of petroleum products an-
nually.
The King's normal revenue (from pilgrimage and customs)
has practically disappeared. His expenses have very materially
increased, not only on account of the war, but due to the drought
this past year, so that he has been forced to feed two thousand
of his subjects.
ONE THIRTY EAST FORTY-THIRD STREET
NEW YORK. N.Y.
Page 2.
4/16/41
I sincerely trust that some way may be found under
existing legislation to provide King Ibn Saud financial assis-
tance, which he so urgently needs in order to maintain his govern-
ment in a stable condition. We believe that unless this is done,
and soon, this independent kingdom, and perhaps with it the
entire Arab world, will be thrown into chaos.
Yours very sincerely,
j.a.mothix
mappid
The President
The White House
Washington, D. C.
MEMORANDUM
April 16, 1941
King Ibn Saud of Saudi Arabia formerly depended largely
on the revenue from the pilgrimage and customs duties to finance
his government. Due to the war, this revenue has been reduced to
a negligible amount.
The only economic resources of any substantial value of
Saudi Arabia are its oil resources, the development of which has
been seriously interfered with on account of the war.
The King has privately expressed himself, and we believe
sincerely, as strongly pro-Ally. No other man in the Arab coun-
tries, nor among Moslems the world over, commands prestige equal
to his. In order to feed and maintain control of his people, which
is essential to maintain his prestige in the Arab world elsewhere
and to prepare, even in A moderate way, for equipping his own sol-
diers for service, he estimates that he will require $10,000,000
per annum until the emergency has passed and he recently demanded
that the California Arabian Standard Oil Company supply him with
$6,000,000 during the year 1941. In addition to this, the British
have promised him 400,000 pounds sterling during 1941, which he
hopes to increase to 900,000 pounds.
Based on the best information which we have been able to
obtain, it is our opinion that the King's estimate of $10,000,000
for this year is moderate and close to a minimum figure for essen-
tial expenditures.
Page No. 2
4-16-41
The California Arabian Standard Oil Company owns an oil
concession in Arabia consisting of approximately 162,000,000
acres and embracing all the probable oil territory of the country.
This area is approximately equal in size to the states of Califor-
nia and Oregon. The original concession was acquired in 1933 and
runs to 1993; the remaining area was acquired in 1939 and runs un-
til 1999. The company is of American nationality and 50% is
owned by the Standard Oil Company of California and 50% by The
Texas Corporation. These two companies between them have approx-
imately 160,000 American stockholders.
The development work commenced in 1933 and to date the
company has discovered on three structures an estimated 750,000,000
barrels of crude oil reserves and there are many other structures
of considerable promise on this concession. The Calarabian Stan-
dard Oil Company has so far spent approximately $27,500,000 on this
development. In addition, the company has advanced to the King
against future royalties $6,800,000. It has now come to a point
where it is impossible for the company to continue the growing
burden and responsibility of financing an independent country,
particularly under present abnormal conditions. However, the King
is desperate. He has told us that unless necessary financial
assistance is immediately forthcoming, he has grave fears for the
stability of his country.
Page No. 3
4-16-41
PROPOSAL
1.
We propose that the United States Government purchase from the
Saudi Arabia Government finished petroleum products to the value of
six million dollars annually for a period of five years.
2.
The Company will contract with the King to produce, manufacture
and load such products for his account at a Persian Gulf port.
3.
The King will waive royalty on an amount of crude oil corres-
ponding at current royalty rate to $6,000,000.
4.
The products taken under this arrangement, except that taken
for use by the U. S. Navy or other U. S. Government purposes within
the area, would have to be moved outside an area approximately de-
fined as follows: Egypt, the east coast of Africa, South Africe,
Australasia, India, the Straits Settlements, China, Japan and
possibly the Philippines.
5.
We suggest that for the purpose of determining the quantity
of products due under this arrangement an agreement be reached as
to the prices of certain products to be supplied over an agreed
period.
6.
We suggest that our State Department approach the British not
only to increase the amount of money which the British have been
advancing to the King, amounting to 400,000 pounds sterling per
year, but also to request the British to continue to make such ad-
vances in sufficient amount, which, added to those made by the
United States Government, plus any other revenue received by the
King, will total approximately $10,000,000 per year.
Page No. 4
4-16-41
Any British advances should be on a political and
military basis and should not involve their getting any oil
from this concession, the British at the present time being
well supplied from Iran, Iraq, and Bahrein, etc.
pot
EXHIBITOURT / 15
U.S. Dist. A.
S.D. of N.
FEB 2 1949
Hill Folder
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
THE SECRETARY
May 29, 1941.
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
Thank you for letting me
read the attached memorandum.
#
THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY
WASHINGTON
May 20, 1941
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT:
Recently you sent me a memorandum concerning the
matter of giving some financial assistance to King Iben Saud
through the medium of purchasing $6,000,000 annually of petroleum
products for the next five years.
I have had an investigation made of the oil pro-
duced in Saudi Arabia and find that its quality is not suitable
for Navy use. The gasoline has 8. very low octane number, about
70, which corresponds to a second grade gasoline. It could not
be used in airplanes and normally could not be used for ordinary
purposes.
The Diesel fuel oil has an octane number of 55, but
on account of its high sulphur content Navy men say it is inad-
visable to use it and do not recommend it. The sulphur content
runs between 1.5 and 1.9%. Navy specifications have a maximum
limit of sulphur of 1%. I am told the sulphur would have a very
deleterious corrosive effect on the exhaust system.
This high sulphur content also operates against
the use of the fuel oil for Navy purposes. In the case of fuel
oil, the sulphur content is 3.9% and the Navy specifications have
a limit of 1%.
I appreciate the gravity of the situation in the
Middle East and if needful, would be glad to see the small sum
of money under question devoted to securing the military support
of King Iben Saud. I do not believe, however, there is any sound
business reason for mixing that help up with the purchase of the
type of oil produced in that field.
Frane stnox
Hull Folder
pett
EXHIBIT
14
U.S. Dist. Court
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
S.D. of N. Y.
FEB 2 1949
May 21, 1941.
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE SECRETARY OF STATE
FOR YOUR INFORMATION
AND RETURN.
F. D. R.
Memorandum for the President from the
Secretary of the Navy, 5/20/41, referring
to President's recent memorandum to the
Secretary of the Navy concerning the matter
of giving some financial assistance to
King Iben Saud through the medium of purchasing
$6,000,000 annually of petroleum products for
the next five years. States he appreciates the
gravity of the situation in the Middle East
and if needful, would be glad to see the small
sum of money under question devoted to securing
the military support of King Iben Saud. He does
not believe, however, there is any sound business
reason for mixing that help up with the purchase
of the type of oil produced in that field.
pets
11
EXHIBIT
U.S. Dist. Court
S.D. of N. Y.
FEB 2 1949
June 14, 1941
PERSONAL & CONFIDENTIAL
Dear Jesse:
The President is anxious to find a way to do
something about this matter. I am enclosing con-
fidential correspondence from the White House so
you can see what goes on. Will you return it as
soon as you have read it.
I aid not sure what techniquest there are to use.
It occurred to me that some of it wight be done in
the shipment of food direct under the Lend-Lease Bill,
although just how we could call that outfit a
"democracy" I don't know. Perhaps instead of using
his royalties on oil as collateral we could use his
royalties on the tips he will get in the future on
the pilgrims to Mecca.
The RFC has done some funny things since that
man from Houston took charge of it.
Cordially yours,
HARRY L. HOPKINS
The Honorable
Jesse Jones,
Administrator,
Federal Loan Agency.
RECONSTRUCTION FINANCE CORPORATION
FEDERAL HOUSING ADMINISTRATION
THE are MORTGAGE COMPANY
HOME OWNERS LOAN CORPORATION
FEDERAL NATIONAL MORTGAGE ASSOCIATION
FEDERAL HOME LOAN BANK BOARD
METALS RESERVE COMPANY
FEDERAL SAVINGS AND LOAN INSURANCE CORPORATION
PUBBER RESERVE COMPANY
ELECTRIC HOME AND FARM AUTHORITY
DEFENSE PLANT CORPORATION
DISASTER LOAN CORPORATION
DEFENSE SUPPLIES CORPORATION
EXPORT-IMPORT BANK or WASHINGTON
DEFENSE HOMES CORPORATION
FEDERAL LOAN AGENCY
WASHINGTON
JESSE H. JONES
FEDERAL LOAN ADMINISTRATOR
July 22, 1941
Dear Harry:
You wrote me June 14th, hoping that I could
find some way to assist King Ibn Saud.
There appears no legal way that we can help
the King 80, with the approval of the President, I
suggested to Lord Halifax and Sir Frederick Phillips,
also Mr. Neville Butler, that they arrange to con-
timue taking care of the King.
Sincerely,
S
Administrator
Honorable Harry Hopkins
The White House
Washington, D. C.
pelf.
12
EXHIBIT
U.S. Dist. Court
S. D. of N. Y.
FEB 2 1949
FEDERAL LOAN AGENCY
OFFICE OF THE ADMINISTRATOR
DATE August 27, 1941
Memorandum to HON. HARRY HOPKINS
I want to talk with you about this
situation.
June
Com
at
DAY
EXE
PSF Saudi Arabia Folder
1-41
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
November 3. 1941
My dear Mr. President:
In response to your memorandum of October 29,
1941, there 18 enclosed for your signature a suggested
reply to Mr. Julian P. Boyd's letter of October 24
to Miss LeHand, concerning relations with Saudi Arabia.
Mr. Boyd's letter and the enclosure thereto are
returned herewith.
Faithfully yours,
Enclosures:
1. To Mr. Julian P. Boyd.
2. From Mr. Boyd, October 24,
1941, with enclosures.
The President,
The White House.
My dear Mr. Boyd:
Your letter of October 24, 1941 to Miss LeHand
and the memorandum by Mr. Nabih Amin Faris bearing
the same date, which you enclosed, have been brought
to my attention.
I desire to assure you and Mr. Faris that we
are alive to the importance of King Ibn Saud in the
present situation. We are also fully and currently
informed regarding the King's basic attitude toward
the war, which has been and remains most helpful and
satisfactory.
The question of accrediting a Minister individu-
ally to Saudi Arabia has already received careful
consideration on several occasions, and if the desir-
ability of such a step becomes clear, appropriate
action will of course be taken. The Honorable Alexander
Kirk, American Minister at Cairo, plans to proceed to
Saudi Arabia in the near future, and with world con-
ditions what they are it is unlikely that his visit
will be limited to an exchange of courtesies. Please
inform Mr. Faris that his offer to serve as a special
emissary is, however, greatly appreciated.
Very sincerely yours,
Mr. Julian P. Boyd,
Princeton University Library,
Princeton, New Jersey.
PSF Sandi Steatia
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY
October 24, 1941
Miss Marguerite LeHand
The White House
Washington, D. C.
Dear Miss LeHand:
I should not intrude upon your time, so much le-
vied upon by so many people, were it not for the fact
that I believe the enclosed memorandum is one of vital
importance. The motive back of it, together with its
significance, will I think justify this intrusion.
The author of this memorandum is a member of the
Faculty of Princeton University. In various conver-
sations with me he has set forth his own opinions
about establishing a better relationship between this
country and the Moslem world, the chief figure in
which is Ibn Su'ud, Keeper of the Sacred Cities of
Medina and Mecca. I have been so impressed by Mr.
Faris' arguments that I have asked him to reduce them
to a brief memorandum which I could lay before you.
Mr. Faris is a scholar who comes from a well-known
Arabian family. I have the highest respect for his
abilities as well as for his patriotic motives.
I hope you will agree with me that his sugges-
tion is important enough to be brought to the atten-
tion of the President.
Sincerely yours,
JMan P. Boyd
Librarian
PSF Saudi Habid
Ever since the Russian campaign it has become more and more clear
that the next and most crucial phase of the war will take place in the
Near East, beginning with Turkey and spreading across into Iran, Iraq,
Syria and Palestine, and on to Egypt, into which the Axis Powers hope
to sweep from Lybia as well. Next to the battle of the Atlantic, the
battle of the Near East is the most important. The democracies must
win both or lose all. We cannot afford another Crete.
With the exception of Turkey and Persia (Iran), the inhabitants of
all these lands are Arabs or Arabic-speaking, certainly upward of ninety
per cent are; and including Turkey and Persia more than ninety-five per
cent of all the inhabitants are followers of Muhammad. What concerns
one section is of primary importance to all sections; what happens in
Angora has its repercussions in Teheran, Baghdad, Jerusalem, Damascus,
Cairo, Tunis, Fes, and even throughout India, with its 80,000,000 Mos-
lems. Islam is the key to the entire Moslem world from Gibraltar to the
confines of China, including the Dutch East Indies, with their 40,000,000
Moslems, and our own Philippine Islands. Islam is the most cohesive and
homogeneous community in the world today.
So far the Moslem world has leaned towards the democracies, not for
love of them, but for love of democracy and hatred and fear of the Axis
Powers. The Iraq and Iran incidents could have been far more serious
had it not been for that leaning and that fear. Certainly the Moslem
world is not enamoured of Britain, for its experience with British diplo-
macy has not been very helpful. Nevertheless, its passive good will has
been very advantageous to the cause of the Allies.
This passive good will or benevolent neutrality can be transformed
into active good will. Only America can do it. Hitherto the United
States has enjoyed a peculiar position in the hearts and imaginations of
all Moslems, particularly in the Near East and Arabia. Freedom of Ameri-
can diplomacy from imperialism and territorial ambitions has always ap-
pealed to these peoples. It was for this very reason that Ibn-Su'ud,
the most powerful potentate of Arabia and the most respected person
throughout the Moslem world, granted the oil concessions of the Bahrain
region to American companies, turning down very attractive offers from
Japan, Germany and Italy.
With this decided advantage favoring the United States, she alone
can effect that transformation. The key man in the whole situation is
this same Ibn-Su'ud. By virtue of being the keeper of the two sacred
cities of Islam, Mecca and Medina, the exponent of orthodox Islam (the
Wahhabis, of whom he is the leader, are the "Puritans" of Islam), and
his accomplishments in welding together the warring tribes of the penin-
sula, he is now the central figure in a resurgent Pan-Islamism. What he
says or does will be obeyed and followed throughout the Moslem world. To
insure his good will is to insure the good will of all the Moslems.
At present the United States representative in Egypt is the accre-
dited representative of this country to the court of Ibn-Su'ud. This
does not go beyond the customary exchange of courtesies, an obsolete
procedure in this time of active and aggressive diplomacy. We need a
representation which will supplement the present type, one which will
actively put forth the position of this democracy before Ibn-Su'ud as
well as gauge his own deep intentions. Formal diplomacy cannot do this.
-2-
It lacks the necessary equipment, knowledge, perfect acquaintance with
the language, religion, and institutions of the people, their habits
of thinking, their methods of approach. The position of the United
States must be presented to Ibn-Su'ud in his own tongue, with its own
subtleties, shades of meaning, and niceties. It must be done in 8. con-
crete manner, because the Arab believes his eye more than he does his
ear. It must be done boldly, because the Arab respects courage. It
must be done by an Arab, because the Arabs are suspicious of all for-
eigners. It must be done by one whose family is known throughout Arabia
for its learning and honesty. It must be done by an Arab of the Arabs,
wholly Americanized, yet still aware of the feelings, hopes, aspirations,
and fears of the Arabs.
My father has known personally the leading Arab potentates, their
aides and advisers. Up the the time of his death in 1938, he had been
a teacher for forty-nine years, instructing three generations of Arabs,
many of whom now hold key positions in those lands. I personally know
many of the leaders and rulers and, by virtue of my father's reputation,
have access to many places otherwise closed. My life work has been the
cultural, social and political institutions of Islam and the Arabs, and
their language is mine. At the same time I have become thoroughly Ameri-
canized, partly because of my ten years' stay in the land of my adoption,
where I identified myself with its people, sharing their ideas and ideals,
partly because I have married one of them, and finally because I have
come to believe that this land is the last best hope of the world. I did
not happen to be born an heir to this great heritage, but by arduous work
and thinking I have qualified to be an heir by adoption. Consequently I
am convinced that I can render a service to these two peoples who repre-
sent the land of my birth and the land of my adoption.
I therefore suggest the following:
1. That the present representation of the United States to Ibn-Su'ud
be separated from Egypt and a minister be accredited who would reside at
Juddah and give his full time to the service.
2. That the program be further supplemented by sending a special
emissary from the President to Ibn-Su'ud.
3. That the special emissary should carry, besides the greetings
of the President, some token of good will, perhaps in the form of a gift
-- a sword, a gold watch, a horse, or the like.
4. That the United States government extend an invitation to Ibn-
Su'ud to send one of his sons on a visit to this country.
These would serve as the beginning of a long-range program of cultural
and economic relations between the two lands. Their effect would be felt
throughout the Moslem world, and I daresay they might be a deciding factor
in weaning away the already shaky loyalties of the Moslems of North Africa
from Italy and Vichy France.
-3-
It is because I am convinced of the rightness of the cause that I
have the courage, the temerity, to suggest such a program and to place
myself at the disposal of the Government to serve as the special emis-
sary. Time is of the essence.
habit amin taxis
October 24, 1941
Nabih Amin Faris
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>>
URGENT AND MOST DEVISE
Sandi Arabia freder 1-v5
PSF
June 9, 1943.
The President of The United States
Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. President:
I have just completed several days of conferences with
Ibn Saud, King of Saudi Arabia.
Ibn Saud is the wisest and strongest of all the leaders
I have met in the Arab states. He is a man of vision and execu-
tive ability ready to lead his people in keeping pace with the
progress of the world. He 1s, however, sensitive to the primi-
tive outlook of his countrymen and their reluctance to accept
foreign influences too readily.
Ibn Saud acknowledges frankly that his country for its
own safety and welfare needs the friendship and the assistance of
a strong foreign power, but he distrusts and fears foreign imper-
ialism. He is determined that his country will not become a pawn
or a mere instrument for profit of some foreign government.
The King has, however, great faith and confidence in the
United States. He looks to America and to you for the benevolent
friendship which his nation needs and for the integrity of load-
ership which must be demonstrated by the United States if the
Atlantic Charter and the four freedoms are to become realities.
Re expressed complete confidence in your leadership and sincerely
REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED
pleaded for your friendship.
I found many manifestations in Saudi Arabia of Ibn
Saud's confidence in America and of his cagerness that American
interests rather than those of any other foreign power, so often
instrumentalitios for political penetration, should assist the
Saudi Arabian government in the development of the natural 20-
sources of the country. The King pointedly referred to British
and French economic penetration in other sectors of the Middle
East. He made it clear that he will deny entry to Saudi Arabia
to any business interest which is dominated by an imperialistic
government and whose policies would be subject to such a govern-
ment rather than fully subject to Saudi Arabian authority.
For Saudi Arabia Ibn Saud has favored American interests
by granting all oil concessions, his most valuable natural asset,
to an American company, the California Arabian Standard 011 Comp-
any.
The King acknowledges that Britain has befriended his
country in recent months. He emphasized that he wishes to continue
friendly relations with the British government but he was positive
in asserting that insofar as it is within his power he will not
permit British or any other imporialism to rule or to influence
the internal life of Saudi Arabia.
At one time during the conferences the King dismis sed all
of his advisers who were present and asked me if I would permit my
interpreter to leave as he wanted to have a secret conference with
me. Then the only persons present were the King, myself, and the
tyree
King's confidential interpreter. The King said that he was
making this conference secret for the reason that he wished to
discuss with me frankly his relations with Britain. He advised
me that what he was saying was for your information alone.
As soon as I had left the King I dictated the outlines
of his confidential communication to you. I will transmit it to
you as soon as I see you. I have thought best, however, not to
commit to writing in this report the King's secret communication.
While the King did not display bitter hostility toward
Britain, he expressed the opinion that the British government
still intends to force imperialistic rule on the Arab states.
I pointed out to him that Britain had renounced imperialism as a
policy in the Atlantic Charter and that in addition to the Atlantic
Charter you had declared your unqualified commitment to the princ-
iples embodied in the four freedoms. He expressed confidence in
your commitment but he believes that the Atlantic Charter has been
repudiated on at least two occasions by Britain. Consequently,
he said, nations that are opposed to imperialism must place their
trust in you. He trusts you implicitly and his acceptance of the
principles promulgated by you is complete.
I was in conference with Ibn Saud when we received the
announcement from Moscow of the dissolution of the Third Interna-
tional. The King stated that he know that Stalin, unlike Trotsky,
did not favor a world communist revolution but relied on the crea-
tion within Russia of a successful example of applied communism.
-3-
triblem
'30th
Relying on this estimate of Mr. Stalin's motives the King ex-
pressed his own conviction, which he believed Moslems generally
would come to share, that Russia has sincerely renounced the
policy of foreing the world to accept communism. He concluded
by stating his conviction that Mr. Stalin's action at this time
was the result of your intervention.
In addition to the issue of imporialism, the King dis-
cussed with me three specific matters bearing upon his country
and the Arab peoples of the world. They were (1) the creation
of a union of Arab states, (2) the Palestine question, and (3)
the needs of Saudi Arabia.
Ibn Saud favors the eventual establishment of an Arab
union on principles similar to those embodied in the Constitution
of the United States. If such a union is established, he con-
tinued, it should participate in a world federation which he
thinks should also be patterned generally after the union of
American states.
Such a federation, he said, must depend heavily upon
American leadership and on application of the American principles
of equality and democracy to the structure of the postwar world.
I will omit in this report the King's discussion and ob-
jections to the establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine.
I am aware of the fact that he has sent you a letter on this sub-
ject and that he also has given an interview to the magazine "Life"
on the same subject. I, therefore, assume that his attitude is
bElief
beneery
guivior
well known to you.
As to the immediate needs of Saudi Arabia the King and
his advisers discussed with me four specific categories, namely:
food, transportation, communications and money.
I am aware that the Middle East Supply Center has re-
ceived schedules of the immediate needs of Saudi Arabia and has
approved at least parts of these schedules. It is the delay in
meeting the approved schedules that prompted the King to mention
their urgency to me. The King was also perplexed by the fact
that it had been indicated to him that American Lend-Lease to his
nation would be controlled by British authority. I was informed
that subsequent to my seeing the King he had been advised that
Lend-Lease will be handled directly between the United States and
Saudi Arabian Governments. This decision will eliminate the
bases of many misunderstand. ngs.
The King and his Finance Minister, Abdullah Suleiman, dis-
cussed with me at length the fiscal difficulties of Saudi Arabia.
I understand that the Saudi Arabian monetary problem is also at
present being studied in Washington in the State Department. The
Saudi Arabian monetary problem is complicated by lack of realistic
application of religious principles and a primitive attitude toward
the requirements of modern commerce. The unit of Government
currency is the silver rial. Because the Saudi Arabian rial has
greater silver content than comparable units of currency in neigh-
boring nations the rial has disappeared through extensive hoarding
-5-
within Saudi Arabia and in nearby countries.
The suggestion was made that the silver content of the
Saudi Arabian rial be reduced and that silver coin or bullion
be deposited in the Saudi Arabian treasury or in a bank of issue
and paper money be issued against such deposit. This proposal
was met by the objection that such a course would be considered
dishonest and prohibited under Moslem law and religious principles.
I have studied the Saudi Arabian fiscal situation and, if it is
deemed desirable by you, I will transmit my information on this
subject to the State Department. I recommend that inmediate
attention be given to extending a loan to Saudi Arabia and to the
establishment for that country of a proper fiscal system.
There are two American-owned companies now operating in
Saudi Arabia. The first 1a the Saudi Arabian Mining Syndicate,
Ltd., a Canadian corporation American-owned. The operations of
this Company are not yet extensive. But the fact that the con-
cessions are made to an American-owned company is important. In
this report I wish to deal principally with petroleum.
Saudi Arabia stands today as the only state in the Middle
East not subjected to foreign imporialism. Once considered worth-
less desert land, the country has assumed its present importance
by reason of its strategic location and the discovery by an
American oil company of its great petroleum resources. The King
has stated definitely that he wishes the petroloum resources of
Saudi Arabia to be developed by American interests only.
-6-
Foremost of the factors which have stimulated the good
feeling expressed by the King and his people toward America
has been the work of the California Arabian Standard 011 Company
and its relations with the local government. Through agreements
dating from 1933 through 1939, this American oil company now
holds a definite lease on 290,000 square miles of Saudi Arabia
and a preferential right to lease an additional 177,000 square
miles. An additional 212,000 square miles covered by the con-
cessions are involved in boundary disputes between Saudi Arabia
and neighboring governments.
The California Arabian Company is a wholly-owned subsid-
iary of the Standard 011 Company of California and the Texas 011
Company. These two American concerns likewise are sole owners
of the Bahrein Petroleum Company, operators of a concession on
Bahrein Island, an independent sheikhdom in the Persian Gulf.
Through these two subsidiaries, the American interests have opened
four producing structures, three in Saudi Arabia and one in
Bahrein. In my opinion three hundred thousand barrels of oil per
day could be produced from these four structures alone. I believe
a much greater yisld would follow from additional structures.
Saudi Arabia is potentially one of the greatest oil
areas in the world.
The concessions held by the California Arabian Company
in Saudi Arabia have a term of sixty years and provide for a
royalty to the government of twenty-three cents per barrel. The
-7-
terms of the concessions appear to be equitable and fair. The
government of Saudi Arabia is well pleased with its contract and
the King is high in his praise of the cooperation and assistance
he has received from the company.
Notable in the latter category has been the drilling of
water wells and construction of irrigation works. Lack of soil
fertility and lack of water by reason of an average rain-fall of
only three inches limit the development of agricultural irrigation
projects.
Notwithstanding these limitations, the King and his ad-
visers said that with the revenue derived from the development of
their oil resources and with the help of the American petroleum
engineers he believed that sufficient agricultural irrigation
projects could be developed to enable Saudi Arabia to produce
sufficient food for its population.
The King mentioned that the United States through Lend-
Loase and through sales and priorities has furnished British-
controlled oil companies operating in the Persian Gulf area with
steel, iron, tin, rubber, machinery for drilling purposes, pipe-
lines, refining machinery, and other commodities to enable those
companies to conduct great expansion and development programs.
But up to this time, he said, no priorities had been given to the
American company developing Saudi Arabian oil resources. Inasmuch
as he has favored American interests by giving them the sole pet-
roleum concession in Saudi Arabia, he feels that the oil resources
-8-
and
ROAD
of his country should be developed as rapidly as those of nearby
British-controlled areas. In this connection he indicated that
possibly his feeling on this subject is accentuated by the dire
need for the revenue that the development of the oil resources
would bring.
The one factor in all of the foregoing that I think will
strike you as it does me is the statement of the King that he
desires the development of Saudi Arabian oil resources to be con-
ducted by an American company or companies that would be completely
subjected to the authority of Saudi Arabia rather than any other
Government. I oun undorstand the King's desire in this matter.
Operating companies should always be primarily subject to the
government of the country in which they are operating. I am, how-
ever, rather inclined to the opinion that eventually American oil
companies developing foreign resources must be subjected to a
degree of supervision by the American government. Such companies
also must have a degree of protection in foreign countries by their
own government. Finally, the American government will have to
acquire a degree of ownership of American companies operating in
foreign territory sufficient to assure governmental supervision
without destroying private ownership or private initiative. In
the meantime, I recommend the Saudi Arabian situation be handled
through the instrumentalities now existing and in your hands.
American control of the Saudi Arabian oil resources
places you in a trading position that will enable you to obtain
-9-
BATAT
OT,
for all concerned an equitable allotment of the oil resources of
Africa, the Middle East, and continuing through Afghanistan to
the Far East.
The development of the situation in Saudi Arabia gives
you, Mr. President, the possibility for a complete answer to the
critics who tell us we are exhausting our 011 resources at home
without any hope of replacement. The development of the great
011 resources of Saudi Arabia will give you a supply of this essen-
tial commodity in a strategic location. The development of this
great resource will enable you to see that an equitable share of
this wealth is used for the benefit of the people of Saudi Arabia
who own it. And Finally, after having served all these purposes,
this resource will be of great importance to our own country in
the reconstruction period after the war.
Your leadership and American prestige stand high. Great
confidence in American ability and honesty of purpose has been
established in Saudi Arabia. with American assistance, King Ibn
Saud hopes to give his people the opportunity to help themselves
in creating (1) irrigation projects to enable the country to pro-
vide food without having to rely on imports, (2) a system of roads,
(3) acquisition of transportation facilities, (4) a communications
system, (5) an educational system, (6) a public health system, and
other essentials for the whlfare of the people and the support of
-10-
50% of
an independent nation.
I am, Sir,
Respectfully yours,
PATRICK HURLEY,
Brigadier General, U. S.A.
(1378) Signid original of the letter send s mr. stone,
Phm state Deft him for delivery.
& arebe focher 1148
July 7, 1943
Great and Good Friend:
I have instructed Lieutenent Colonel Harold B.
Hoskins, Army of the United States, in whom I repose
full faith and confidence, to seek an sudience with
Your Hajesty in order to disense confidentially on my
behalf certain matters of mutual interest,
I take this opportunity again to express ay best
wishes for Your Majesty's good health and for the well-
being of your people.
Your Good Friend.
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
His Majesty
Abdul Azis ibn Band,
King of Saudi Arobia.
DRESS OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS TO
THE SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
MEMORANDUM TO THE PRESIDENT
With reference to your recent conversation with
Dr. Weizmann there is enclosed for your signature, if
you approve, a communication addressed to King Ibn Saud
informing him that you have directed Colonel Hoskins to
proceed to Saudi Arabia to discuss with the King certain
matters of mutual interest.
CH
Enclosure:
To King Ibn Saud.
FORVICTORY
BUY
UNITED
STATES
SAVINOS
BONDS
AND
STAMPS
Department of State
BUREAU
NE
DIVISION
ENCLOSURE
TO
Letter drafted
7/5/43
ADDRESSED TO
The President
is 8. FRENTIES office
I
1033
T-130
Sandi arabia folder
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 11, 1943.
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE SECRETARY OF STATE:
What date do you think we
should arrange for Ibn Saud? I
would suggest the early part of
October.
F.D.R.
Telegram, 8-3-43, from Abdul Asizal Saud,
thanking for the invitation to visit the
U.S.
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(1)
itrid I CLY," insurer 1 cali i2, i who 3'
3,
Translation
In the Name of God the Most Merciful
From Abdel-Aziz Ibn Abdel-Rahman El-Faisal,
King of Saudi Arabia.
To His Excellency Mr. Franklin Roosevelt,
President of the Republic of the
United States of America.
Excellency,
It was with exceeding pleasure that I received
Your Excellency's letter written at the White House
on July 7, 1943, which was delivered to me by Your
Excellency's delegate, Lt. Colonel Harola Hoskins.
I was greatly pleased to meet the above delegate who
conveyed to me Your Excellency's views regarding cer-
tain matters and questions of common interest. I have
discussed these topics with him in the light of the
above interests and he will no doubt, in his turn,
convey to Your Excellency my views and opinions.
It was also with pleasure that I have received
Your Excellency's greetings conveyed by the above
delegate who acquitted himself well in the discharge
of his task in conformity with his brilliant tact and
wisdom. I seize the opportunity of his return to the
United States to send to Your Excellency my sincerest
thanks for your noble object in delegating His Excel-
lency--a thing which proves the strength of the friend-
ship which binds our two countries. I also send to Your
Excellency and to the noble American nation my sincere
greetings and the greetings of my government and my
people.
Written at our palace at Riad on this the nine-
teenth day of Shaaban, in the year 1362 of the Hegira,
corresponding to the twentieth day of August of the
year 1943 of the Christian Era.
Your sincere friend,
Abdel-Aziz Al-Saud.
T-130
Saudi Arabia folder 1-43
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 15, 1943.
MEMORANDUM FOR THE
SECRETARY OF STATE:
Again, somebody is talking in the
State Department and you ought to be
able to find out why someone there
gave the information to Colonel
Hoskins in regard to the visit of the
son of Ibn Saud.
Of course, I have no sympathy
with those Jews who object to my
seeing the son of Ibn Saud any more
than I have any sympathy with those
Arabs who are starting anti-semitic
prejudices in this country.
Please return enclosure for my
files.
F.D.R.
Jandi arabia folders
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
August 18, 1943
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
The document accompanying your attached memorandum
contains several inaccuracies or misstatements. It
states that the son of Ibn Saud has been invited to come
to the United States; that the invitation came from some
one in the State Department and was transmitted through
Colonel Hoskine.
As you know, such an invitation was issued at your
direction but the message was not transmitted through
Colonel Hoskins who, as a matter of fact, had been gone
from the United States at least ten days before the
invitation was extended. The invitation itself was sent
through the usual diplomatic channels, that 18 through
our Minister Resident at Jidda. So far as we are aware,
the fact that the invitation has been issued 1s not known
to Colonel Hoskins unless he has learned of it during
his present visit to Saudi Arabia.
I do not believe that any leak occurred in the State
Department regarding the issuance of this invitation. As
a matter of fact, a member of the British Embassy called
an
-2-
an Officer of this Department about the time the invita-
tion was issued and said that he had learned through
Zionist contacts in New York that an invitation was to
be extended. How the Zionist contacts in New York
learned of the proposed invitation I do not know.
So far as Arab propaganda activities in the United
States are concerned, our Minister Resident at Jidda
has reported that the British Legation at that city has
advised the Saudi Arabian Government to undertake such
propaganda to counteract Zionist propaganda in the United
States.
The enclosure 18 returned herewith for your files.
CH
Information has come from two reliable sources, one American
and one British, that the son of Ibn Saud has been invited to come to
the United States. It is said that the invitation came from someone
in the State Department, and was transmitted through Col. Hoskins now
attached to the Office of Strategic Services.
We understand that Ibn Saud has heretofore been advised by
certain Americans that something ought to be done by the Arabians to
counteract Jewish influence in the United States on the subject of
Palestine. While in theory that point of view is arguable, the practi-
cal effect of such a visit may well concern not merely Palestine but the
anti-Semitic situation in the United States. It is feared that the pro-
posed visit which is apparently for propaganda purposes would result in
the establishment of an Arabian anti-Semitic bureau here which would
serve as a focal point for various anti-Semitic movements and would
attract anti-Semitic money.
There has been an Arabian National League functioning here
(address - 303 Fifth Avenue, New York City) which has been involved
in definitively anti-Semitic work in this country. Names of persons
connected with that organization can be readily made available.
(2)
PSF.
AIDE MEMOIRE
Riyadh,
19 Shaaban 1362,
20 August 1943.
Your Excellency has informed me of the kind re-
quest of President Roosevelt regarding our opinion and
the opinion of the Arabs on the problem of Palestine,
the importance of which has increased during recent
months. While we thank the President for his kind
attention and his sending a tactful representative in
the person of Your Excellency in order to ascertain our
opinion on the Palestine problem we may observe that our
opinion in this case has not changed and we have explain-
ed it to the President quite clearly in our two letters
sent to His Excellency on November 19, 1938 and April
30, 1943. All that we desire in the question is that
the obvious rights of the Arabs, which are clear 0.8
the sun, may not be dimmed by historic fallacies or
social and economic theories of the Zionists, which
theories God has not ordained. Also we wish to confirm
all that has been stated in the letters referred to above
and we hope that the deeds of those working for justice
and the welfare of mankind, which we doubt not that Amer-
ica has entered this hard war to support, may not be
correlated with an inhuman deed that will suppress the
rights of the Arabs in Palestine owing to ignorance
of the truth. Such &. case would be a tragedy and a
crushing blow to the Arabs unprecedented in history.
While we are pleased at the kind promises to con-
sider this problem of Palestine justly after the defeat
of
-2-
of the Axis, still we may ask the President to use
his influence to see that the White Paper is contin-
ued in force at least during this war for, by not
doing so and by not stopping the immigration which
has exceeded the limited quota, there is a great breach
in the promises of the Covenant (White Paper) and that
would be wholly in the interest of the Jews and against
the Arabs beyond all doubt or explanation.
As for my entering into discussions for the solu-
tion of the Palestine problem in & practical way apart
from giving advice or opinion, this is not possible
for I have no direct responsibility for that country
or for all the other Arabs who are concerned with this
problem and so I cannot do anything definite except
after probing the opinion of all those concerned and
in whose hands lies the solution of this problem. In
this case, however, it would be possible to collect the
various ideas to serve as a basis for the solution and,
if the President wishes to obtain the opinion of the
Arabs through us, we are ready to do so, God willing.
As regards the President's proposal that I meet
with Dr. Chaim Weizmann, I wish the President to know
that we meet anyone who comes to us, whatever be his
religion, and we welcome him and do everything which
his position requires in the matter of hospitality.
But the Jews are a peculiar case and the President
must know about the enmity which is between us in
earlier and in recent times. This enmity is well
known and mentioned in our holy books and it is rooted
from earliest times and forever. From this it is clear
that
-3-
that we cannot guard against the treachery of the
Jews and we cannot discuss anything with them nor trust
in their promises. The reasons are:
(1) Because we know their feelings
towards Arabs and Moslems.
(2) Because we have not yet commun-
icated with the other Arabs and we do not
know their opinions. However, 1f as men-
tioned above, the President wishes me to
obtain their ideas, we are ready to do SO.
As for Dr. Weizmann there is e personal enmity
between him and me owing to the criminal affront which
this person has committed against me by choosing me
from among all Arabs and Moslems to charge me with a
dastardly thing--that is that I should become a traitor
against my religion and my country. This affair in-
creases my hatred against him and all connected with
him. This insult took place during the first year of
this war when he sent me a well-known European person
who asked me to abandon the question of Palestine and
the support of Arab and Moslem rights in connection
therewith against a payment to me of in 20 million,
which amount would be guaranteed by His Excellency
President Roosevelt himself. Is there any affront
or baseness greater than this? And is there a crime
greater than that which this person was bold enough
to suggest in making the President a guarantor of such
a vile proposal? I have no doubt that His Excellency
the President would not accept that this should be
attributed to me or to him. This is one of the motives
which I wish you to express to the President so that
he may understand to what limit the Jews go in order
to
0
-4-
to reach their unjust objectives and that the President
may judge in his wisdom such deeds which need only
to be mentioned in order to be understood.
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(3)
PSF Soudi Awabia
MEMORANDUM
Cairo, August 31, 1943.
(1) In accordance with Secretary Hull's direct-
ive of July 7, 1943, I have visited Riyadh and put to
His Majesty King Ibn Saud the question requested as
to whether he would enter into discussions with Dr.
Chaim Weizmann or some representative selected by
the Jewish Agency for the purpose of seeking a
solution of the basic problems affecting Palestine
acceptable to both Arabs and Jews.
(2) During the week in which the King considered
the matter I saw him daily. In long conversations he
volunterily outlined fully and frankly his ideas on
various subjects. The fact that he could talk to me
directly in Arabic, often without any one else present,
allowed him, he said, to be more frank than would
otherwise have been the case since his best inter-
preters are not Saudi Arabians by birth. He said
he was most anxious to have the President and the
State Department know as nearly first hand as possible
his ideas and he welcomed & chance to tell them to
some one specially sent from Washington who was going
back there directly. I therefore had only to be a
good listener and make very few comments since he
carried on ninety-five percent of the conversation.
(3) His conversations, of which I made full
notes, covered the following general subjects:
(a) His domestic problems including
his pressing need for silver coins and for
an additional two hundred motor cars, both
items to be available before the next pil-
grimage which begins about the latter part
of November.
-2-
(b) His relations past and present with
various foreign powers.
(c) His relations with each of his
neighboring states and his frank estimates of
the verious political figures in power there.
(d) His ideas on Arab federation. On
this subject I wrote a memorandum of our con-
versation, with 8. summary of his ideas as I
understood them, that I submitted to His
Majesty and to which I received his specific
approval.
(4) As from my daily conversations with the King
I became increasingly impressed with the certainity of
his refusal to meet Dr. Weizmann personally, I thought
it advisable to develop more specifically an alternative
question to which there might be a favorable response.
This second question was as follows: If the King will
not meet Dr. Weizmann himself, will he appoint a repre-
sentative who might meet elsewhere than in Riyadh, per-
haps even outside the country, in Cairo, for instance,
with Dr. Weizmann or his representative?
(5) At the end of & week the King gave me
verbally his answers to the two questions I had put
to him and in both instances they were clear and
categorical refusals. He expressed again great appre-
ciation at my having been sent to see him and outlined
in & most friendly way his reasons in detail for his
refusals. These reasons he confirmed in a memorandum
which he handed me at the end of our conversation.
(6) His refusals and his reasons seemed to me
entirely consistent with his character and with his
policies as he had explained them to me during the
previous week. They are based on his own religious
and patriotic principles and reflect his sound political
sense in recognizing clearly his limitations, both
spiritual
-3-
spiritual and physical, in this matter. He realizes
that, despite his position of leadership in the Arab
world, he cannot, without prior consultation, speak
for Palestine much less "deliver" Palestine to the
Jews, even 1f he were willing for even an instant to
consider such a proposal.
(7) His Majesty went on to explain, he said for
the first time to anyone, the reason for his personal
hatred of Dr. Weizmann. He said that during the first
year of the present world war Dr. Weizmann had impugned
his (the King's) character and motives by an attempted
bribe of to 20 million sterling. Furthermore, the promise
of payment, the King was advised, would be guaranteed
by President Roosevelt. His Majesty said he had been
so incensed at the offer and equally at the inclusion
of the President in such a shameful matter that he
had never mentioned it again. He now explained it in
detail and gave me the name of the intermediary, St.
John Philby, so that I could understand more clearly
his reasons for having nothing whatsoever to do with
Dr. Weizmann or any of his associates.
(8) As a result of my visit I had a chance to
become convinced that there has been no change in the
attitude of His Majesty toward the Jewish question in
Palestine as expressed in his two confidential letters
to President Roosevelt under dates of November 19, 1938
and April 30, 1943. His recent statement to an editor
of LIFE magazine merely gave public utterance to what
he had already written privately and reflects his
sincere opinion from which there will, I believe, be
no deviation. Furthermore, he cannot but have realized,
by
-4-
by the flood of telegrams and letters of congratulations
which he received from Moslems in all parts of the
world, that, by his frank and unequivocal statement
regarding Palestine, he has gained still greater moral
and even political prestige not only throughout the
Arab world but among Moslems in Turkey, Russia, India
and even China.
(9) The King did not say so, but he clearly has
the political acumen to realize that, even if he had
no religious convictions on the subject, he still could
not afford to support any Jewish claims to Palestine.
For in the light of what he has said and written he
would by so doing lose the moral and spiritual leader-
ship of Moslems everywhere that he now enjoys.
(10) The conclusion, it seems quite clear from
my visit to Riyadh, is that His Majesty's silence in
regard to Dr. Weizmann's proposal put to him by Philby
has been completely misinterpreted by certain British
officials as implying a possible willingness on the
part of the King to consider the proposal. Actually
I am convinced that there never was any possibility
of acceptance and there is none today. The King may
not feel he can prevent by force the establishment of
either Palestine as a Jewish State or even a Jewish
State in Palestine. He 1s, however, firmly opposed
to both solutions and I see no possibility of his
being of any assistance to the Zionists in their
efforts to come to terms with the Arabs in Palestine.
(11) In addition to the two written memoranda
which I am bringing with me, the King has given me
a personal letter to the President and has asked me
-5-
to transmit certain personal messages. Also His
Majesty has agreed to our communicating to the
British Government the contents of these two
memoranda if the President, after he has seen them,
desires to do SO.
HaroldB Histuis
coloule / A.U.S.
H.B.H.
HBH/rq
MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION
(Translation of Arab Text Approved by the King)
Date and Place: 16 August 1943 at Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.
Subject:
Arab Federation.
Participants:
His Majesty King Ibn Saud,
Lt. Colonel Harold B. Hoskins, A.U.S.
A summary of the confidential views of His Majesty
expressed for the benefit of President Roosevelt and
the United States Government follows:
(1) It is questionable how far any
plans for Arab Federation can go, whether
during the war or later, until certain
political decisions relating to this area
are taken after the Allied victory. These
decisions would include, for instance, whether
Syria is to be independent and as to what will
be the future status of Palestine and Trans-
Jordan.
(2) It is important, in the King's
opinion, from the beginning, to realize the
fundamental unity of culture, language and
religion that already exists naturally now
throughout the Arab world.
(3) At the same time the King realizes
the necessity of closer economic and also
political cooperation between the various
Arab states. As a full and equal member
His Majesty's country would be glad to help
to form such a. union. In his opinion, the
best solution would be & group of independ-
ent Arab states joined in a loose federation
initially perhaps along the lines of the
Pan-American Union (of North and South
America) and later developed as the need
and necessities of the Arab countries require.
His Majesty has only two reservations to full
cooperation in the formation of such a feder-
ation:
(a) Since His Majesty has no
ambitions to extend his own kingdom
to Syria and Palestine, he would not
on the other hand be agreeable to the
extension of the Hashimite family's
hand in the ruling of these territories.
(b) Also,
-2-
(b) Also, nothing regarding
federation shall be done that will
hinder or handicap the Allies in
their winning the war or in estab-
lishing a just peace thereafter.
(4) As to the activities of Nuri Pasha
of Iraq or of Nahas Pasha of Egypt regarding
Arab federation, the King has not been in-
formed by them directly about their plans
and program since, to date, they have pro-
ceeded without consultation with him.
(Sentence here added in Arabic text as
follows: "Nahas Pasha wrote to us inviting
us to join in the conversations. But because
we did not know anything about the program
we asked our representative in Cairo to tell
us about what happened so that we might assess
any possible advantages for the Arabs.
Therefore, naturally and wisely His Majesty
feels he cannot express any opinion about
these activities so long as he knows nothing
in detail about their plans and program.
H.B.H.
HBH/rq
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This telegram must bE
closely paraphrased be-
Dated September 25, 1943
fore bEing communicated
to anyone. (sc)
Rec'd 6:54 p.m. M.
Secretary of State,
Washington.
141, September 25, 4 p.m.
My 104, September 3, 8 p.m.
Unreliable local rumors put cost of sword to bE presented
to President at $100,000. Probably this figure 1s an
Exaggeration but the sword 1s undoubtedly Expensive.
MOOSE
WNP
(This swnd mas presented h the President
by His majesty abdul aggiz ibn Sand through
his two some who are neiting here)
PSF: Saudi Arabia
herting file
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
September 27, 1943
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
I. Introduction
To begin with, I wish to express my appreciation for
the opportunity to go as your special representative to
Saudi Arabia, and to assure you of the satisfaction which
I got in feeling that the background and knowledge of
languages, including Arabic, that I acquired from my
parents who were missionaries in Syria could thus prove
of special use to the American Government.
II. Results of Mission
I hope you will feel that my mission was properly
carried out and that the results and the information which
I collected were worthwhile. Furthermore, if, as a result
of my mission, the false impression that has for some time
existed in certain high British quarters that there was
even the slightest possibility that Ibn Saud could be
bribed to be of assistance to the Zionists can be completely
dissipated, my trip will certainly have been useful.
III. Procedure
-2-
III. Procedure
If agreeable to you, I suggest first of all your
reading:
(1) the letter that I have brought to you from His
Majesty Ibn Saud;
(2) the aide-mémoire given me by Ibn Saud in regard
to my directive; and
(3) my memorandum dated August 31, 1943 summarizing
the results of my mission.
IV. Amplification of the King's Attitude
I wish to emphasize again the impression that I re-
ceived from Ibn Saud of his very sincere resentment at
even the implication, which of course he did not believe,
that you had any part in the attempted bribe. From my
visit I am firmly convinced that the King was entirely
sincere in his reason for remaining silent regarding the
effort of the Zionists to bribe him for his support and
that this silence in no way whatsoever implied any willing-
ness on his part to consider acceptance of the offer. The
fact that the King's silence in this regard was misinter-
preted by Dr. Weizmann as well as by various important
British officials 1s one of the strangest developments in
the whole case.
In addition to the King's outstanding qualities of
honesty, patriotism, and religious sincerity, I was impressed
by
-3-
by his wisdom in the clear recognition of the limitations
of his power in regard to matters extending beyond Saudi
Arabia. While admitting his ability to influence the
thinking of millions of Moslems in various parts of the
world, he fully realized that he had no mandate to speak
for them on Palestine or any other subject outside of his
own Kingdom.
He demonstrated an ability to express a clear and
succinct opinion in answer to any question put to him; he
never stumbled, never hesitated. This was particularly
impressive since his poor eyesight as well as his limited
reading capacity have made his very wide accumulation of
knowledge possible only through his ear.
As regards the King's moral leadership of Moslems
everywhere, there is no question but that his forthright
statement recently given to the editor of Life, in regard
to the Jews and to Palestine, has further raised his stand-
ing everywhere throughout the Arab as well as the Moslem
world.
His very high regard for you personally and his growing
admiration for the American people as a whole was clearly
demonstrated in his very cordial hospitality to me and in
fact to every American visiting him in your name. I hope
you will be good enough to have the necessary word passed
on
on to the Protocol Division of the State Department
that, as a result, more than a routine job should be done
during the approaching visit of Prince Feisal and his
brother. This is particularly important since from the
United States these Princes will be going direct to Great
Britain where, as you know, much will be made of them.
V. Importance of Mr. Churchill and British Foreign Office
Understanding the Facts
I trust if I have convinced you of the correctness of
the facts given in my memorandum attached, you may decide
that it 1s advisable for me to complete the assignment
that you gave me by my visiting London where I may have an
opportunity of informing Mr. Churchill and various members
of the Foreign Office of the facts and information that I
collected. In this connection, I obtained the prior con-
sent of the King to the contents of the two aide-mémoire,
relating to the proposed meeting of Dr. Weizmann and the
memorandum regarding Arab federation, being shown to the
British Government if you so desire.
In addition, I am preparing a full and complete report
of all the information that I collected from the King dur-
ing my visit. This will be available for the use of the
State Department, the Treasury, and of any other government
agency that may have need of this material.
VI. United
-5-
VI. United States Policy Toward the Middle East Problem
As to a sound policy for the United States in regard
to Middle East, I suggest that in the light of the informa-
tion collected during my two recent trips to the Middle
East we should neither try to take over major responsi-
bility, which is British, for action in this area, nor try
to evade all American responsibility for what occurs which,
I submit, would be equally inadvisable.
In the Middle East our policy should be planned with
the United States taking the position of an important
junior partner in a joint undertsking just as in South
America, for instance, the roles of partnership would be
reversed--there the United States would be the senior
partner and Britain the junior partner. However, in both
areas the junior partners can perform useful functions and
should plan to perform them.
VII. Basis of American Interests in the Middle East
Besides the long-term cultural, missionary, and edu-
cational interests of thousands of American citizens in
the Middle East, there is also the natural interest of
many American Jews in the problem of Palestine. I have
no easy solution of the Palestine problem, but a peaceful
solution must and, I firmly believe, can be worked out.
It 1s clear, however, that to gain American support for
a sound
-6-
a sound and peaceful solution the American people as a
whole must be properly informed and much better informed
on the Arab and Moslem viewpoint as well as on the Zionist
viewpoint. At present this is not the case.
Furthermore, on the material side we are for the first
time developing some fundamental postwar economic interests
of a long-term character in the Middle East and particularly
in Saudi Arabia. Primarily, these consist of our inter-
est in the enormous oil reserves of the Arabian Peninsula,
the concession for which is in the hands of an American
company, and also in American rights for postwar air routes
crossing various parts of Arabia. In addition, there 1s
in this area a substantial postwar import market for
tobacco and dates, and an export market for American auto-
mobiles, moving pictures, and certain specialized products
such as typewriters, adding machines, and other types of
mechanical equipment.
VIII. British and French Organizations in the Middle East
Our British friends have found it advisable to build
in the Middle East an organization to deal with political
and economic problems of the area or region as a whole,
with a Minister of State (Mr. R. G. Casey) in charge. It
is his duty on the one hand to coordinate the political
policy of various British ambassadors and ministers
throughout
-7-
throughout the Middle East area and, on the other hand,
to coordinate work on the economic problems of the area
working primarily through the Middle East Supply Center
(MESC). In both fields, Mr. Casey has experts studying
specific problems such, for instance, 8.8 the relations of
the Arabs and of the Moslems generally with the Jews both
in Palestine and in other areas of the Middle East.
The French Committee of National Liberation has also
found it advisable to centralize responsibility in one
individual. General Catroux-for developing a sound French
policy toward Moslem problems both inside and outside the
French Colonial Empire.
IX. Existing American Situation in the Middle East
As yet the United States does not have a similar
coordinated political set-up in the Middle East and, as a
result, American political interests tend at times to suffer.
Each American ambassador or minister quite naturally thinks
primarily in terms of American relations to the particular
country to which he 1s accredited. The result is that
there is a lack of what might be termed a regional or
area point of view in regard to such problems 8.8 extend
beyond any one country. For example, an intelligent Amer-
ican policy in regard to the Moslems should be framed not
simply
-8-
simply in the light of conditions in any one State in the
Middle East but should include consideration of Moslem
attitudes in neighboring Middle Eastern States as well a.8
in North Africa, in India and even in Russia and China.
The recent appointment of Mr. Landis with the personal
rank of minister to deal with the economic problems of the
Middle East area is an excellent first step. It should
definitely help in the development of an area economic
policy on the part of the United States both for the war
and for the postwar period.
X. Suggested Procedure for the United States Government
If politically feasible, I suggest the appointment
without further delay of an American ambassador-at-large
to the Middle East to act as the American counterpart to
the British Minister of State. This would be an effective
step and in line with experiments already made in other
parts of the globe. Such an ambassador-at-large, whose
headquarters would no doubt be in Cairo, should have clear
authority for visiting and coordinating American political
and economic policy in regard to the broader problems of
the Middle East area 8.8 a whole. Since such an official
can count on assistance from the various diplomatic and
consular posts already established in the Middle East area,
his own staff need not be large and would probably be
composed
-9-
composed of a few experts specializing in the major
broad political problems of the region as a whole.
If for any reason such an appointment is not at once
possible, I suggest that at least an officer with the
personal rank of minister and corresponding on the politi-
cal side to Mr. Landis on the economic side be appointed
to Cairo to act as a liaison officer on the Minister of
State's staff. It would be his duty to keep the State
Department and the American Government fully informed
(1) on British regional policies in this Middle
East area;
(2) on the broader American political interests in
the Middle East;
(3) on various minority problems, and most particu-
larly on the interests and attitudes of the
50 million Arabs in the Middle East as well as
on the viewpoint of the 200 million additional
Moslems elsewhere in the world.
Certainly it is not too soon to set un such an Ameri-
can Middle East political organization since the men having
first-hand knowledge in this area would be useful during
the war, but should also be even more useful as advisers
at the peace conference that must eventually be held. We
can be sure that the French and the British will have their
"experts", and the United States should not be without its
expert advisers. These experts should not merely be
professors with a historical knowledge of past events
in
-10-
in this area but should also be men with a first-hand
knowledge of its present-day problems and, for most
effective work, with a personal acquaintance with the key
political personalities as well.
XI. Conclusion
I come back from my second tour of the Middle East
within a period of eight months with the strengthened
feeling that the inhabitants of this area, and particularly
the Arab Moslems, need and would welcome some assurance
from the United States in regard to the future of Palestine.
Basically, the Arabs are not pro-Axis but are pro-Arab, and
their lack of enthusiasm for our United Nations' cause
should be so understood. Based on past experience they are
suspicious of Anglo-American policies and more than any-
thing else fear being faced with a fait accompli by some new
Balfour declaration that would deprive them of Palestine
and give it to the Jews as a Jewish State. This the one
million Arabs of Palestine will not willingly accept and
in this refusal the Arabs of Palestine have the support of
the remaining 49 million Arabs of the Middle East. It was
to meet this situation that I had recommended the recent
statement freezing for the duration that existing status
of Palestine. You will recall that this statement after
being approved by you and by the British Government was
shelved
-11-
shelved on the flimsiest basis and has not as yet been
issued.
The situation in Palestine itself--far from having
improved in the past few months--has deteriorated further
and the recent trials of Zionist Jews for organized thefts
of arms from British arsenals has again brought home to
many Palestinian Arabs the feeling that they in their turn
may be forced to open hostilities against the Jews in
Palestine in order to make clear to the United Nations
the settled determination of the Palestinian Arabs not
to accept willingly the establishment of a Jewish State in
Palestine.
In conclusion, therefore, I have one final point, more
important than perhaps any one other, to re-emphasize. Not
only you as President but the American people 8.8 a whole
should realize that, if the American Government decides to
support the establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine,
they are committing the American people to the use of force
in that area, since only by force can a Jewish State in
Palestine be established or be maintained.
HawldB Horbins
Harold B. Hoskins
Lt. Colonel, A.U.S.
Page (1)
IN SPECIAL TRIP FOLDER
Secret memo from Stettinius, Nov. 9, enclosing copy of telegram
from Harold MacMillan to Mr. Churchill concerning the Italian
constitutional crisis, also coded message from Murphy. - safe secret
2. Memo to S.T.E. from Breck. Long, Oct. 10, with letter from Judge
Cockrell, re post-war studies. - safe - Secret
3. Secret draft of 8. declaration by the United Nations on National
Independence, dated March 9th. - secret
4.
Copy of the Congressional Record, Jan. 21, 1943 containing speech
by Cong. Angell from Oregon.
5. Secret letter from Campbell, British Embassy, Sept. 18th re text
of agenda for the Foreign Ministers' Conference. Also, revised
copy sent to the President on Sept. 19th. Secret
6. Secret from the British Embassy, Sept. 28th, enclosing text of an
amendment which the British Govt. desires to offer to the draft
4-Power declaration. Secret
7. Secret draft, Sept. 14th, re agenda for tripartite conference.
8.
Letter to the Pres. from Lt. Col. Harold B. Hoskins, A.U.S. Sept. 27
re his mission to Saudi Arabia and the results thereof.
9. Copy of letter to the Acting Secy. of State from Ambassador Gromyko
of Russia, dated Oct. 2, re Soviet views on agenda.
10. Letter from Stettinius, Nov. 4, attaching letter giving exact status
of war criminals' trials and of Pell and his group. secret
Memo from Berle to the Pres. Oct. 2, attaching memorandum on Inter-
national Civil Aviation.
12. Memo for the Pres. from Stettinius, Nov. 8, re oil concessions in
the Middle East.
13. Memo for the Pres. from Stettinius, Nov. 9, attaching memo on the
question of trusteeship for the disputed islands in the Central
Pacific and certain other groups of islands, together with a memo
on geographic factors involved and e chart.
Congressional Record of Nov. 5th
Story of the origin of C.C.C. and its full background from
Lowell Mellett.
Page 2
14.
Sealed envelope "Documentation of Moscow Conference for the
President" Secret
15. Memo from Secy. Hull, Nov. 11, enclosing copy of proposed
"Treatment of Germany" - legal sized paper - 4 pages.
16.
Memo to the President from Secy. Ickes, enclosing opinion
from Fowler Harper, Nov. 9 re title of property at Hyde Park.
17.
Memo from Jimmy Byrnes, to the Pres., Nov. 11 re acquisition
by the U.S. Govt. of a third interest in the Iranian oil fields.
18. Letter to the President from Secy. Ickes, Nov. 11, together
with maps and tabulations in connection with the oil situation
particularly the reserves in the Middle East. Re Iraq.
19.
Memo for the President from Under Secy. Stettinius, Nov. 11,
re The Galapagos Islands.
20. Memo for the President from Admiral Brown, Nov. 10, re message
from Ambassador Winant saying he would like to have a chance
to serve on European Advisory Commission in London.
21.
Memo from Miss Thompson, re Mrs. Roosevelt's conversation with
the Pres. about making a list of things he has read in his life
which have had an influence on his development.
22. Letter from Asst. Attorney General Norman Littell, Nov. 6,
re: matter of conveyance of Hyde Park property.
Also letter from Henry Hackett to the President, Nov. 2,
re proposed transfer of property at Hyde Park to the Govt.
23. World Map from Natl. Geographic Magazine
24. Letter from Bruce D. Smith, Special Asst. to Paul McNutt, Nov. 10
re Warmanpower Commission and labor pool.
Memo fro the Pres. from Director of the Budget re: Troop bases
for all services for 1944 with his O.K. F.D.R. at top, together
with Admiral Leahy's memo, Nov. 9th, on same subject, O.K. F.D.R.
25.
Letter and enclosure to the Pres. from Emil Ludwig, Nov. 8, "How
to treat the Germans".
Memo for the Pres. from the Director of the Budget, Nov. 8,
with attached memo from Admiral Land recommending that the Pres.
sign a directive to him re events of the past 22 months in
connection with shipbuilding program
Letter from Arthur Murray, London, Oct. 1 to the President
all returned herewich except two marked with red
X, which were never received by Rigdon me,
Relations
belongs_to