Frankfurter, Felix, 1933-1935

PSF Frank)urter, Felix Subject File: 1933- 1933-1935 1935 Box 150 PSF Subject File 150 "F" Box HP Cooperation implies x Common purposes and the desire to fuid Effective means for a chiebring Here My any talks but MEMORANDUM m ahey Car notes 9 have Emplasized atherident and Hringhout will the need for my luture apcearent and thorough Explorateor of the facts bearing on inderalled debts and H MEMORANDUM borld Scromme Eleuparalism I have hecessary clearly Expressed h Hajes in and Turney in billy the Countitutionse which walles leaves the MEMORANDUM reculine Mifous. tilety int un. Hove till raw PSF Jully File Frankfurter Law febool of Marbarb University, Cambribge, Mass. February 23, 1933 Dear Frank: I congratulate you heartily on the ensemble of your Cabinet - and to achieve the right ensemble was, I venture to believe, the most important and most difficult of your tasks. For it was essential to secure effective representation of the diverse and not always parallel forces expressed in your election. And now you have done it. But you have done more. You have picked - so far as I am entitled to personal judgment - four men peculiarly fitted for their posts. Cordell Hull seems to me to have just the right temperament and outlook. Woodin I have met only once but was captivated by him. Tom Walsh of course is the very embodiment of Justice. And Frances Perkins is not only the best possible woman for your Cabinet but the best man for her job. From all I hear of Wallace he is no less ideal. A Cabinet is like a symphony ochestra - the qualities that come out of the individual members depend to no small extent upon the qualities which the leader draws out of them. The New York Philharmonic is a very different thing this Cabriet Will be Even better Hall Hegare bas indian when Toscannini leads rather than someone else. quote weder You have gotten the essentials under way. Now I look forward to decals having your Inaugural modify greatly the defeatist attitude so sedulously culti- vated recently. I hope in your own happy way you will find enduring expression for the transcending need of the hour - some felicitous way of indicating that our greatest need is to resume employment, and the way to resume employment is to resume employment. The budget will be balanced when business recovers rather than this foolish theory of magic that business will recover by balancing the budget. Lelix Frankfurter Always with good wishes, Faithfully yours, Hon. Frankain D. Roosevelt Late er School of Barbarb Unibersity, PSF Twely Tite Frankfuster Cambridge, Mass. k heard Das beart de Hand fee [1935] The havidens may like losee the reseloned hote It has just Some love from Lawrence 6. Winship. He Managing Edi tn of the Bor ton Globe Your aug Cordiach Him Ranywler Dear Frlix - There was the of hadership in the holding countaing message which water the pitchmen fold of - 9 makes the rest of us rejour again as plain speaking in high places - when people hgm x wonder at the confusion of roices, a message tile that gives the country assurance that there is still a form hand on the reins + Larre July -hill per mal Late Sehool of Marbarb University. Cambridge, Mass. April 14, 1935 Dear Mr. President: Three things: 1. You may be interested in the analysis, below, of Ramsay MacDonald's mental habits and ways as a negotiator. It comes to me from & trusted English friend of great discernment, who has intimately watched for years MacDonald's ways, and whose desires are for the things we care about. What he writes will, in general, not be news to you, but it may help in formulating a picture of MacDonald as negotiator. Here it is: "Mr. MacDonald's ability in the realm of diplomatic megotiation lies in what may be termed its rhetorical aspect. He has considerable skill in contributing an atmosphere of general good will and of large principle. He likes to lay down issues in such a fashion as to max- imise possible agreement. His mind is not & concrete mind, and he therefore likes to concern himself with the approach rather than the detail, the drift of the conclusions rather than the conclusions them- selves. He has very considerable dexterity in the handling of men, and this enables him to effect compromises for the sake of agreement the value of which (e.g. the Young Plan) becomes much more dubious when it is analysed in cold objectivity. He is, alas, ill-equipped to deal with economic issues; though he is, to some extent, balanced on this side by the considerable competence of his technical adviser, Sir F. Leish-Ross. He has confidence in his own powers as a negotiator, and this gives him a doggedness and persistence to which real value must be attached. He can irritate by being vague; and he likes formulae of this character which make a popular appeal. He does not easily reveal his own mind, largely because he is in himself indecisive; and he dis- likes being pushed towards the definite and the concrete. Mr. Henderson once said that the only way to deal with Mr. MacDonald was to insist at the outset on specific conclusions and then drive him to them one by one. His elusiveness does not make this easy; but long experience indicates that it is much the most helpful technique if one is to arrive at def- inite conclusions with him." 2. Your message to the Gevernors urging minimum wage legislation was most gratifying. It was an effective because concrete way of driving home the President's influence over state legislation through the prestige of his office, and his party leadership. It emphasises the national importance of minimum wage standards as part of a comprehensive program for restoring purchasing Doez it - 2 - power and putting the braks on further deflation. Finally, it will encourage Herbert Lehman to realize that fighting has its rewards as well as its joys, by giving nationwide recognition to his accomplishment. You would have been -- amused at the session Frances Perkins, Molly Dewson and I had with Lehman to persuade him to take the lead for the New York Minimum Wage Law. Especially would you have chortled had you heard Molly Dewson reading him the riot act. He finally came across handsomely. 3. I treasure your "independent pig" as more of an accolade than had I been awarded what I am told is one of the most prized distinctions in the world, the Turkish Order of Chastity of the Second Class: Seriously, I will not trust to words to tell you how deeply moving and how heartening are the implications of generosity and confidence that lie behind that facetious char- acterisation of yours. That the mental climate of the country has been greatly changed since March 4th you know full well, and that it has been changed by you is a matter of history. It was to me a great joy to see you as fit and as serene as ever. Your buoyancy and determination are widely infectious. And it was a great pleasure to have been at that Sunday night supper. With warm regards, Faithfully yours, J.T. Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt Tully Pite file Franbfurter PSF F [[[1933] REMARKS BY FELIX FRANKFURTER ON WEDNESDAY, MAY 11, AT HOTEL BILTHORE on receiving the award 3 the Na final mestitute for Since your gracious award, though it might more fittingly have gone to others, has fallen to me, it gives me pleasure to accept it in the repres- entative role in which, of course, it is offered. Gratitude is one of the least articulate of the emotions, especially when it is deep. I can express with very limited adequacy the passionate devotion to this land that possesses millions of our people, born, like myself, under other skies, for the privilege that this country has bestowed in allowing them to partake of its fellowship. It has bestowed this privilege from the beginning. The unfolding of our republic is the story of the most significant racial admixture in history. Of the fifty-six signers of the Declaration of Independence, eighteen were of non-English stock. It deserves to be recalled that, when the Continental Con- gress chose John Adams, Franklin and Jefferson as a committee to devise the national emblem, they recommended & seal containing the national emblems of England, Scotland, Ireland, France, Germany, and Holland as representing "the countries from which these States have been peopled." Foreign-born citizens from these and other countries fought in the War for Independence, helped to save the Union, and responded to the appeals for democracy in the World War. No less 1s our cultural history - the sciences and the arts - the fusion of the genius and labors of men and women who came to these shores from all the corners of the globe. The very Constitution of the United States was made, in the classic language of the Supreme Court, "for an undefined and expanding future, and for a people gathered and to be gathered from many nations and of many tongues." If one faith can be said to unite a. great people, surely the ideal that holds us together beyond any other is our belief in the moral worth of the common -2- man, whatever his race or religion. In this faith America was founded, to this faith have her poets and seers and statesmen and the unknown millions, generation after generation, devoted their lives. Nothing is more uniquely American than this hospitality to the human spirit, whatever its source. It has found permanent expression in the words inscribed in bronse on the Statue of Liberty: Not like the brasen giant of Greek fame, With conquering limbs astride from land to land; Here at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand A mighty woman with a torch, whose flame Is the imprisoned lightning, and her name Mother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand Glows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command The air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame. 'Keep, ancient lands, your storied pomp!" cries she With silent lips. "Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send those, the homeless, tempest-tost to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door!" To this haven of opportunity came millions before me and millions thereafter. What they have made of this opportunity, which is an obligation, it is not for me to say. Perhaps you will let me quote the judgment of the President of the United States, uttered on the occasion of the fiftieth anni- versary of the Statue of Liberty: -8- "I like to think of the men and women who, with the break of dawn off Sandy Hook, have strained their eyes to the West for the first glimpse of the New World. "They came to us speaking many tongues - but a single language, the universal language of human aspiration. "How well their hopes were justified is proved by the record of what they achieved. They not only found freedom in the New World, but by their effort and devotion they made the New World's freedom safer, richer, more far-reaching, more capable of growth." The volume of this stream of contributions to our country has dimin- ished, but not their longing for us nor our need of them. The times in which we live are bringing to American life doers of great deeds and thinkers of great thoughts, and men and women undistinguished except as the sturdy foundation of every good society. We should welcome them as generations before us welcomed the pilgrims of '48. For they come not merely because persecution drives them; they come because the American tradition beckons them. They are men and women like Professor G. A. Borgese, the distinguished Italian scholar, who only the other day gave exulting voice to his joy on his attainment of American citizen- ship: "This country has given me the remarkable privilege of creating a new life. It is a gift for which I shall always feel gratitude." Tuely File F. Prinkfurter TELEGRAM PSF The White House Mashington b3WU MO 184 NL 15 ex 7:58a.m. New York, N.Y. Sept. 15, 1933 Miss Marguerite Le Hand, The White House. Be good enough to tell the President that I talked to Judge Lehman and indicated to him in most polite way that it would please the President provided it entirely commended itself to Lehman to have the latter select as associates for conference with the President only Cardoza and Mack so that it would be exclusively a juridical committee and not contain anyone representing any society or group and thereby avoid jealousy and disappointment on the part of other important groups or bodies whose representatives had not been asked. Lehman said that of course Cardoza and Maok would delight him as associates he wants wholly to meet the Presidents wishes and will communicate with the President to make sure what they are. I venture strongly to urge the President to convey to Lehman upon the latters inquiry the Presidents pleasure in having the committee composed of Cardoza Lehman and Mack. A committee otherwise composed would I am sure be a source of difficulty to the President. Felix Frankfurter, Care B. V. Cohen, The Winthrop, 119 East 47th Street, New York City. m. Paula 9 Septenber 192 BRATTLE STREET PSFFrankflurter (aubride, [1933] happy Dear have Pereich me this in trialety to St freer by waren giat the de for He personal foreu of your fife of you photography h. It is to Supressive of do qualities I Lave long Cleris Led accd which the bation how Knows - ferie fee iteaces, Lope driver by feer fore zeet for life furtued by darity of direction fred deepened Experience Las only confirmed aoh qualified busy area afrit Ace Here chare eteristes are Coun alged by Hat ad disable like were, and you walle are happy Whave tech he with its suiple deef plocoing words of frien dxhip. Affe eleve all Seed Fullytiate Felex Frankferster PSF Late fbchool of Marbarb University, Cambridge, Mass. filr Pressured M. V. Britannio October 1, 1933 Dear Mr. President: First and foremost, let me tell you how exhilarating and invigorating an experience was my over-night with you. I could not have had a better sendoff for the months to come - a richer opportunity for understanding the energy and hope and wisdom that are now directing Amer- ioa. You yourself I have not seen fitter looking for many a year; you seemed as mobilized and as full of reserves as when I saw you in the early days of the Wilson Administration. That in itself augurs greatly for the nation. And your handling of the coal confliot that Thursday night was a superb manifestation of the New Deal and of the new personality in action - a. keen eye on the desired direction, resoluteness in pursuing it and achiev- ing it within our democratic traditions, that is, through consent, however stimulated by the pressure of need, rather than through the arbitrary impo- sition of will. I am very grateful to you for letting me be present to see and feel the purposes that move you and the means by which you are vin- dicating them. And you were most kind to let me canvass with you aims and aohievements of the Administration, in all their varied ramifications, and to let me see how the course of events and their significance, since you oame to the Presidency, hay in your own mind. The English, as you know, are greedy in their eagerness for knowledge about your Administration, and they are hopefully anxious about its meaning for them. In all sorts ofquiet ways they will want to know, and it will be of inestimable value for my in- terpretation to be able to draw on what you were kind enough to put in the baok of my head. My Washington visit filled me with buoyanoy and confidence, - 2 - and not the less 80 because of the evidence that came to me, during the week before my departure, that the foroes of opposition - business, fin- anoial and political forces - are stirring beneath the surface, ready to become overt as soon as they think they dare encounter the unparallelled tide of popular favor now running in your direction. You, of course, know much more about these hostilities and machinations than I do. But it may not be without interest to you, as straws in the wind, for me to enumerate three items of information that came to me, quite unoonnectedly, on three successive days just before sailing: 1. The man in charge of the Boston Herald editorial page - hot Buxton, who is away for & time. told an intimate friend of mine that he was regretfully aware of a decision on the part of those who controlled the Herald - the strongest banking and fin- anoial interests in Boston - that "the time has come to open up on the Administration and to take the offensive, that they have let it alone long enough." 2. A responsible business men told ne that, on going to his lawyers to arrange for some refinancing, "they filled me full of fears and told me to forget all about refinancing until after Congress repealed or substantially modified the Securities Act; that it was desired not to have any respectable financing done during the next few months, 80 as to show that the Securities Aot makes desirable financing impossible. There is no question but that leading bankers and the big law firms are trying to create a bankers' strike." The law firm in question was none other than Ropes, Grey, Boyden and Perkins. Jaok Richardson, a member of that firm, is, as you know, one of Hoover's intimates and Repub- lican National Committeeman for Massachusetts, and he has quietly in the last few weeks been despairing of the Republic because of - 3 - your policies. 3. You may know that Archibald MacLeish, the poet, who is now one of the editors of Fortune, is at work on an inter- pretive piece of you for the December Fortune. Archie is one of my old students - he was an excellent lawyer - and he had a long talk with me about you and the meaning of your policies. He told me that "the big, rich fellows in New York", whom he has been seeing in the course of his study, are almost with- out exception privately hostile andewaiting ripe opportuni- ties publicly to oppose the New Deal, whatever may be their public professions or their public display of the Blue Eagle. None of which, as I said, will be news to you, and all of which and more will, I am sure, only whet your appetite for the joy of battle, and still more stiffen your purposes. That the great body of the nation will rally to your side, as the fight stiffens and the lines will be drawn, I have not a shadow of doubt. You will have the support not only of the great rank and file, but also of thoughtful and solid citizens who are not Bourbon in their habits and whom the recent years have torn from their conventional party moorings. The views of Mr. Justice Stone. oon- sidering that he is an old-line Republican, a member of Sullivan & Crom- well before he became Coolidge's Attorney General - seem to me in this con- nection very significant. Let me quote from aletter which I had from him shortly before leaving. "The new Securities Act promises well and undoubtedly will prevent some of the fraudulent schemes which have been common in the past, especially in marketing bonds. There is another like evil that must ultimately be reached, and that is the creation of boom markets for stocks through wash sales on the Exchange. I have been hoping, and still hope to see, the Admin- istration deal with the question of the recognition of Russia on the merits and in accordance with the principles of international law and common sense, unaffected by the obsession which seems to have obsoured it since our pres- ent policy was adopted in the Harding Administration: - 4 - You greatly excited me by your plan of getting the important appro- priation committees of Congress to work during December, so as to have the appropriation bills in shape for action very early after Congress meets, thereby, and through your skillful suggestiveness with the leaders of Con- gress, to get through with the business of Congress by May 1. This is only another illustration - for I am sure you will be able to make: your plans prevail - of how much can be done towards governmental competence and cooperation within the framework of our constitutional system, if there is real leadership at the head. You were most kind to suggest that I write you from time to time, and I shall avail myself of the kind privilege you extended to me to send letters through the pouch. Every good wish for your continued well being and the success of your efforts. Faithfully yours, 70mg Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt Jully July Fille PSF Felix Frankfurter pu Fl 18 Norham Gardens Oxford, England xi. 9. 33. Dear Mr. President: Nov. 9, 1933 Two things: 1. By the time this reaches you, the prospective appoint- ment of an American Ambassador to Russia may have already been If wor, Poenture the following observe tires. settled. When I recently suggested to you the possible useful- ness of Tom Thacher for Russian matters, I was not unmindful of the political difficulties in making him Ambassador. But I did mean to imply that he is the type of person appropriate for that situation, and I also meant to imply the undesirability of appoint- ing any Jew to that post. This opinion, I need hardly say to you, does not in the slightest derive from any desire to defer to anti- semitic feeling in the United States. The way to deal with that ugly thing is to smite it and not to yield to it either as to pol- icy or personnel. But the Russian situation is entangled in too many other factors, the wise response to which, I believe, would be the appointment of a person of the type of Thacher. I now deem it desirable to tell you all this because this morning I had word - which I convey to you for your personal information - that L.D.B. shares these views. 2. Today's despatches bring really thrilling news - your announcement of the Civil Works Administration. The expectation of having several million men productively employed on such work by - 2 - Christmas is truly inspiring. The realization of that expecta- tion will be the most powerful fillip to the capital industries, and it ought to serve as the right kind of "inflation". I can- not tell you how happy I am at this news, for I have long be- lieved that nothing is so important for the recovery program as that you should give your personal impetus to 8. vigorous public works program. The English papers are full of items of American unrest, but the correspondents are unanimous in wiring that your hold on the country remains unabated. With warm regards, Faithfully yours, this Hon.Franklin D.Roosevelt P.S. Let me also congratulate you hearitly on your successful pressure upon the steel people for a fair price for steel rails. P.S.F. Fely Prankfurter Go 13 33 '38 // Nov.1933 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON SECRETARY ARY OF STATE NOV 11 De NOTED MISSY: CALL UP IRVING LEHMAN AND TELL HIM I WOULD BE DELIGHTED TO HAVE HIM. TALK TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE FIRST, AS I HAD TALKED WITH HIM. FDR July Lula Frankfurter PSF rile 18, Norham Gardens Oxford, England 12. xii. 33. Dear Mr. President: 12 Dec 133 Since writing you interesting American news has come, through newly arrived American papers and cables, which leads me to make a few further observations. 1. The election in the third district of West Virginia is ex- tremely gratifying - quite different from the bye-elections which the Mao- Donald Government has been getting. Not only is the result, in 80 fluotu- ating a constituency highly gratifying, but the size of the vote of confi- dence - for such it was - shows how very actively engaged the public is in the work of the Administration, and how thoroughly you have enlisted opinion. 2. Through the fog of the ourrency debate is the clear trend of business improvement. The reliable indices leave no room for doubt that the downward trend from the high peak in July has been arrested and 18 healthily turning upward. As your report to the American Farm Bureau shows, equally in- contestable is improvement for agriculture. All of which confirms me in my ignorant conviction that the our- renoy aspect of the situation has in fact - though not in feeling - been greatly exaggerated. When I speak of my ignorance, it is not for laok of considerable effort, through reading and talk to ascertain and understand the views of the leading currency economists on both sides of the water. 3. As a result of our discussion about gold buying with Will Woodin, that night in your study, I have felt quite clearly that you were giving that policy a tentative trial to see what it could do without committing yourself to that theory any more than to any other theory as a solvent. I don't understand why more people who are sympathetic to your efforts don't understand that. And 80 for myself I hope you will continue not to, what they call, "olarify" your mon- etary policy by declarations but declare by action 8.8 and when action is called 2. for. Monetary pronouncements are well enough for economists and journalists. They can afford the luxury of words, while you ought to be unembarrassed to be free to heed the flow of events. In the meantime, it will help and not hurt your objectives to have the extreme inflationist and deflationist wings murder each other and thereby enable you to mobilize general consent both in the country and in Congress. 4. Nor have I been unmindful of some of the plums you have been dis- tributing. Who says you do not know how to pay honor to the ex-President of your University? It's more than a little funny to have Lawrence bowell czar of Hollywood: I am sure he doesn't know how funny that is - and still more funny to have him share the triumvirate with Marie Dressler and Eddie Cantor. 5. When I last saw you, you told me that you almost got me a very good job, that of administrator for the Booze Industry. I never quite under- stood why you couldn't land it for me. If it was for lack of experience, I'm somewhat making up for my deficiencies. Recently I attended two perfectly swell dinners, at one of which- Grand Day at Inner Temple - they had nine courses of wine, and at the Founder's Day Feast at King's College, Cambridge, there were seven. Without having been truculent about it on either occasion, I thought it was my duty not to let Englishmen feel that an American did not have a capacity equal to theirs! With warm regards, Faithfully yours, Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt Frie Zacu furle Jully Tite Felix Frankfurter PSF Docember 22, 1933. Dear Felix: yile 7.9. Your letters continue to delight and stimulate me. The memorandum from your economist colleagues was read by me to one of my little confidontial Cathorincs -- Morgenthau, Cummings, Governor Black, George Harrison, Warren, Rogers and Oliphant -- and the comment was that the Oxonians are thinking much in our terms and that since their memorandum was written 00 had already put several succestions into practical effect. Ploase oxtend to them ny vory warm thanks and ask thom to send no another round-robin when they think the occasion morits. You are right about the lines becoming more closely drawn -- or rather you would until ton days ago. About December 10th the pack of Tories was in full cry, but for some strange, rather obseuro, reason -- possibly the advent of Christmas buying - the Tories have become extraordinarily silent for the moment. The true alignment will, of course, become clearer as thewwinter progresses, and I welcome it because BO many prodictions of the Spragues, Fessos, Mills, etc. have already hit tho rooks. I am honestly disturbed, however, about the news which England and the Continent, and indeed all the rest of the world, gots about the facts of our case. Even Sir Wilmot Lewis 8005 things in his Times dispatches from the Mills- Mellon angle. For example, you have boon reading of strikes and disturbances here. There are 80 extraordinarily few that I an almost worried by their scarcity. Bob Wagner's board has done a vonderful job, The Christmas buying is beyond belief -- streets jormed, stores sold out -- more like the boom days than anything since 1928. Even Congross looks almost lamblike. There will be speechmaking, of course, and probably two or three big rows on vetorans, excessive public works and possibly some currency development, but on the whole I really bolieve they will be Folix Frankfurtor, Esq. 2 Docember 22, 1955. businesslike (comparatively), and I am hopingtthat they will get away by May. You oan tell the professor that in regard to public works we shall spend in the next fiscal year nearly twice the amount we are spending in this fiscal year, but there is a practical limit to what the Government can borrow - especially because the banks are offering passive resistance in most of the large contors. When you got a chance, sond no a letter about British political prosposts (via the Embassy mail bac). I on sonding this to you by the same method, as I suppose it would be considered indiscrest if it should happen to bo read by the British postal authorities. Some day I will toll you all about Doan Acheson. I an sorry to say that after certain developments I did not feel that I could honestly send him the usual letter of approcia- tion and thanks after he retired. All the good luck in the world, and the Happiest of New Years. Ac evor yours, Felix Frankfurter, Esq., 18, Norhan Cardons, Oxford, England. London Deor 6/83 INDUST IN AMERICA THE NEW CODES Mr. HAROLD BUTLER, Director of the Inter- national Labour. Office, Geneva, in addressing the Industrial Partnership Association yester- day at the Holborn Restaurant on his return from a study of the new industrial conditions in the United States, urged his audience to follow the American experiments very closely and with sympathy, without trying to form any final judg- ment, yet realizing the amount of confidence that had already been restored. The new American industrial codes, be said, were drawn up by employers and not by the Government, which merely supplied the text. The results so far were: (1) Elimination of un- fair practices: (2) stabilization of the conditions of production; (3) fixing of hours of, labour to 40 or less; (4) establishment of a. minimum wage; (5) abolition of child labour under 16 years; and (6) recognition of the right of collec- tive bargaining. Conditions varied from industry to industry, and some of them had introduced definite restrictions on the introduction of new machinery. The position to-day in the U.S.A. was infi- nitely better than it was last March, for the general employment index was 74, compared with 56 in March. Success or failure of the codes depended on many other things-monetary policy, banking, agriculture, public works and relief provisions-all of which were being carried out on a tremendous scale, forming a vast, com- plicated whole. It was impossible at present to say what would be the final result, but what he felt sure about was that the code system was going to stay in some shape or form, though it might take, as one man put it, some generations to work it out completely. Success of the American experiment would be a tremendously important thing for the rest of the world. SIR DAVID MILNE-WATSON, who presided, agreed that it was important that this country should watch the American experiment for any lessons it might offer. In co-partnership Britain had something which, though it might not offer a complete solution of industrial difficulties, could help towards a solution. 18, Norham Gardens Oxford, England xii. 10. 33. Dear Mr. President: 1. Your impressive rebuke of Governor Rolph was greatly needed. Lynoh- ings at best are dreadful. But when an outburst of the most primitive sav- agery receives the condonation of the Governor of a great state, what else is to be expected than enoouragement of like savagery elsewhere? Rolph's performance confirms an old judgment of mine that he has all the vices of Jimmy Walker without any of his talents. And so it is was most necessary for you to dbown the evil example by summoning the nation to civilized traditions. 2. When I left at the tail end of September it was already plain that whatever may be the differences over details, the lines were fast being drawn between those to whom Recovery meant Return - return to the good old days - and those for whom Recovery was Reform - transformation by gradual process, but radioal transformation no less, of our social and economic ways of think- ing and therefore of our social and economic arrangements. What was happening was plain enough. Those powerful in finance under the old regime, who, between say January 1932 and your nomination and even till your election, exhausted the vocabulary of excoriation against you, after March exhausted the vocabulary of adulation, partly out of fear, partly out of hope that, after all, you were their kind of a fellow. When, after you enabled them to get their second wind/ and they came out of their storm cellars, they began to realize that the New Deal did not mean business at the old stand, they returned to all their old gods because, as a matter of fact, it was really a case of "the devil was sick." And so, the lines are being formed along true alignment# of interests - which, as Hamilton and Madison 80 penetratingly made olear in The Federalist, is the essence of politics. But no one, I am sure, has been more fully alive than you from the very beginning that the lines would be formed along interests. I am equally certain that you welcome a true drawing of lines im tead of a fio- titious and unreliable maintenance of outward unity where there is no inner 2. agreement. 3. During my two months stay here I have, in order to gauge at first hand English opinion, rather avoided meeting Americans. And 80 I have seen all sorts and conditions of Englishmen - economists, financial writers, jour- nalists, financiers, M.P.s and peers - Tory, Liberal and Labor. What emerges, on the whole, is that the reflex on this side represents, roughly speaking, the general line-up on our side. Tories and laissez-fairists prophesy fail- ure and hope for it, while non-orthodox economists (which means most of the younger men), Laborites and people generally who realize that the old order is gone and that a new one must be fashioned, have the utmost eagerness for the success of what you are attempting and most anxiously invest in you their hope for reform and reorganization here. That is why they 80 touchingly ask for news from America and seek understanding. For, as I have indicated in an earlier letter to you, most of the news dished up for English readers has a Wall Street flavor. In this connection, I enclose a report of a recent speech by the Director of the International Labor Office, which will show you a. more responsible effort towards interpreting sympathetically what is happening. This letter will reach you near enough Christmas to bring you and your household all the good wishes of the season. Faithfully yours, Frie Hon.Franklin D. Roosevelt Enc. Duity Lite PSF Frankfurter Eastman House Oxford, England 13. 111. 34. Dear Mr. President: mar 13, 1934 1. This is to tell you that I have given a note to you to Sir Stafford Cripps, who, with Lady Cripps, is sailing shortly for the United States. I hope you will find time to see him. Cripps, the son of Lord Parmoor, and et the very front of the English bar today is, 05 you know, one of the leaders of the Labor Party. That England will have a Labor Government before you leave the White House is the expectation on all sides here, and in a Labor Government Cripps is bound to be a dominant member. He is a devout man, who takes his Christianity seriously, and seeks to apply it to the affairs of government. That is, I believe, the real ex- planation of Cripps' attitude, rather embarrassing to some of the other lea- ders of his party, in insisting on tolling the electorate what another Lab- or Government would mean. You will find him a Britisher with whom it is easy to have plain talk. 2. You will see from the enclosed clipping that I have just been trying to explain to a Manchester audience the New Deal and what led up to it. Thanks to my host Sir E.D. Simon, the former Lord Mayor of Manchester and & late member of the Ministry, I managed to see a great number of the leading non of Manchester, churchmen, financiers, leaders of the cotton in- dustry, etc. The one thing they had in common was a great eagerness to un- derstand what is going on in America and a permeating wish for our success, because of the hope it holds out for them. Always faithfully yours, 70 Rangurle,- Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt Eno. K.T. your "I don't do things Halway might let bouis become law as Houthigh ature in grand! tRavily a person Hatyou All these factors were operating during the steat ra of so-called prosperity. Little heed was given to them. Then came the 204th in 1929. Until President Roosevelt came into office the Govern- ment then in power, and the dominant financial and industrial authorities. assumed that natural forces would take care of the depression, as they had taken care of previous depressions. The new factors were largely ignored, and it was assumed that there was an inherent harmony of forces in unregulated, individualistic enterprise. But when President Roosevelt came into office the farming population owed about four times as much in terms of its commodities as Mar ister Guardian it had borrowed. Banks and insurance companies were in danger of insolvency, March 12, 1934. and there were from 12,000,000 to 15,000,000 people out of work. About a third of the population was on the dole, Debt and Taxes and cities and States were fast reaching a condition of bankruptcy. Even more Another factor to be considered was important than the economic depression, the great weight of debt, both public and in certain respects, was the mental private. The ènormous weight of debt depression of the country. EXPERIMENT IN upon agriculture, industry, and the rail- road system was staggering. People in The President's Policy Great Britain hardly appreciated the U.S.A. proportionately higher private debt in the The key to President Roosevelt's policy, United States compared with the private the clue to his actions, was to be found debt in this country. Then there was in the reversal of the assumption that the heavy tax burden, from which little nature would pull the country out of its relief was to be expected. Indeed, it difficulties. The President repudiated seemed that they must look forward to President's Policy the policy of fatalism, of folding arms and an increase in taxation. The only real waiting for economic disease to run its savings that seemed to be possible were course. He asserted first and foremost in the armed services, and reduction here the power of Government, in collabora- depended upon an assurance of the tion with individual effort, to mend the pacific temper of the world, for which situation-a situation that was not due HOW SMASH CAME there was little ground for optimistic to any evil natural forces, but due funda- feeling. mentally to lack of men's wisdom and ABOUT Another factor to be considered was will in 80 ordering the productive and the restriction of the foreign market distributive forces of economics as to through the stimulus given to foreign secure fair standards of livelihood amidst Professor Felix Frankfurter, of Harvard competition by the export of American plenty. credit. In this connection emphasis must University, who lectured on Friday at the The President asserted leadership, not be placed upon the ratio of so-called dictatorship, es had often been suggested. University of Manchester on the Roose- luxury goods to so-called necessaries. It There was no dictatorship 80 long as velt effort and its background, said the was plain that the capital industries of there was freedom of speech and elections, situation with which the President was America were largely dependent upon a and 60 long as there was a continuance now battling did not develop suddenly. steady market for what until recently of democratic organs of government; and It was the result of changes in the were called luxuries-automobiles, wire- all these three conditions remained un- national life of America which, until the less sets, refrigeratora, and the like. impaired in the United States. What crash, received little attention, and the What was a luxury a short tima ago President Roosevelt did was to vitalise war merely intensified the effects. might become & luxury again, but a the instruments and resources of Until the crash, said Professor Frank- cessation in the purchases of such goods American politics, and especially to work furter, we had assumed the continuing would dislocate the heavy industries in out collaborative methods with Congress, validity of old economic and social a way which did not follow from the and appeal to the public for the noces- theories, although the facts were steadily stoppage of the luxury trades in the old sary support. It might well be said that undermining those theories. Free land days. The maintenance of industrial he took the nation to school by telling had been absorbed, an essentially rural prosperity nowadays depended upon the them the needs of the situation in crder civilisation had changed to an essentially continuance of purchasing power on the to make it understand what measures urban civilisation, railroad building had part of the masses to acquire these so- were needed to correct the dire condition reached the limit for the time being, and called luxuries. to which it had fallen. Above all, he technology was making immense changes had galvanised the American nation with in society. In short, the United States the conviction that there were answers to no longer presented opportunities for the problems which confronted it, developing a continent, but rather called Speaking of the results achieved 60 far, for economic arrangements appropriate to Professor Frankfurter said that as sintaining a continent that had been between & year ago and to-day farm veloped. There was an arrest in the prices had risen from 49 per cent to 71 rate of increase of the population, and per cent above pre-war príces. The pur- while before the war immigration chasing power of agriculture had risen 22 accounted for an inflow of about a million per cent. In industry from 2,500,000 to a year in recent years there had been 4,000,000 people had been absorbed into an excess of emigration over immigra- employment, and pay-rolls had increased tion. The effects of this change in the by about one-third. There were still rate of increase in the population were about 8,000,000 or 9,000,000 out of work, obvious upon the domestic market. That but the President had achieved faith in market was contracted. methods of experimentation, in the method of trial and error to find eolutions for far-reaching problems. It was impossible to separate what was called recovery from-reconstruction. They could not have recovery in the sense of going back to the old days, because the old days were bad days of great Cisparity in wealth, of vast incomes alongside great unemployment, and so +he President was trying to próvide the necessary require- ments of great masses of people while at the same time he sought to reconstruct the American agricultural, industrial, and financial system so as to secure/an endur- ing level of decent life for 120,000,000 neople. Tudy Fele F. Frankfurter are PSF Eastman House Oxford, England 23. iv. 34. Dear Mr. President: 23 Apr. 1. On my return from Palestine, I find your letter of March 24th. That you should find time to write me in the midst of all the burdens that rested on you during March is, indeed, very generous of you and a new confirmation of the buoyancy of your spirit. Of course I have been following home affairs 8.8 best one can by reading about five American dailies and therefore have some notion of the concerted drive that was made against you by all the old crowd now that they have gained their second wind and are out of the storm cellar. There never was a more perfect illustration of"the devil is sick", eto. Those in the seats of ultimate financial and business power seem literally to have lear- ned nothing. For, as you say, what they really want and expect, now that for them, as they think, the little storm has blown over, is "the return to the good old days." Since early youth, I have wasted endless time as an inveterate newspaper reader. But one thing I think I have gained therefrom, and that is some talent for reading between the lines. Despite all the shrieking of the Herald-Tribune and the subtler hostility of the New York Times and the echoes of Wall Street in the New York cables in the London press, one transcending faot emerges, namely, the permeating confidence of the American people in you and your capacity to mobilize it, on essential issues, when- ever you choose to appeal to their good will and their good sense 2. in support of effective measures towards the decent and humane sooiety for which we are aiming. All the factitious supporters were bound to melt away: those who pretended support through fear or hoped to win your favor through blandishments. I ven- tured to say something about this in a letter I wrote you from the boat last September. It was then clear that the Ogden Millses and their journalistic allies and the unregenerate men in control of finance and industry and their Chamber of Commerce facades would come into the open as soon as they dared. No one, I suspect, knows better than you that reliance upon them was like reliance upon ene- mies of all the things that you really care about. I am not the son of B. prophet and certainly not a prophet. But it required no powers of clairvoyance for me to say, as I said to a number of people when they told me how big business and fin- ance and the Republicans were all behind you, that at the very first sign of a real challenge by you of those vested interests and those abuses of power which really brought about the depression, you would be resisted and eventually personally assailed even more than was Theodore Roosevelt thirty years ago. And for the same reason as that which made all that orowd so bitterly and fieroely try. to thwart your nomination at Chicago. From their point of view they know very well what they are doing. But there can be no doubt that your courage and your determination for a New Deal can confidently draw upon the support of the great body of the American people. 2. Judging from Willmot Lewis's cabled comments from Am- erican papers on the British budget you must have been seeing, 3. without being impressed by it, a good deal of bunk regarding that budget. In some quarters a budget is wonderful if it reduces tax- es, no matter how unwisely or unfairly. The first day's shouting over the budget is gradually subsiding even here and its true im- plications are becoming better understood. In this connection you may be interested in the enclosed analysis of the meaning of Chamberlain's budget, and I call your particular attention to the last paragraph. 3. I wrote you a line from Palestine indicating the magic that that country exercised over both my wife and me and the won- ders that are being achieved there. When I'll see you I shall al- so want to talk to you about some of the negleot of American interests in Palestine. As an illustration, it will interest you to know that while America is the third largest exporter into Palestine (only Great Britain and neighboring Egypt excel us) at the very important Levant Fair now taking place at Tel-Aviv, which is really 8. fair for the whole Near East, there is no American building, although small countries with much smaller financial interest than ours, like Swe- den and Bulgaria and Czecho-Slovakia, have very nice exhibits. I had a good talk about this matter with our new Consul General in Jerusalem, Ely Palmer, and he is as mystified as I am by our ab- sence at that Fair. And there are other aspects of this whole bus- iness which I shall venture to put to you when in good time I shall again see you. With all good wishes, Always faithfully yours, AT. Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt Enc. Truely File July File Frankfurter PSF Eastman House Dxford, England 25. iv. 34. 25Apr Dear Mr. President: You will have seen the result of the Hammersmith bye-election. The news this morn- ing that it has gone heavily against the Government will serve as a footnote to my comments about the Budget in my letter to you two days ago. For the Government, of course exploited the allegedly good Budget in seeking to retain the seat, and now Ham- mersmith has gone for Labor by a majority almost as large as Labor had in 1929. You may also be interested in read- ing the enclosed editorial from this morning's Man- chester Guardian. Always faithfully yours, VT. Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt Enc. The German Government has changed its policy in detail but not in principle. It has yielded "something not to justice but to expediency. The German Jews are still inferior per- sons, denied full citizenship, subject to the discrimination of the "Aryan" clause, treated as & pollution of the pure German stock. Neither the Jews THE GUARDIAN nor the civilised nations, as Bismarck could have told Hitler, will ever accept MANCHESTER, WEDNESDAY, that principle. The German Govern- ment continues to apply it in respect April 25, 1934 33 of the Administration, the learned pro- The German Jews are being driven fessions, and higher education, either in upon themselves, confined to an excluding Jews or limiting their entry intellectual pale as deadly as the Silent Pogrom to & small percentage of those quali- Ghetto. They have to adjust them- fied, The Minister of Propaganda, selves to & lower economic life, since Familiarity breeds indifference the Dr. Goebbels, who understands the relief" cannot be permanent, or die, terrible is not so terrible, at all events to read and think about, if it goes on political value of anti-Semitism as or emigrate. The young, especially long enough. Perhaps it was the war well as he exploits the credulity of his those who share the intellectual vigour that changed the scale of values; the countrymen, declares that he will which made the Jews 60 profitable to mind became blunted to great horrors eliminate Judaism from everything Germany, will hope to emigrate. But and insensitive to any that did not that can be called "culture," and that in these days most countries welcome come up to that high standard. Or Germany's spiritual life w'll flower no immigrants. There is one excep- perhaps it is only that being like the anew when Jewish artista have been tion, Palestine, to which the German Athenians who spent their time in driven from the theatres and the Jews may most naturally go, which nothing else but either to tell or to "movies." Here and there Jews are offers scope for their labour, which hear some new thing we weary quickly found in unexpected high positions; already thrives through Jewish of the twice-told tale. It is unfortunate, many lawyers and doctors still make a work and capital, and would thrive of course, for those who seek our sym- living; instances of justice done by still more by the influx of pathy because they suffer & continuing officials to a Jew are recorded more Jewish industry and brains from often than they were this time last Germany. In an admirable booklet wrong. It may be Armenians or year. But generally, in the official just published ("British Interesta in Assyrians in Iraq or Jews in Germany: and professional field, the ban is still Palestine") Mr. Herbert Sidebotham they have their hour in the limelight enforced. It is in commerce that the argues on many grounds that British on the stage and then they pass into Government has been compelled to policy demands the generous admission the wings, to make way for another some extent to yield: the Jewish of German Jews to Palestine. It is, 'turn." They fade out of the press employer is, after all, too useful & *indeed, & great opportunity for this whose function it is to inform public member of the community to be thrust country, which holds the Palestinian opinion. Yet the need for publicity, into penury as though he were & mere Mandate. It is an opportunity, for perhaps for protest, may be no less lawyer teacher; perhaps also he those who care about such things, to than it was when the subject was good has powerful friends abroad. assist some of those uprooted from a " front page" news. It is BO with the Herr Schmitt, the Minister of secure life to which they had as good situation of the German Jews, of which Economics, with the support of one or & right as we to ours; to help to little is now heard except, of course, two other Ministers, has for some time fulfil the famous Declaration, to which among the Jews themselves. There resisted the madness of attacking unem- we are pledged, of & National Home may even be an impression abroad that ployment in Germany by destroying an for the Jews; and, above all, to build the persecution in Germany has died industrious, employment-giving source. up still more surely in Palestine & away, that the German Government is His difficulty is to get orders flourishing community, strong both in abandoning its anti-Jewish policy, that obeyed. The demons of race-hatred character and in intellect, which will since little is said in the public press, and trade jealousy do not 60 easily convincingly testify to the future of there is little to be said. But that is return to the pit from which their the political wisdom of the British to misunderstand. The persecution, the masters called them. Up and down people. silent pogrom," of the Jews goes on the country, and especially in that part in Germany. But it has lasted so long of Bavaria influenced by Herr Julius now, & full twelve months, that it is Streicher, the editor of the virulently not "news,". like "shorts". at anti-Jewish Stuermer," the campaign Wimbledon. against the Jewish trader goes on. Nor F sed one wonder, for, while the "Stuermer" advocates boycott and even attacks individual Jews by name, Herr Streicher has been made a Government Commissioner and & member of the Bavarian Cabinet. Jully Fale F. Prankfuster PSF Eastman House Oxford, England 8. V. 34. Dear Mr. President: 8 may 1. The Hon. Mrs. Phillimore, daughter-in-law of the late Lord Philli- more, is a common friend of Arthur Henderson and mine. The other day she phoned me from London to say that Arthur Henderson was most anxious to see me on a matter of great public importance. As a result, I had dinner and a long evening with him last night, the upshot of which was my last night's cable to you. In view of Henderson's strong feeling on the subject, I felt that you would want me to be a conduit of his message, even though I was quite ignorant of the background of the situation in your mind regard- 9L ing the Geneva Conference and America's relation to it. Henderson is really one of the finest characters in English public life - completely disinter- ested, completely devoted to the things of ultimate worth in society. He is a simple, religious nature, but also a great organizer, the real archi- teot of the Labor Party, and because of his character a man of the widest influence among the rank and file of the people. I cannot but think that it would have made a difference to the peace of the world if Henderson in- stead of Simon had been at the Foreign Office the last few years. Hender- son has not béen wholly well, as you know, and his doctor is urging him to go off before very long. There is a chance that he may be visiting Amer- ioa. You would, I am sure, like him much. May I tell him that you would be glad to see him if he comes to America? 2. Unless through your publishers or otherwise you have seen them, I think you may want to see the enclosed reviews of your book (which is re- ceiving the widest attention here) from The Times, The Post, Lord Eustace Peroy and Harold Laski. It is indeed astonishing to have the Tory Post say the things they are saying about the book and about you, but still 2. more extraordinary to have the Post and Harold Laski say so much in oom- mon in admiration of your achievement. 3. You may be interested in the enclosed leader from the Times on "The Mind of Germany", which I suspect is by Ebbitt, their Berlin cor- respondent, an especially acute observer and interpreter of the Nazi re- gime. 4. The cables seem to indicate the passage of the Tariff Bill. It was really daring of you to ask Congress for such authority. It again proves the response that real leadership evokes. Incidentally, what a different thing democratic leadership is from Führer Prinzip. The cables also indicate that you are getting a stook exchange control aot with a good set of teeth. Every bit of evidence that comes this way shows that in the totality, things are certainly on the mend. Always faithfully yours, Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt Encs. The decision of HERR HITLER to support the Reichswehr view in this matter is illuminating in several respects. It shows that he is deter- mined to maintain the non-political character of the regular Army even his own para-military The Association football season ended on creation is not to be allowed to subvert its Saturday, when, as the result of the last day's strictly professional efficiency. It shows, as our matches, Preston North End and Barnsley TIMES won promotion from their respective divi- Correspondent remarks, that the new Army is, sions and Millwall were relegated. (p. 4) and intends to remain, a military affair, while Hunslet won the Rugby League Cup at the S.A. and S.S. are primarily political forces. Wembley on Saturday, when they beat It seems possible also that the CHANCELLOR, MONDAY MAY 7 1934 Widnes in the final round by II points to five. who has just completed the Nazification (p. 6) (rticles: of the State by the creation of a new Supreme PAGE King's College won the London University Court of predominantly Nazi composition, man Jigsaw: I. From Our Inter-Collegiate Athletic Championship at prespondent & 16 Motspur Park on Saturday. (p. 6) has come to the conclusion that there would Marketing Fat Stock 19 FINANCE AND COMMERCE be no great dissatisfaction in Germany if the cademy: 11. 8 In City Notes comment is made on:-Dunlop compelency of the Brownshirts were curtailed ny Rubber Company's More Informative and their numbers reduced. Members of 16 Accounts: A Rhodesian Copper Company's these bodies who have found good civil Issue of Debentures; A Property Company's Issue: Two Trust Companies' Results: and employment would probably be ready them- 18 the London Assurance Accounts. (p. 20) selves to be released from duties which are In Lombard Street on Saturday money was often irksome and occasionally dangerous; and (Major-General plentiful. Discount rates were unaltered. the general public would no doubt be relieved 15 Foreign Exchanges were slightly lower, the to have rather fewer freelances exercising 1. Weekes) 15 New York rate declining to $5.114 and the 15 Paris rate to 77 7-321. Gold- rose 4d. to authority over them. These considerations Tucker) 4. Somer- 136s. 2d. per oz., £164,000 being sold, Silver seem to indicate that HERR HITLER is perfectly 15 recovered jd. to 18jd. (p. 21) sincere in offering, as he has offered, supervision ckham On the Stock Exchange on Saturday the lone of his para-military forces as one of the terms 10 was generally firm. Gilt-edged securities were of an Arms Convention. The Brownshirts are, Mr. slightly higher in a few instances, while the 10 strength of German bonds was an outstanding of course, an indissoluble element in the Nazi feature. Electric and Musical Industries were Revolution. The whole movement is bound up 10 strongly supported among Industrials. Rubber with their existence. HERR HITLER could shares were active and higher. (p. 21) not abolish these para-military forma- 7 tions allogether any more than SIGNOR THE MIND OF GERMANY MUSSOLINI. could or would suppress his Fascist militia. But they might, our Berlin Nothing in Europe is more important to-day Correspondent thinks, perhaps be reduced to a than the mind of Germany, and two articles degree that would meet French demands. They from our Berlin Correspondent, the first of have to a large extent served the purpose for which is published this morning, should contri- which they were created. They have established bute to the understanding of it. They tell of their party in power. They, have helped the much that is not ordinarily visible to the eye of police since their victory to réstore the order of a foreigner. The bane of a non-Parliamentary which they themselves, with the Communists, were the chief disturbers, and they have re- Administration and a controlled Press is that asserted-with much unnecessary brutality-the public events are seldom seen or inter- principle of discipline and obedience to preted in correct perspective: what really authority in the habits of the people. matters is often imperfectly known, and the The inculcation of the martial virtues is no result of official minimization is to set going doubt a German method, of restoring the magnified rumours. This confusion of vision national self-respect, which was triply shattered by defeat, by the interpretation which applies especially at this moment to the process the Germans themselves put upon the Treaty of military reorganization, which, as our Corre- of Versailles, and by the general relaxation of spondent says, is the heart of German political moral and social conventions that was notice- development in home as in foreign affairs. A able in most countries after the War, and went struggle has been proceeding between the to extravagant lengths in Germany. The Nazi Regular Army and the para-military forces about contention that in an atmosphere of indiscipline the manner in which the change-over can best and licence not merely the martial but also the be effected from a long-service Army of manly virtues were mocked, and the basis of 100,000 men to a short-service force of 300,000. family life undermined, was not without the force of supporting fact. The abolition of the Some of the leaders of the storm-troops, system of conscription in the Peace Treaty many of them ex-officers, expected to receive removed the universal military training which fresh regular commissions on the strength of formed so large a part of German national life, past service, but the Reichswehr-like the and had come to be relied upon as the source of British Brigade of Guards when officers joined a sense of discipline and service to the State. Amid the general dissolution Communism made it after service at the front with other Corps- a rapid advance, and poured scorn upon all who have made it quite clear that a bout of had fought for their country in the War. It training on the barrack square is an indis- was therefore inevitable that to a large extent pensable preliminary. The Reichswehr com- mand have no intention of departing from the high standard of efficiency which GENERAL VON SEECKT established, It has been maintained since his day, and is to be maintained so far as the conditions of short service allow. Admis- sion to the enlarged Reichswehr, whether for officers' or men, is to be by individual selection the entrytof whole companies of Brownshirts, bound logether by a sense of privilege and of political allegiance, is sternly refused. Storm- troopers coming intol the Regular Arrity must come in as recruits. THE TIMES MOND the revivalist Nazi movement should take the form of praising and practising militarism. If it had stopped at the teaching of those military qualities which are also the attributes of every good citizen, there would have been little to criticize; but the process was unfortunately carried much farther in HITLER'S Mein Kampf, in the general doctrine of the movement, and in the text- books prepared for German schools by the National-Socialist régime. HERR HITLER, before he reached office, was expounding those theories of hatred and war which were to prove so stubborn an obstacle to foreign. confidence in his subsequent offers of non-aggression pacts; and the text-books are founding a legend of racial pride which inculcates dislike of foreign nations, and especially of France. The rising generation is being taught a false version of the reasons of the last War, is not being allowed to learn the lesson that war as an instrument of policy failed disas- trously, and, worst of all, is being educated to hate and despise other nations. It is something that HERR BANSE, the author of two notorious books of a militarist and anti- foreign character, should-as announced yester- day-bave been relieved of his post in a technical high school ; but it is natural that neighbouring countries-with everything that reason has to urge in favour of an agreement with Germany-should have their doubts and hesitations when the rising generation in Germany is encouraged to dislike them. Some commentators have drawn a parallel between the pacific professions of the KAISER and the steady preparation of the war-machine by VON TIRPITZ and his fellows before 1914, and HERR HITLER'S friendly gestures to foreign 'nations and the persistent education of a war-mind now. The guarantee which Germany's neigh- bours would rate most highly would be) proof that HERR HITLER desires only that his people should regain their self-respect and the power to defend themselves, and that the re-equipment of Germany, now notoriously proceeding, is not intended to go beyond a strictly defensive limit. Jully Jile 7 Frankfuster PSF Eastman House Oxford, England 18. V. 34. Dear Mr. President: 18 may 1. Lewis Einstein tells me that Homér Cummings is a. friend of his and has been wanting to arrange, through Secretary Hull, who is also acquainted with Einstein, a talk for Einstein with you. Ein- stein, as you know, was for a number of years Minister to Czecho- Slwakia. He really is 8. scholarly gentleman and I believe is espec- ially informed about central European affairs and the Nazi influences upon the general European disequilibrium of the moment. Einstein is a man of means and I believe quite disinterested. I merely write to say that while my aoquaintance with him is not intimate, I know about him very intimately through Mr. Justice Holmes, and I do know that Holmes holds Einstein in very high esteem indeed. They have been friends for a very long time. I ought to add that Einstein is not seeking any position, cares for no post or title, but he may, because of his background of knowledge and wide sources of information on the Continent, be of some use to the Administration as a source of know- ledge. 2. I have heard both from Sir Stafford andLady Cripps of the very generous effort you made to see them during their recent trip to the States. They were immensely touched by your manifestation of friend- liness and the unusual resourcefulness on the part of the very busy head of a great state to try to see a couple of visitors without any official responsibility. I told them it was just like you. Refuel tech of 3. I enclose herewith a leader Prom the Times, of which you doubt- less have seen extracts. You will agree, I think, that it shows not a little understanding, on the part of the editors of the Times at least, 2. of your problem. I have been seeing not a little of editors of some of the leading papers and other influential molders of opinion on this side, having reached the conclusion that it is much more important, because much more lasting, to eduoate their minds for a continuous understanding of your aims and methods and the problems of our country, so that right views and understanding will be generated by them, rather than attempt to write what would inevitably be regarded as partisan articles by a partisan of the Ad- ministration. To that end also I have been doing a good deal of informal talking in small clubs and groups and in the common rooms of the various colleges here, at Cambridge and in London. 4. You will be interested, I think, in the full text, if you have not already seen it, of the impressive letter which the Archbishop of Canterbury wrote to the Times t he other day. 5. When I read some of the utterances of the so-called leaders of bar and business, I just wonder if the depression has taught them anything. A striking and representative sample is furnished by Silas Strawn's speech, of which I have just read the full text, before the Chamber of Commerce. The emergency is over, he announces, though he hasn't the decenoy to say that you pulled them out of their sloughs of despond; and since the emergency is over, let's go back to the good old days, for, as he says, "the temporary maladjustments" of the traditional system of the glorious Harding-Coolidge- Hoover era have been corrected, and now we can go back to those glorious days. Apparently our national economic system, as it was before the de- pression, was like a beautiful Beckstein or Steinway piano, which through excessive playing had two or three of its keys dulled, and so the piano tuner, Roosevelt, was called in. But now that he has tuned the piano, that beautiful instrument is just as it was before. It really would be funny 3. if it were not so sad. They really are Fories; they learn nothing and forget nothing. I wish I had time to dig out the utterances from the same and sim- ilar sources as those which are now expressing themselves so violently and 80 sanctimoniously against your policies, uttered against T.R. when he proposed such bolshevist legislation as the Hepburn Aot and the control of pipe lines, and later the attacks by leaders of the bar and finance against Hughes' pro- posals in New York for a Public Service Law, and still later, what you so well remember, the outory against Wilson regarding the Federal Reserve Act. How the whole United States was going to the dogs because of that measure. I think I am right in remembering that the American Bankers Association, with only a single dissenting vote, passed resolutions against it. No doubt about it, the real trouble with capitalism is the capitalists. I infer you've had your hands full with the silver people, but this morning's dispatches seem to indicate that you have worked out a modus viven- di to save us from financial foolishness. With warmest regards and good wishes, Always faithfully yours, Their Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt Encs. The Twice heady "RITUAL MURDER" THE MAY NUMBER OF DER STURMER' ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY'S PROTEST TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES Sir,-Permit me to add my own to the other protests which you have already printed against the publication in Germany of the May number of the periodical entitled Der Stürmer under the name of Herr Julius Streicher, the recently appointed Reich Commissioner in Upper Fran- conia. Though significantly its export from Germany was prohibited, I have just been able to see a copy of it. It rakes up legends and lies about the alleged custom of ritual murder by the Jews which have been over and over again exposed. It contains a series of gruesome and disgusting illustrations. It seems almost incredible that such a publication recalling the worst excesses of medieval fanaticism should have been permitted in any civilized country : yet it bears the name of a high officer of the Reich. I am permitted by some 40 representatives of Christian public opinion in this country, assembled in my house for another purpose, to say that they associate themselves strongly with this protest. But it is needless to collect names. I am satisfied that the whole body of our fellow- citizens if they realized the character of this publication would share our indignation. If the authorities of the Reich wish to secure for themselves and for their State the respect and good will of the people of this country, let them promptly disown the issue under the name of one of their own number of this odious incitement to religious bigotry and, it may well be, to renewed and brutal persecution. I am, Sir, COSMO CANTUAR: Lambeth Palace, May 15. 8 THE PRESIDENT AND WAR 8 DEBTS 8 The United States Government have made it clear that countries which make only token pay- ments on June 15, when the next War Debt instalments become due, will be in default" in Since then-for reasons which in reality are the sense of the Johnson Act, which denies to quite irrelevant, but the effect of which on defaulting nations the facilities of the American public sentiment is very natural and compre- money market. They have thus cleared away hensible-opinion both in Congress and outside what little doubt there may have been about the has hardened against any concession. The way in which the White House would in practice PRESIDENT therefore, whatever his own personal interpret the Act. But the official intimation attitude, is compelled to act with great circum- to certain of the diplomatic representatives in spection. Since he took office some fourteen Washington-the BRITISH AMBASSADOR was not months ago he has led the United States along one of them-hardly affects the main problem. paths which many both of his critics and of his The PRESIDENT has not yet disclosed whatever supporters describe as revolutionary. He has proposals he, may have in mind for a effected changes in a little over a year which settlement of War Debts. It is easy enough have taken decades in other countries, and he has exercised powers as extensive as those of to understand. his manifest reluctance to any dictator. It is important to note that he has move towards any settlement for which he been able to do so much just because he has could not hope to obtain the approval of been able to rely upon the support of the great Congress. In the first place any such majority of his fellow-citizens, who believe in move would be fatal, since it is Congress him andin-his New Deal, and whose enthusiasm and not the PRESIDENT which is the final he has known how to kindle and to sustain. authority on all that concerns these debts. In Moreover he has shown throughout the most the second, to court a rebuff on a matter of this punctilious respect for constitutional forms and for the rights of Congress. The point is importance would be to risk weakening his hold emphasized in his recent book, On Our Way." over both Congress and people for the sake of He maintains in it that, if what he has sought something which, important as it is, he regards to achieve is a revolution, it is being achieved as secondary to the work of internal recovery .. without a change in fundamental republican and of economic and social reconstruction. " method." He insists that " we have kept the MR. ROOSEVELT went a long way last June, -- faith with, and in, our traditional political = institutions." and again last December, in accepting token payments and in stating officially that he had " no personal hesitation in saying that he did - not characterize the resultant situation as a - default." But on both occasions he was careful to point out the well-known fact that it is not within his discretion to reduce or cancel the existing debt owed to the United States, nor is it within his power as President to alter the schedule of debt payments contained in the existing settlement. Such power rests with Congress, No one would accuse MR. ROOSEVELT of any resemblance to the man who, asked why he was trailing behind a band of rioters, explained that he had to follow them because he was their leader. It is in a very different sense that MR. ROOSEVELT is the leader of the American people. All the same he is careful never to forget that he is their leader, not their ruler, and that to lead effectively he must keep in close touch with public opinion. He must maintain his influence 3 over Congress, which means that he must take 12 Mary into account every current of feeling by which it is swayed, and must be content to compromise THE TIMES SATURDA and to manage where he cannot convince. This is a task at which he is supremely competent, but there are indications that it is becoming in- is disappointed by the compromise over com- is pany unions and the recognition of unions inde- a creasingly difficult. Big business is manifesting more and more forcibly its impatience of pendent of the employers, and at finding that there has been no increase in real wages since 5 the restraints imposed by the N.R.A. The the nominal increase in rates has been almost t general feeling reflected in the resolutions tabled at the recent convention of the United States entirely offset by the increase in the cost of ] Chamber of Commerce was so hostile that MR. living. A survey of the position by the American : Federation of Labour states that, whereas 1 ROOSEVELT felt compelled to intervene, and he between March last year and October work 1 told the convention that it was time to stop crying had been found for 3,567,000 of the un- ] " Wolf and to cooperate in working for employed, the situation had since taken a I " recovery and for the continued elimination different turn and the employment gain had : " of the evil conditions of the past." It is just shrunk to 2,784,000. This survey puts the present that, of course, which is the cause of the trouble. number of unemployed workers in industry at When the danger of complete collapse was over 10,000,000 and says that the industrial wage- imminent everybody was ready to support the : earners' total income is still 45 per cent. below PRESIDENT in the measures which he held to the 1929 level. It warns the public that serious be necessary to avert it. But, as that danger S labour troubles threaten to check progress seemed to recede, many became eager to resume towards recovery. The discontent among the g the uncontrolled scramble for profits, which farmers finds what is perhaps its most dangerous in the PRESIDENT'S opinion, though not in theirs, expression in the support given to all manner e was the main cause of the breakdown. They of inflationáry projects, cutting across MR. e were not in the least eager to eliminate the ROOSEVELT'S own' policy of working for the e evil conditions of the past." As a matter of establishment of an honest dollar stable in n fact these conditions seemed to them not nearly d purchasing and debt-paying power. The latest so evil as those which they feared under the New example is the Silver Bill favoured by large Deal. 1- majorities in both the Senate and the House of 1, Criticism is not coming from the Right alone. Representatives, which the PRESIDENT is now S. At a recent Conference in Washington there labouring to convert from a mandatory to a were complaints from all over the country that permissive measure. All these discontents have the N.R.A, had been so loosely administered to be balanced one against the other, and a n that manufacturers and middlemen had been course followed which will command the s' able to increase their prices far beyond anything approval of the main body of public opinion. Γ. which was justified by the increase in costs due Amid so many causes for anxiety over the situa- to the higher wages and shorter hours. Labour tion at home, it is scarcely to be expected that 1E the PRESIDENT should create further difficulties for himself at this moment by taking up an unpopular attitude on the question of War Debts. PSF Frankfarter EASTMAN HOUSE, his NORHAM GARDENS, OXFORD. 23. V. 34. Dear Miss LeHand: I am troubling you again to hand the enclosed letter to the Presi- dent. I envy you this season in Washington, if it's anything like the 1 May that I used to enjoy in years gone by. With cordial regards, Sincerely y ours, Miss Marguerite LeHand This Ranguela Enc. P.S. Please give my greetings to Miss Tully, who I hope is thoroughly restored. Tuly Tele PSF F. Frankfurter Eastman House Oxford, England 23. V. 34. Dear Mr. President: 23 may What follows has relevance only if you have not yet filled the new commissionerships created by the final form in which the Stock Exchange Control Bills will come out of conference. Not that I shall tell you anything that you don't know. But it has been my business to study closely for more than twenty years the work of regulatory bodies both national and state, and perhaps you will forgive me some general observations. No one knows better than you that in the last analysis legisla- tion means predominantly administration. Prendergast is a good short- hand name for that truth, and 8. whole chapter could be written about the paralysis of the Federal Power Commission until your Presidency. The recent Supreme Court decision in the Chicago Telephone case is a dramatic illustration of what unaggressive and unresourceful regulation means, in dollars and cents and well-being, to the ordinary man and wom- an. More than $20,000,000 would have been unjustly taken from the tele- phone users of Chicago through the hocus-poous of corporate accountancy, but for the pertinacious and powerful fight, on behalf of the public, by one of the lawyers of the public, against whom were thrown all the ob- stacles that usually wear men down. The laok of moral zeal and intellec- tual capacity to meet the powerful resources on the other side on the part of public service commissioners throughout the country have, with- out a doubt, led not only to unfair charges to consumers but, what is worse, have been responsible for the grave abuses in the capitalization 2. of public service enterprise and for the building up of concentrated fin- ancial power to thwart the public interest. Now the administration of the Stock Exchange Act will, I am sure, be even more difficult and call for greater skill, resourcefulness, firm- ness as well as fairness of temper, a will not worn down by fatigue, than has been the work of the older regulatory commissions. The problems are more subtle, the abuses less obvious, the public more misleadable and the consequences of non-action more far reaching. What will matter most to Wall Street indeed is what the Commission will refrain from doing, in view of what the law might enable a courageous and knowing commission to do. I don't know, of course, what the final terms of the Aot will be, but I do know that the extent and effectiveness of the powers conferred by the legislation will depend largely upon the understanding of the possibilities under the statute by those charged with its administration. And what is involved is not merely the Stock Exchange Control Act. Nothing less is involved than to keep Wall Street in its place, to furnish a counterpoise against its aggrandisement of power, by which the Street allalong the line reists efforts by the government for thecommon interest. And so plainly you need administrators who are equipped to meet the best legal brains whom Wall Street always has at its disposal, who have stamina and do not weary of the fight, who are moved neither by blandishments nor fears, who in a word, unite public zeal with unusual capacity. To turn to a totally different matter - Sir John Simon's conduct of foreign relations. If you havenot seen it, you may be interested in the enclosed account of a recent speech by Lord Lytton on the British Gov- ernment's policy towards Japan. Always with warm regards, Faithfully yours, Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt Frie Raumfurter Enc. The Government's Defence Manchester Guardian At this point I feel I must say some- thing about our own share of responsi- bility for the present difficulties of the League. The most deplorable feature of the present situation is the line of defence taken by our own Government MAY 18, 1934 against those critics who have urged them to play a more leading part at Geneva. This line of defence has had two features, both of which show a failure to appreciate the obligations of BRITAIN AND THE LEAGUE League membership. The first is the claim that we have done all that the League has called upon us to do. This argument is really a very insincere excuse, because it suggests Lord Lytton and Government's Failure in that the League is an entity apart from the States that compose it. The execu- tive body of the League is the Council, Japanese Crisis and of the States which occupy. & per- manent seat on the Council Great Britain is obviously the one most interested in this particular issue, and the one therefore from which leadership HOW TO RESTORE LEAGUE'S AUTHORITY is naturally to be expected. In another connection. the Govern- ment is constantly reminding us that it is useless to propose a course of action Lord Lytton, chairmen of the League which other States are unwilling to of Nations Commission which investi- follow, since general agreement is an gated the events leading to the crisis in essential feature of League action. But in this particular question what other the Far East, delivered the Ludwig Mond State is there which could propose a line Lecture at the Manchester University of action unless it was assured that we last night, his subject being the effect of should agree with it? Apart from our the Far Eastern crisis on the League of interests in China and the fact that we are the principal navel Power in Europe, Nations: The Vice-Chancellor of the we are the traditional friends of Japan. University (Dr. W. H. Moberly) pre- We have for many years been in sided. alliance with Japan, and are better quali- There may have been, Lord Lytton fied, therefore, than any other State to make friendly representations to that admitted, adequate causes for the country, end to offer her our help to put inactivity of the League since the begin- herself right with the rest of the world. ning of 1933, but failure to follow up its Therefore, if there has been inactivity it resolution of February 24, 1933, had can only be because we have given no immensely increased its difficulties in indication of our willingness to take settling other problems, and had con- any action. siderably weakened public confidence in It would be & more justifiable line of the practicability of any scheme of col- defence to say that the Far Eastern lective security, without which a general situation is one which cannot be effec- tively dealt with without the co-operation measure of disarmament could not be accomplished. of the United States of America, a The problem of concerted action to country which is not a member of the League. But we have never been told prevent aggression is no longer a hypo- that our Government has proposed to thetical one. A definite act of aggres- the League to invite the co-operation of sion has taken place, and the inability the U.S.A., or that it has Steelf made of the League to deal successfully with proposels to the Government of that a situation which has actually arisen is country which have failed to find necessarily regarded as the test of its ability to deal with hypothetical situa- acceptance. ZE tions which may arise hereafter. Keeping Out of Disputes "The second line of defence taken by the Foreign Secretary in his speeches in the House of Commons is that he has been careful throughout to prevent this country from becoming involved in the Sino-Japanese dispute. That line of argument is absolutely destructive of the whole basis of collective security, end has stultified all the efforts which Sir John Simon is making to bring about an agreement on disarmament/ The only possible justification for a general Restoring the League's Prestige measure of disarmament is the know- ledge that if a State is attacked it can Turning to discuss what could be done rely on the combine forces of all other to restore the prestige and authority of States members of the League to defend it. the League Lord Lytton said there were Though we all have to contemplate two alternatives. One was to disband that one member may at some time the Disarmament Conference for the time under pressure of national interests being and eummon 6 world conference, to violate its International obligations and which the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. should attack a neighbour, it is reasonable to be invited, to consider the situation in argue that all the other States members the Far East with the intention of giving may be relied on to honour their obliga- practical evidence of the effectiveness of tions, But the argument of the Foreign concerted action before resuming the Secretary, which has always been loudly disarmament discussions. The other was cheered in the House of Commons, is to secure an agreed disarmament conven- that though it would be dishonourable tion which should at least be a first to attack a neighbour for the sake of step towards the fulfilment of this long national advantage, there is no obliga- overdue obligation, and to follow this tion on us to come to the aid of & victim up immediately with a conference to of aggression, if national intereste make deal with the Far East. The it expedient to keep out of the quarrel. second of these alternatives had Is it surprising that the man who has obvious advantages. The prospects of used this argument 60 confidently should success might not be bright at the be finding it difficult to persuado the moment but he was confident that an French to give up the only security of agreed convention could even now be which at present they have had any secured if our Government would recog- experience? nise the necessary conditions and state Adding that he did not wish to use that when the conference met its willingness platform merely for the purpose of to provide its share of a real collective criticising our Government, Lord Lytton security in return for a real measure of said he could not in honesty refrain from general disarmament. pointing out the consequences of its So far as I know," Lord Lytton added, policy. The League is suffering to-day," our Government has never yet admitted he declared, because 50 many of its its willingness to provide its share of most powerful members have failed in real security, and this is essential to the the sincerity of their adherence both to acceptance by others of its proposals for the letter and the spirit of the Covenant. real disarmament." Our Government is not alone in this, and in so far as our Government in open to criticism the blame is as much ours as theirs, for are they not justified in saying that their policy has had the support ol the House of Commons? If it be true that they have also the support of the country-and of that I am no judge-it is because they have taught the country what to think right. "I am confident, at any rate, that If they had themselves realised what the obligations of the Covenant are, and had taught the country to realise them, if they had shown themselves as vigorous in the vindication of an international obligation as they have been in the championship of national interests-if they had done this the country would not have failed to support them." P.A.F. F.9. 33.35 Mp. 13 PSF DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE OFFICE OF ASSISTANT SECRETARY Frankfurter WASHINGTON May 29, 1934. Dear Miss LeHand: I am returning to you herewith Felix Frankfurter's letter. We have made a copy and are busy digging up the material the President wants. Sincerely, Grace Assistant to Efacker the Assistant Secretary Enclosure Miss Margaret LeHand Secretary to the President 8 Frankfurter PSF Law School of Marbarb University, Cambridge, Mass. "file 27 Sept. 1934. Dear Mr. President: The Justice greatly appreciated your concern over Hugh's blazing indiscretion and is much moved by your readiness to do whatever is advisable and wise to correct it. The real reason why he does not think 8. public retraction even from Hugh desirable is because of tenderness for him. I think it will interest you to have me quote a paragraph from him: "The Herald Tribune's editorial of today and an attempt to disqualify are not agreeable to contemplate, but the incident must be regarded as a casualty - like that of being run into by a drunken autoist or shot by a lunatic." All of which recalls tormy mind your observa- tion in one of your letters to England, "Brandeis has and is a great soul." Ever yours, II. Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt PSF Law Sehool of Marbarb University, Cambridge, Mass. 1 Celobe 6, 1924 very were, France, if you docit like my is - simua troic about old Oliver and you'vey, melbe you'll li Ke beller what Harold Laski fags (in He about rue Herberh Hoover and the Resident of Here us. ! Refee Duels affe choicele? IVV. BOOKS OF THE DAY 28/9/34 MR. HOOVER'S VIEW, OF THE NEW DEAL THE CHALLENGE TO LIBERTY. By labour case before the Supreme Court, Herbert Hoover. London: Charles Scribner's Sons. Pp. 212. 6a. net. the economic condition of the negroes Published to-day. in the South, the revelations of the Reviewed by H. J. Laski, situation of the miners, the cotton operatives, the steelworkers, to take This is hardly a serious and coherent only outstanding examples, suggest an argument. Is is an incantation, unduly optimistic temper in Mr. mainly written in- turgid rhetoric, Hoover or a Nelsonian ability to close against the present tendencies of one's eyes to the inconvenient aspects American politics. Mr. Hoover is in & of the American system. state of alarm and distress Something No doubt Mr. Roosevelt-for be is called the American system of liberty the unnamed villain of the piece-pro- is in danger. It gave the United States ceeds upon very different assumptions & happiness and prospérity cot from those which satisfied Mr. Hoover. approached by other peoples. There No doubt, also, if he succeeds in any was opportunity, there WM freedom of effective measure he will help to make speech, there was & fine sense of social a country very different from the responsibility. Everything went well society over which Mr. Hoover pre- until the depression. It is true that sided. But no one who reads Mr. there were evil excrescences in the body Hoover's passionate ecstasies, whether social, but they were of a minor order. of eulogy or denunciation, will doubt Now there are bureaucracy, regimenta- for & moment that he has a far more tion, the most stupendous invasion of real picture of contemporary America the whole spirit of liberty that che in his mind than his eminent prede- nation has witnessed since the days of cessor. The United States the latter colonial America." Everything that depicts never was on sea or land makes for good is in danger. There is except for the handful of citizens who dictation instead of co-operation, there live in Newport in summer or in Palm is & threat to that security of posses- Beach in the winter. His hymn to a sion which is the main incentive to dead Utopia may arouse enthusissm in thrift (for Mr. Hoover almost the Wall Street. It will not turn a hundred sovereign social virtue), there is a drift votes outside that area in the Novem- towards new philosophies which deny ber elections for which it was timed. the genius of Americanism; even of For it reads like nothing so much 44 men's souls and thoughts Government the terrified anger of & high priest of has become the master. Mr. Hoover the Ptolemaic astronomy watching the warns his fellow-countrymen that & halt growth of the Copernican hypothesis. zoust be called to all this if American Mr. Hoover has no idea of what is hap- liberty in to be saved. pening in the States. He has notions of It in all intensely melodramatic, if, economica and sociology which might indeed, somewhat shrill. Unfortu- have been partially appropriate about nately Mr. Hoover seems to have very the years after the Civil War but have little notion of what has happened to not since that time borne any rela- the country over which he ruled for tion to the situation they are intended four momentous years. The American to control. Problems like the relation Civil Liberties Bureau would not share of liberty to equality, the nexus Le- his enthusiasm for the freedom of tween political democracy and economic speech which was attained. The power, the significance of the Supreme Senate investigation of Wall Street Court's attitude to capitalism, the bis- suggested that what he regards as torio meaning of section Ta of the minor defects of the system had become Recovery Act in the light of the inherent in its character. The beauties injunction in industrial disputes, the of the competitive system appear more Clayton Act, and other little matters dubious when analysed in the light of never occur to his mind. He is an such classic investigations as those of interesting museum exhibit, a proof of Mr. Justice Brandeis. The implies- the danger men incur when, as William tions of the reports-issued by his own James said, they have habit without Law Enforcement Commission hardly philosophy. Mr. Hoover has a healthy bear out the idyllie picture he draws nf power of indignation. But he dwells the conditions of American administra- in & purely private world of his own tion. Cases like the famous child making. 1. piemal Cambride 192 BRATTLE STREET belober [1934] 20, Das Zaull - PSF Frankfurter please let me day Low very area I likedSon Roaccode ,peech. 11 was I since a like gene - its daid to much in to like and said hard things the those Sould V.I. PSF Frank jurter [10-25-34] 0 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON ple Das hance: I wish you could have seen glowing face as he just how said, in that large sciele was of RD 'why He pexi death need receed. it's is hature. He har seek a large L was leave, ruel a clear areas, seed Coa - are te group of Couds time It jush cout be acter wive - he went succeed And it's a wou de free Experience and in fir atroes for are to Lave been allowed to see bui And I won't feee you what Het aivit has been tocce - Eyeeph Hat 90 away with beed strength and need fairt. Affectionaly devoledly Fill File Late School of Marbard PSF University, Frankfuntavile Cambribge, Mass. November 26, 1934. Dear Mr. President: 1. You may be interested in the enclosed leader, "Up with the Houses," and the report of a dinner to the National Housing Committee on which that leader was based, both from The Times for November 2. There are, of course, real differences hal between the English situation and ours, and yet it is highly significant, a Director of the Bank of England, Sir Basil Blackett should sponsor the following views: "There was no reason why the necessary funds should not be raised without the least difficulty and without in any way embar- rassing the National Exchequer, damaging the country's credit, or straining its finances. The cheaper the money was raised, the lower the economic rent of the houses built, the larger the number of wage- earners able to pay that rent and live in the houses, and the lower both the risk of the Government and the amount of rent allowances and subsidies required. So far from there being any fear of the financing of a big hous- ing programme putting a strain on the national resources, there were many strong reasons for believing that the capital expenditure in- volved would be of very great benefit to the country in existing circum- stances. Not only would the new houses be a capital asset of great social value, but the initiation of such a programme would serve at the same time a most beneficent purpose in providing profitable employment for unemployed money and unemployed labour. No better way of reducing unemployment was available than a big national housing programme." Whatever the differences in the circumstances of the two countries, certain it is, as The Times points out, that a successful housing program requires ar- rangements for reasonable cost of materials and for reasonable rates of labor. And English experience has shown in the past that the Government can secure such terms for both. 2. You may also be interested in what Woodrow Wilson Law School of Barbard University, Cambribge, Mass. used to call a conspectus of the building situation throughout the world. And so I am enclosing a recent leader from the London Economist. 3. "I see by the paypers" that Newton Baker and Jim Beck have found T. V. A. unconstitutional. How surprising! I also note that Thomas McCarter "hopes to have an early opportunity to lay this whole matter before the President of the United States." You will recall that McCarter was the fellow, in that very secret and confidential conclave of industrial and financial leaders held in the middle of October in & New ersey retreat, who told the great men assembled that the only way to deal with the Admin- istration was to accumulate a vast war chest and to fight without compromise. By enlisting Baker and Beck he evidently thought he ought to have the Con- stitution as well as a war chest on his side. With warmest regards, Always faithfully yours, Fr. Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt. November 10, 1934 THE ECONOMIST 865 Tb interpret this amazing victory is not so easy as to record it. One thing, however, is as clear as daylight: it is The Hall-mark of an iramense personal triumph for Mr Roosevelt. That can be seen not only in the victories of Democrats but in the fate of Republicans. Those who had attacked him, such INSURANCE SECURITY as Senators Reed of Pennsylvania, Fess of Ohio and Robinson of Indiana, and Congressman Britten of Illinois, have been rejected. In Wisconsin, his personal support was sufficient to elect the brothers La Follette, one THE to the Senate and one to the Governorship, even though they had both Republican and Democratic opponents. LONDON & There can be no doubt that the electorate has applied to LANCASHIRE every candidate the touchstone of his loyalty to the President. INSURANCE c: D Whether the election is a specific endorsement of the President's policies is rather more open to doubt. This was the first test of the New Deal. Two years ago the voters did not vote for the New Deal, which at that time had a name but no substance: they did not even vote for Mr Roosevelt 7 Chancery Lane, London so much as against Mr Hoover, and it is possible that if the details of the New Deal had been revealed to them they would have rejected it in advance. This, then, was their first opportunity of passing a vote of thanks to Mr Roose- velt for being better than Mr Hoover and for making 1934 better than 1932. Reopened banks, higher agricultural majority and the diversity of opinions it embraces may incomes, increased employment, the swelling stream of make it very unamenable to control. The opposition of the relief-all these undoubtedly helped to swell the voice of Right has been annihilated and thrown to the winds; the gratitude. The New Deal as a whole has been endorsed. opposition of the Left, solidly entrenched within the Demo- Indeed, it could npt have been otherwise, for no alternative cratic Party, has still to arise. The probability is increas- was offered, and the people will always prefer somebody ing that when the time comes for Mr Roosevelt himself to with some policy to nobody with DO policy. go to the people he will do so as the champion of moderation. But if the President seeks to draw from this expression of the popular will any indication whether he should drive his policies forward to new and unexplored fields of Radicalism, or return gradually towards Conservatism, or keep in the middle of the road, be will find very little guidance. Con- THE BUILDING BOOM servatives like Senators Byrd and Gerry, provided they were Democrats, were Elected just as triumphantly in the RECOVERY in the building of houses has long been re- East as wild men like Senators Bilbo and Schwellen- garded as one of the first indications of an upward move- bach were elected in the Deep South or the Far West. ment of the trade cycle, for this branch of activity is The Democratic Senate will embrace elements as incom- normally very sensitive to changes in the rate of interest patible as Carter Glass and Huey Long. Mr Roosevelt has and in the costs of production. The experience of the collected all opinions behind his banner rather than forged past two years has confirmed this view so far as this a new instrument of consistent policy. country is concerned. Both interest rates and construc- This fact makes the victory in a sense even more remark- tion costs declined appreciably between 1929 and 1932 able, for it strengthens the impression that the vote was a and facilitated the translation of the social need of Roosevelt vote rather than a Democratic vote or even a houses into effective demand at such a rate that the build- New Deal vote. No one man has ever, in the face of free ing trade experienced an expansion in 1933 and in the opposition, won such unconditional support from so many first half of 1934 to a level never before reached. millions. After this election, even more than before it, The comparative development of the building industry everything depends on the personal policies of Franklin in a number of countries is shown by the following indices, Roosevelt. compiled by the Economic and Financial Organisation of The President appears to be emerging as a sincere and the League of Nations. With the exception of the figures powerful Liberal. There has been very little monetary for the United Kingdom, which are based on the esti- experimentation and no currency manipulation for nine mated cost of building plans passed, the statistics relate months, and Mr Roosevelt has let it be known that be does either to the number or floorspace of buildings not wish to reopen this phase of his earlier policy. The MAY I INDICES OF BUILDING ACTIVITY N.R.A. is no longer an attempt to lift the country into immediate prosperity by its own boot-straps but an agency (Based on Building Plans Passed) for the social control of business. The President's policies, (1928 - 100) as they appear at the moment, consist of relief of the destitute, social reform and controlled expansion of indivi- Great Britain United States Gen- dual business-a platform on which any Liberal in any Union many country would be proud to stand. An extension of the of (Dwell- Dwell- South Prance Ing Italy Dwell- ing Others public works scheme is foreshadowed, the White House Africa Houses ling Others Houars has already announced a great development of its housing only) Houses (a) (a) plans, and a comprehensive system of social insurance has been promised for many months. These are likely to be 1929 Monthly Av. 118-4 128-8 128-7 145-1 110-3 105-6 68-2 100-9 the main lines of progress in the immediate future. They 1930 104-7 141-2 99-8 126-7 116-6 102.0 40-5 68-5 1931 122-7 128-9 45-9 70-6 100-9 82-5 33-5 43-3 are less Radical, but at the same time less frightening, 1932 67-8 109-1 31-4 65-5 116-9 70-9 13-0 20-5 1953 06-6 93-8 than those of 1933. There is the major hazard of monetary - 37-2 77-1 155-3 78-3 12-8 18-2 (9) disturbance, arising either out of the excessive supplies of March 88-1 06-9 27-4 73-0 163-2 73-8 10-1 15-5 June 90-0 04-8 33-9 82-4 153-1 88-9 17-5 21-0 credit already available to the banking system or out of September 131-2 02-8 43-6 26 77-4 170-7 92-8 13-3 20-1 some possible inflationary moye forced on the President December 101-1 88-7 36-2 79-3 160-2 77-9 12-4 16-1 1934- anuary INI 88-7 37-3 81-9 148-7 95-9 8-3 17-0 by an impatient Congress. But apart from this, the February 138-8 89-7 30-5 08-3 180-1 82-6 7-7 13-3 March 134-9 is 90-7 40-2 117-8 182-8 102-2 17-0 23-8 United States has now the prospect of sound progressive April 145-4 89-7 54-8 126-3 181-0 80-2 12-6 24-8 May 150-1 86-6 67-8 134-3 187-7 leadership such as neither it nor any other nation has known 109-2 13-0 25-1 June 140-2 83-5 58-5 145-8 210-$ 104-0 15-8 22-2 since the days before the war. July 83-5 69-0 152-2 187-4 113-3 10-1 25-7 August 82-5 - 139-8 119-1 73-9 --- The mention of Congressional impatience brings up the other threatening danger. The very size of the Democratic (m) Contracts awarded. (9) Adjusted for seasonal variations, 866 THE ECONOMIST November 10, 1934 The divergences in the development of the building enumerated above. Despite this influx of labour into the industry in these countries are remarkable. Most coun- building and allied trades, unemployment declined by more tries, with the exception of the United States and France, than the average of all trades between September, 1932, experienced an improvement in 1933; but the expansion and the corresponding month of 1933, in all but a few of of dwelling-house construction in Great Britain in 1933 the less important industries shown separately. The per- and in the first half of 1934 was unequalled by any other centage of the total number of insured persons represented country. Since the beginning of the current year South by the above list of trades (which is by no means compre- Africa has made progress, and Italy and Germany have hensive) rose from 13.7 in July, 1929, to 14.8 in the corre- forged ahead under the stimulus of official encouragement. sponding month a year ago. On the other hand, the position in France has recently In the Economist of March 31, 1934, we estimated that continued to deteriorate and the volume of construction from five to six million houses would have to be built be- in Canada and in the United States, which had fallen tween 1931 and 1951 in order to ensure that by 1951 none from sky-scraper to log-cabin proportions between of the population is housed more densely than three persons 1929 and 1933, remains at an insignificant level. to two rooms and that old and out-of-date houses are re- In the absence of Government subsidies, a revival in placed at a reasonable rate. The attainment of the house-building during a period of general industrial standard indicated by 1951 would require the con- depression can only take place if there is a social demand struction of an average of 250,000 to 300,000 per for houses and if there has been a sufficient decline in annum for the next seventeen years. During the interest rates and in costs of construction to permit the twelve months ended September 30, 1934, no less translation of potential into effective demand. The first of than 240,000 houses were constructed by private these conditions is undoubtedly present in all countries, enterprise without subsidy-an increase of 73,000 as and particularly in the United States, whose population compared with the preceding year. During the same is still increasing by over a million per annum. But one period the number of houses completed with State assistance or both of the other two conditions are still absent in many rose from 50.433 to 51,497. The level of dwelling-house con- countries. In the United States, for example, an ppre- struction in the past twelve months was, therefore, at the ciable expansion in the building industry has so 1.1 been record rate of just under 300,000 per annum, prevented by the high level of building costs, due in a But will this record level of building be steadily main- large Act. measure to the operation of the National Recovery tained? The answer to this question is of the utmost importance for those connected with the industry, for a The importance of the revival in dwelling-house construc- mis-judgment might easily lead to wasteful over-expansion tion in Britain's recovery since the beginning of 1933 can of the productive capacity of these trades and ultimately hardly be exaggerated. Moreover, although the revival has to a severe slump in profits. Although both interest rates been largely financed by money borrowed from the build- and building costs remain as low as ever, and are not likely ing societies and other credit institutions, it took place to increase in the near future, there are signs that the peak virtually without official stimuli in the shape of subsidies. in building middle-class dwelling-houses has, for the The extent of the improvement can be illustrated by the fact moment, been passed. On the other hand, an appreciable that whereas the Economist index of general business decline in the rate of construction of this category of activity rose from 95.7 (1924 = 100) in February, 1932, to houses is improbable in coming months. Moreover, com- III.3 in June, 1934, our index of building activity, which mercial construction has tended to increase, and this includes industrial construction, advanced from IIO to 226 development, together with the Government's slum-clear- during the same period. There is no doubt that the revival ing programme, will probably compensate for a moderate in dwelling-house construction forms the backbone of decline in the building of dwelling-houses of the middle- British recovery, for the money spent on buildings and class type. household equipment represents a fairly substantial pro- portion of total expenditure. Moreover, building and con- struction usually represents more than one-half of the amount annually invested in fixed capital. The following table shows the ramifications of the building industry in RECOVERY IN SOUTH AFRICA this country and the extent of the improvement in the various trades directly connected with this branch of (BY A CORRESPONDENT) activity:- IT is now nearly two years since South Africa so suddenly abandoned the gold standard, after maintaining it under EMPLOYMENT IN BUILDING AND ALLIED TRADES: GREAT conditions of great difficulty for fifteen months longer than BRITAIN Great Britain. To those who supported the policy of going off gold, subsequent developments have apparently Retimated Number Percentage of Insured confirmed their contention that this step would be wise. of Insured Persons, and 10-04 Persons Unemployed All the available economic indices show that the country has made a striking recovery from the deep depression Trade Increase (+) which existed in I932:- Decrease July, July, Sept., compared with 1932 1933 1934 1929 1953 1954 Employment in mines (July) Sept., 1932 Sept., 1933 Europeans 30,651 34,951 39,518 Total 105,423 333,972 365,430 (000%) (000%) Public works contracting 164-4 277-6 44-6 Index of industrial employment + 2-7 1-6 (July) (July, 1925-100): Building 828-0 883-8 17-6 -11-1 2-1 Europeans 93 104 122 Stone quarrying and mining 42-7 46-7 21-5 -8.7 State quarrying and mining Total 83 10-5 10-1 91 7-9 109 - 7+1 5-7 Artificial stone and concrete 17-4 23-3 31-0 -1-9 - 1-1 Brick, 12, pipe making Bank debits (Jan.-July) 82-0 mn. me. mn. : 12-3 -11-1* = Pottery, earthenware 22 73-9 75-8 16-4 Johannesburg 197 -12-9 343 455 Glass 27-8 28-1 12-0 - 8.0 3-4 Rest of country 392 432 558 Paint and varnish 18-9 21-1 H 3-8 1-3 Stove, grate, pips, etc., and general New buildings commenced (Jan.- 4 mn. é mn. mn. from lounding 68-7 01-1 14-1 -15-3 8-1 July) 2-6 2-7 6-6 Electric cable, apparation, lamps 94-0 125-6 7-5 - 3-3 2-8 Brass and allied metal wares 28-1 25-1 = -10-8 - 4.4 Imports (Jan.-July) (ma, mn. mn. Heating and ventilating apparatus 8-7 9-8 10-2 -10-1 3-7 S.A. currency value 25-3 I 3-3 18-9 25.8 Carpeta 35-4 27-7 - 1-1 Purmiture making, upboistery 120-3 132-9 Gold value { 12-1 - 7-6 18-5 22-2 3-9 Wall paper making 6-2 6-2 7-8 -3-5 + 0-7 Oilclock, Encleum 13-8 14-5 B-6 9-2 - 1.7 There are, however, still a certain number of cautious Brushes and become 10-2 13-0 12-2 -8-7 - 1-8 observers who feel a sense of distrust about the apparent All Trades anumerated in Ministry of Labour Ganatia 12,004 12,883 10-1 - 6.7 2-3 benefits of currency depreciation. They feel that pros- perity obtained by currency manipulation has something fictitious about it, and, however striking in the short run, It will be seen that the number of insured persons in- may not be permanent. They distrust the easily made creased between 1929 and 1933 in all but three of the trades fortunes of the gold boom, and regard with apprehension hovember 2, 1934 THE TIM 1,000,000 NEW HOUSES MODERN PLAGUE OF LONDON" LORD BALFOUR of BURLEIGH said that the task of dealing with overcrowding was much more NEEDS OF LOWER- formidable than even slum clearance. The five- year programme would replace 280,000 slum PAID WORKERS houses with the same number of good rented houses. It would not per se help the over- crowding outside the slum houses. For that at least twice as many more low-rented houses were needed, or, say, 1,000,000 in all. They must be A LONG-RANGE PLAN houses to let, not for sale. The financial capacity of the lower-paid worker to be rehoused required rents as low as those of the 1930 Act houses. A dinner to meet the National Housing Rents must be a maximum, not an average, of Committee, given by Mr. E. Beddington 10s. a week, inclusive of rates, for three rooms. Such houses could not be made to pay more than Behrens, its deputy chairman, was held at 24 or 3 per cent., over 80 years, even where land the Carlton Hotel last night and attended was cheap. Where site value was high, it was im- possible to show even that return. Commercial by: a large number of members of both private enterprise would remain unattracted, so Houses of Parliament. The guests in- the initiation must come from the Government cluded Lord Salisbury and Sir Austen or the local authority. No addition to the num- ber of houses for sale beyond a certain point, Chamberlain. The dinner was held with which had probably already been reached, would a view to giving support to the Govern- add to the number of low-rented houses to let. Commercial private enterprise could properly ment in the prosecution of an active and build the houses under contract on a proper extensive housing policy. margin of profit. It could not or would not own them over 80 years. There was no incentive. The CHAIRMAN referred to the recommenda- Overcrowding was the modern plague of tion contained in the report of the National London. It involved two other plagues-base- Housing Committee, which embraced the ques- ments and bugs. Almost 100 per cent. of the tion of establishing a Housing Commission. He overcrowded houses were vermin-infected, and pointed out that the Government had decided in those houses no effort on the part of the against the establishment of any new executive occupants could cure that. body, and that in the circumstances the com- Lord Balfour caused exclamations of horror mittee did not wish to press for a commission, by holding up in each hand a glass bottle full which they regarded as a matter of procedure of insects. One bottle, he said, was full of and not of principle. cockroaches and blackbeetles and the other full The all-important question was the magnitude of bugs. He explained that they had each been of the new -building programme to provide extracted from the furniture of two former accommodation for the lower-paid worker. slum dwellers in Kensington only the previous There had been a large increase in the building day and were vouched for by the medical officer. of houses for the higher-paid artisan, and there All the vermin were now dead. was a danger that saturation point in these types As an alternative to municipal ownership of houses would soon be reached. A Govern- they wanted to press on the Government the ment policy that would help the building of the advantages of public utility society ownership. badly needed houses for the lower-paid worker The dual relationship of landlord and tenant would come in just in time when it was greatly and local authority and ratepayer was unwhole- wanted. All factors for dealing with the housing some, and with building on the scale required problem were at present favourable, and if the would inevitably lead to unfortunate political Government undertook a bold, courageous, results. A third point was the need for long- adequate housing policy they would have the range planning, both as to where the million whole country behind them. houses were to be put and also in the provision of the labour and materials with which they were to be built to prevent a rise in costs. GREAT AREA INVOLVED SIR BASIL BLACKETT regretted that the Govern- ment had not seen fit to approach the subject by accepting the suggestion for the appointment of a National Housing Commission. That, how- ever, was a matter of machinery. What was important was that the task should be carried out quickly and successfully. The task was the provision of minimum standard houses for not less than 1,000,000 families. As he understood it, the Minister of Health was in entire agree- ment with the Committee in that statement of the objective. Housing must be linked up with from the Government, and which they would the demolition of ancient properties, the replan- arrange to distribute under their own rules and ning of built-up areas, the decentralization of supervision among the public utility societies. industry, the grouping of population, and the SIR AUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN, speaking of over- preservation of rural England. He was not sure crowding, said that they could not simply remove that one of the most urgent problems might not the surplus population from the houses and put be the extension of the grid system, already them far from where they now resided. The applied to electricity, to other public utility LORD SALISBURY'S VIEWS people must be near their work. That meant services such as water and gas, LORD SALISBURY said that they could not that great blocks of property had to be dealt As he saw it, the problem of London housing exaggerate the urgency of the problem. They with, and the way cleared for replanning and re- could not possibly be satisfactorily dealt with must hot dawdle any more. There had been building. The people who had allowed the con- unless the plan for providing the necessary quite enough of inquiries and statistics. He had ditions to grow up could not push on to other houses embraced an area covering a large part of seen enough of slums and overcrowding to be shoulders problems of dealing with the people profoundly shocked. They must not put the whom they dishoused. The difference in the the Home Counties, and there was already little margin between the point where London housing standard too high. Let them remember how value of the land had to be met by the com- varied, complicated, and expensive was the munity as a public charge for the removal of a problems ended and those of Birmingham began. Large scale planning was' a primary necessity. problem. He had found that people would nuisance which we had allowed to grow up in our midst, If the planning was to be more than rather bad cooperate in schemes of reconditioning houses, guess work it must be supported not only by but 2. very large number of tenements were not It would be fatal, if they meant to make pro- capable of being reconditioned. They must be gress, to antagonize the local authorities. After research into building materials and methods, pulled down and rebuilt. Private enterprise in a great deal of hesitation, and rather reversing costs of building and movement of prices, but itself would not bring about the desired result. his earlier opinions, he had come to the con- also by statistical examination of the workings of various schemes in operation and generally They must fall back on some wider and bigger clusion that that was a fatal objection to the the pooling of experience. There should be also system. suggestion of a great housing commission or continuous thought and supervision as to the He differed from Sir Basil Blackett in board as originally put forward by the National regretting that the Commission idea had been Housing Committee. artistic and aesthetic effects of particular designs abandoned. Such a proposal would mean an He hoped that local authorities would be in- of houses, layouts of new areas, and the use of this or that building material, the size and colour enormous number of officials, and the great vice duced to regard the public utility societies as of bureaucracy creeping in. It became choked by their friends. His appeal to the Government was of the bricks, for example, in relation to its own size. Why not avail themselves so far to consider whether they could not make even surroundings. as they could of the public utility societies ? He greater the of the public utility societies, and RAISING THE MONEY could bear testimony to their public spirit and whether they cquid not advance money to them efficiency. He would like to see a Public Utility more generqusly. He begged the Government in He was sorry that the Government had not Council established by statute to deal with the particular to consider the proposal made by Lord decided on the issue of a national housing stock, money which they could get on very cheap terms Salisbury that a central housing commission but so long as every effort was made to find should be created to be the intermediary between the money needed at the lowest rate of interest- the Government who raised and lent the money that was the important point, and the money and the individual public utility society. He must be made available for the local bodies and believed that public money filtering through such public utility societies which were going to do a central board to those public utility societies the building with the minimum of delay and would be so safe that the margin that the expense. There was no reason why the neces- Government would need to reserve for bad debts sary funds should not be raised without the least would be almost negligible. difficulty and without in any way embarrassing SIR ROBERT HORNE moved a resolution, which the National Exchequer, damaging the country's was seconded by SIR FRANCIS FREMANTLE, M.P., credit, or straining its finances. The cheaper and carried unanimously, declaring that the the money was raised, the lower the economic meeting whole-heartedly supported the Govern- rent of the houses built, the larger the number ment's slum-clearance programme and urged of wage-earners able to pay that rent and live upon the Government the necessity of making in the houses, and the lower both the risk of such provision in the forthcoming Housing Bill the Government and the amount of rent allow- as would secure sufficient building of new houses ances and subsidies required. at low rents to remedy overcrowding. So far from there being any fear of the A list of those who accepted invitations to the financing of a big housing programme putting a dinner will be found on page 17. strain on the national resources, there were many strong reasons for believing that the capital expenditure involved would be of very great benefit to the country in existing circumstances. Not only would the new houses be a capital asset of great social value, but the initiation of such a programme would serve at the same time a most beneficent purpose in providing profitable employment for unemployed money and un- employed labour. No better way of reducing unemployment was available than a big national housing programme.") Nov. 1954 THE TIMES FRIDAY In Association football matches yesterday Oxford University were beaten by Tottenham Hotspur by four goals to three at Oxford, This attitude will appeal to all who view while Arsenal beat Cambridge University at Carribridge by two goals to none. (p. 6) housing problems impartially, and who are The Cromer Lawn Tennis tournament in covered ready to judge, policy by its results and not in courts was continued yesterday. (p. 5) the light bf preconceived ideas It will be The Altcar Coursing Club's meeting was con- generally agreed that the root problem remain- tinued yesterday. (p. 6) ing after- fifteen years of intensive effort is the The British golf team in Australia yesterday housing of the lower-paid wage-earner, who beat Queensland by four matches to one. cannot afford to pay an inclusive tent of more (p. 6) than ten shillings a week in urban districts; FINANCE AND COMMERCE that it is useless to expect this problem to be In City Notes' comment is made on:-The German Debt Agreement; Union-Castle solved by the filtering up" of these persons Voting Control; Central Argentine Prefer- into houses vacated by those with larger ence Dividend : Increased Wall Paper Divi- incomes; that private enterprise, left to its own dend; the Low Grade Ore Policy ; and financial resources, cannot solve the problem; Brazilian Warrant Capital Scheme. (p. 22) and tnat house-building on a large scale is In Lombard Street loan rates were unaltered, but discounts weakened further. Foreign probably the most useful method of engendering Exchanges moved in favour of sterling, the or confirming industrial recovery. In view of New York rate rising to $4.98 and the Paris this agreement upon the objects of housing to 75 19-32f. Gold rose 3d. to 139s. 10d. an oz., £31,000 being sold. Silver recovered fd. policy, it would be ridiculous if quarrels about to 234d. (p. 23) methods were to frustrate an advance in common There is indeed ample ground for agreement UP WITH THE HOUSES : about method. One very important point upon The National Housing Committee continued which agreement ought to be possible is that its good work yesterday by rallying over the size of the problem is not to be measured 150 Conservative Members of Parliament in by any definite number of houses. The Com- support of a resolution urging that the forth- : mittee originally said " we want at least a coming Overcrowding Bill should be both " million houses." The Government now say drastic and comprehensive. The Committee t " we shall make overcrowding illegal, see how itself is the result of an impulse among a group " many houses are required by our definition of persons, eminent in many walks of life, to pool 44 of overcrowding according to a careful survey, their knowledge and their ideas upon the pro- and then procure the building by local authorities, or by public utility societies vision of low-rented accommodation. Earlier in k " of all the houses required." Spokesmen of the year they presented two reports, the central I. the Committee yesterday seemed to accept this feature of which was the advocacy of a con- method, provided that it were followed sidered plan for the building of one million S swiftly and resolutely. If that is the spirit. e houses for the lower paid wage-earners. The of the central administration, and if it can y report suggested that the best agency to carry 4 be imparted to local authorities, there is no out this policy would be a statutory Housing reason why the Government's method should 0 prove the longer. But, if it is to be swift and Commission, with powers similar to those successful, it will have to be translated into possessed by the Central Electricity Board. But, t certain very definite provisions in the forth- now that the Government have promised to coming Bill, or in the administrative measures achieve much the same results through the taken under it. In the first place the definition agency of local authorities, the Committee has of overcrowding must be satisfactory. The wisely suspended insistence upon every detail of present standard of accommodation on the its own scheme, and with proper public spirit housing estates of the L.C.C. is one and a quarter persons to a room. This is generous, has devoted itself. to the task of mobilizing but not tpo generous when such factors as the authoritative opinion behind the Government. increase in the number of families and the necessity of segregating the sexes are taken into account. The next requirement is that the survey based upon the definition should be thorough. It took a very long time before a satisfactory survey for the purposes of slum clearance could be obtained, and without it the present slum clearance campaign could never have been launched. Still, the decks have now been cleared for an overcrowding survey, and local authorities will be able to proceed with it without other distractions. The next point to be looked for in the Bill is that the promised subsidy should really be devoted to cheapening rents. The most obvious method of guarantee- ing this is to provide that the subsidy shall vary according to the cost of rehousing, and be an undertaking from financial interests to calculated to bring the effective rent down to ten shillings a week. The effect of such a supply the money as and when required at a steadily low rate of interest. The same con- provision can be extended by allowing the local authorities to pool the subsidies which they sideration applies to the provision of materials. receive under the various housing Acts, and thus When the size of the problem is known an effort to prevent inequalities as between their tenants. should be made to secure an undertaking from Low rents are essential to the success of the the purveyors of materials to supply them at the Bill; for it has been proved that, if rent absorbs special prices rendered possible by steady orders, too much of the family income, then public on the lines followed by the late MR. WHEATLEY health suffers, no matter how good the standard in 1924. These arrangements would probably of housing. Again, as SIR AUSTEN CHAMBER- involve the closer association of representative LAIN pointed out last night, there are grave business men with the Ministry of Health, and objections to local authorities becoming almost their collaboration would certainly simplify and universal landlords, and strong reasons for accelérate negotiations. Similar cooperation vesting ownership and management wherever with the Trade Unions will be required to steady possible in public utility societies. the cost of libqur: and, as for the cost of land, These must be the bones of the Bill but there it is apparently intended to make use of the remains the flesh to be put upon them. For Acquisition of Land Act, though this is a point example, if the subsidy is to vary according to to which further attention should be given. cost, then costs must be kept low. Costs are Lastly it should be insisted that housing schemes composed of interest on money and of the price are carried out according to definite time schedules, Such is the scheme which seems to of land, labour, and materials. Thanks to the financial policy of the Government the cost of be envisaged by the National Housing Com- public borrowing has been brought very low mittee and those who endorsed the resolution indeed. It is not likely to be increased by the moved by Str. ROBERT HORNE yesterday. It new borrowing by local authorities which the involves first drawing up a definite plan, and Bill will involve. When once the survey and then organizing every industry and interest con- the resulting plans are ready, it will be cerned in order to carry that plan into effect known how many houses are likely to cheaply and swiftly. The fact that local authori- be built in how long a period of time. ties are to be the agents of national policy does Some effort might then well be made to secure not render unnecessary the construction of a national plan or the conception of the housing problem as a national responsibility. Last night's proceedings are one more proof of what the nation expects from the Government and of the support which will be accorded to what it expects. EP PSF THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON December 20, 1934. MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT F. F. said you wanted this memorandum: If you analyze it all down, the philosophy of the New Deal simply comes down to this - "In our scheme of Government there must be room for the man who wants to earn an honest living." M. A. L. 19. his [c.1926?] THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON friday Dar M. President / Parhafs you can fied time for a word with Henry Wallace, al wadag ; Cabeis Et, about his Harvard speech - Your Kind you addreas. 2. And when you get to your dietation please recee are be a live of affre cia from of 3. they do Lofe sad Brown of a. H. shrinus is subsiding yr Eac my July Transferter the PSF 22 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON wednesday Dear Mr. President: [c 1935?} Brewster loday gave a new acriou: in Effect, be testified Hat he war ready to. devtroy his own refu tation (and incideetally, the of octer) for dear old 'moddy ! But he ala advisited talking to the power people in Main! chall bean tifeels. toway Couse outs A. PSF 7.lif THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Drac Rame- Here with a draft d, statement in Care He fress carry toworrow Leoree uig a false item about WhileHoure - in tea been tion 4 or in - ter fereure ah Holding Com foug Beil Conference. It 17 suiply paud to sereice fight at Hereed see you to full of Iga The recoards long, Lot will service. be He a your u the reueloed Country Heel we Love realiz otion by He a liberal Coder - genial but mililand- the Creen pluig of 70mg and Left Entreene flands, the mobiling alion of the freat body Ameri of Caus for th right twict who Love are uis for a Ceader who was a X beader ation and fair hope for Liu colus "Cour acon And yoou lod, I have been surprised at press reports that the Administration was seeking to influence the action of the Conference Committee on the Holding Company Bill by having Administration representatives present at the Conference meet- ings. In fact the technical advisers who attended the Senate Conferees were the of course present at the request of Senate Conferees. To be sure the A Administration has always been ready to afford to the Congress the assist- ance of trained and experienced Government servants. If such technical assistance is not available to the Congress from within the public service, there is danger that the only technical assistance available may be obtained from less disinterested sources. In this case the Senate Conferees, as I understand it, requested Executive Departments to furnish the services of men expertly versed in the intricacies of utility regulation to advise and assist them at the Conference. The advisers chosen, as I understand it, were the General Solicitor of the Federal Power Commission and the General Counsel of the National Power Policy Committee, both of whom had been the only technical advisers of the Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce through- out the Senate deliberation on its Bill. The services of such advisers were sought by the Senate Conferees, I presume, because they thought that the presence of such advisers would help in their labors. It is entirely for the Senate Committee, of course, to determine what aides they should draw to their assistance in deliberating upon such an important Bill. But it does seem pertinent to add that the procedure followed by the Senate Committee has behind it the sanction of a long Congressional tradition in working out solutions for difficult problems. We are constantly admonished to pursue efficiency in Government. Surely the Government ought to match the highly paid skill of special interests with the skill of its own disinterested experts. The Mayflower Washington, D.C. District 3000 Mrs Ferdinand Freera Hold Champlain Bluff Point ny 120(s) CUSE PSF Frankfurter Dra. Mrs. Pscaree: For months , one of my greatest burdens has been to find a chief counsel for the investigation of the affairs of the American Telephone and Telegraph Com- pany which has been ordered by the Senate. The Telephone inquiry raises grave problems of national concern and the chief counsel must possess an unusual combination of rare qualities. Naturally, your husband was my immediate choice in view of his tried experience and superb talents. But I put the thought of him out of my mind because the great public service he had already rendered in the Banking In- vestigation entitled him to immunity from being drafted so soon again. Not until I had exhausted every other possi- bility of finding that unusual combination of rare quali- ties in another did I feel warranted in asking Ferd, and therefore you, to make the sacrifice involved in his undertsking this most important task. But I have exhausted all other possibilities and the public interest leaves me no alternative. So I have appealed to Ferd and I know he will not fail me. It is not easy to ask all that I am asking of Ferd and of you. But be assured that it is really an imperative call that I have made on Ferd -- to take off my shoulders 8. burden that he alone is able to carry for me. I know the high sense of public devotion that moves both of you and it is to that that I confidently appeal. Faithfully yours, Ecoree PSF Fully File Fuli Pe hankfurter 1935 To make Let wife feel Laffer about his accep touce, feed wauly to visit her for a face - to face, lei- surcly talk. That requires Hase Le be he lived of his presench Court arrig as wents, for Hrs. P. is on Lake change Coice feed tags Lis release, drough Justice, to Lold Lis Afecial dedenjuation of Lowe schei Term assign wents, can Savial bearracyed i will be food Eeough to phouse to Hyun, Whome mackers through Martin, P.V. III pig hite I. Inankfurter .MORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT PSF FROM----F. F. Yis [1935] (1) Had a talk with Stanley Reid, particularly about the Belcher case. Made clear to him what seemed to me the decisive reasons for dismissing this appeal in view of the proposed changes in NRA legislation. He indicated that the NRA people are anxious for a ruling from the Supreme Court even if adverse in order to guide the new legislation. I told him I thought that was a suicidal policy from any point of view. He, himself, believes the case should be dismissed but wondered whether the views of the NRA people, if they had come to him, were not a reflection of yours. I assurred him that if he were convinced, as he is, of the wisdom of dismissing the appeal he would have your support. (2) I had a visit from Sam Rayburn. He is keen for the message early next week. He wants the message restricted' to Holding Company Legislation Title (1) of his Bill. He agrees highly with you that Holding Company "must Legislation" be--Titles 2 and 3--regulatory rate making features---are not at all "must Legislation." He has pro- cedure for separating the Holding Company features of the Bill from the others. p.2. Law School of Marbarb University, Tuesy PSF Cambridge, Mass. Dear Frankyruter has Le Hand (s)E2) Measebe good Europh Shared that lever to the Revided Therap Cordiact Sur They Runguald tw Law School of Marbard University, Cambridge, Mass. January 17, 1935. Dear Mr. President: 1. If you have already selected a Minister for the Irish Free State don't bother to read what follows, but even then the enclosed memorandum may interest you. It is part of a letter which Francis Hackett wrote me in August 1932. You certainly know of, and you probably know personally, Francis Hackett. He was the son of Parnell's physician, who in his latè teens ran away from Ireland to this country where, after many vicissitudes, he became, in the judgment of Mr. Justice Holmes, the most original and brilliant of our literary critics. More recently he wrote "Henry the Eighth", and there has just come from the press his fascinating "Francis the First." Some ten years ago he returned to Ireland where he now lives above the battle in County Wicklow. You will form your own judg- ment of Hackett's analysis of the Irish situation, but for me it was most illuminating, and when I showed it to Professor Whitehead, that benign Eng- lishman who is the wisest of all men now at Harvard College, he ventured to say that the historian two or three hundred years from now would endorse Hackett's as the right analysis of the situation. All this by way of preliminary to the following observations which I have just had in & letter from Hackett; "We are going to pass through a period in which N.E. Ulster, Free State and the Commonwealth, so called, have to rearrange every- thing, and a shrewd and honest man from Washington can be of consid- able help. We don't want a career man or an entertainer -- we want a real fellow. He must know England and Ireland, and Irish politics in America. He ought to be flexible, loyal and unprejudiced. This is the time to get a man who can put in his oar on the right side of the canoe to the great advantage of the diverse conflicting elements in the whole situation." Law School of Marbard University, Cambridge, Mass. 2. I think I have two wholly excellent names to put to you for Bingham, but it is no use for you to propose men and have them de- cline. In any event it is very difficult to get a man with the com- bination of necessary qualities, and still more difficult to persuade such a man to transplant himslef for a number of years to an English University. Therefore, before sending you the names I am making the most discrete soundings to ascertain whether the men I have in mind would consider going to Oxford. I ought to have answers before many days. Always yours, If: see, what a Lot Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt of things totale about- - I with we might I do Lofe you are acc doe your cold. We agree, I suppose, on Irish self-govt. The big question is, a dominion or a separate unit. The great trouble with making Ireland a dominion is the difference in ideologies. The Empire, the Army, the Navy, the King, the Queen, the Prince of Wales, Oxford, Cambridge, cricket, the Alhambra, the Nat'l Portmait Gallery, the Oxford Dict., the Woolsack, Tattoo -- mean nothing much. English horse- racing, yes. Bass, Rugby, lawn tennis, gardening, Daily Mail, popular novels, Times Library, sweet shops, sausages, - these are domesticated in Ireland. The Yard, the pound, the jury, the motor, the barrister, the British Medical Ass'n, the tradepnion, architecture, golf, fashions in clothes, cigarettes, bad coffee, badinage, -- these are all in common. But outside N. E. Ulster -- the Protestant Zone -- the popular idiology is Irish, not British. For a hundred years the British politician has battered himself against this dif- ference in thought-habit. It is no use. So long 8.8 dominionism is based on sentimental preference, the common Irish are not susceptible of it. No go. It never took. Armistice Day doesn't work. Cenotaph is a dud. The Irish popular ideology has been entirely formed by the Catholic Church, bucolic sports, nationalist history and propaganda, American radicalism, tribalism, the squire system and serfdom. The Catholic intellectuals have been formed by Irish Jesuits or seminarians, Dominicans or Franciscans. Trinity College has leavened the law, the doctors, the Irish Church, but the national impli- cations are slight. In a word, the basic obstacle to a dominion is the feeble- ness of sentimental preference. The basic obstacle to a separate unit has been, and is, British policy. The English established in Ireland a landlord, a Union, a Shurch and a police. These the Irish had to pay for. They then disestablished the Church, the landlord, the Union and the police; and this second operation the Irish have also had to pay for. (It seems a bit thick.) But besides maintaining these indemnities, England has maintained a frontier in Ireland in N. E. talmob - 2 - Ulster. In a word, it says to Ireland that if Ireland will not become a dom- inion on sentimental terms, it cannot become a separate nation on economic terms either. And, out of 1,000,000 voters in Southern Ireland, 400,000 would agree with England. The result of this deadlock, which is a clash of systems, is to in- tensify the illiberality of Irish nationalism. All the things that are good in the English liberal tradition -- national education, a free trade, religious liberty, jury trial, open debates in parliament, free press, voluntary army, etc. etc. -- are one by one being disowned or cancelled out in Ireland. The Catholic party in Ireland, like the Catholic party in Belgium, naturally tends to be nar- row, pugnacious, illiterate and hierarchical. Irish nationalism is far from identical with this Catholic tendency, but the two are intertwined, and each is utterly illiberal. So you have the British politicians wanting Ireland to be weak and yet sentimentally attached to England, while you have the Irish national politicians wanting Ireland to be strong yet sentimentally detached from the best in English civilization. My policy for England would be this: make Ireland strong. Favor Irish nationalism. Back up Gaelic. Let them be Catholic. Give them a total remission of all the costs of an imperial programme that failed. Instead of saying, "DeValera is impossible", I'd say, "DeValera is possible." I'd say it simply because I think that the virus of nationalism cannot be stamped out, and ought not to be stamped out, in Ireland. The Irish want to be separate. Let them be separate. Divorce with goodwill. And, at the same time, see that the minorities are internationally guaranteed and protected. By giving Ireland sovereignty and removing every real obstacle to development, the basis for part- nership would emerge and the chance for liberalism in Ireland would emerge too. I am not certain that the Irish can be liberal. Their evolution from Catholicism, and in Catholicism, was interfered with. They are inconsiderate, tal à - 3 - suspicious and superstitious, They have along way to go. They have Hitlers, Mussolinis, etc. etc., in every political camp in Ireland. But the process of liberalism cannot begin until hypocritical dominionism is abandoned. Consoc- iation? The outcomé will be some sort of close partnership. It must be. But it won't be any good unless it is 8. free partnership. If I were Britain, I'd remove every obstacle to a convinced voluntary partnership. 3 PSF Law Sepool of Marbard University, Frankfurler Cambridge, Mass. February 5, 1935 Dear Mr. President: 1. If there is still time for a suggestion regarding the Harmsworth Professorship then I should like to make a proposal which, though novel, may have some sense to it. I propose Lewis Einstein, who, though not an academician is a real historian. He has, I believe, written more impor- tant books on American history than have all but a handful of the most dis- tinguished of American historians. Though a professional diplomat he has been all his life a gentleman scholar. His "Tudor Ideals", "Roosevelt, his Mind in Action" and "Divided Loyalties" - to mention only some of his writ- ings -- bear witness to his qualities. And I have heard Mr. Justice Holmes, during the last twenty-five years, frequently refer with the highest regard to Einstein's scholarship. And it is not uncommon in England to take a scholarly man from the world of affairs for academic posts. Recently Arthur Salter was made a professor of government at Oxford. I have no doubt that Einstein could amply fulfil the academic duties of his post. And on the representative side he would admirably fill the bill. He is at home in the social and political life of England - he has a house in London but unlike not a few of our countrymen he is totally devoid of snobbery, or that sense of inferiority which makes some people whom you and I know feel they are breathing better air when they are in May- fair. In other words Einstein is civilized and tactful, and appreciative and understanding of the English, but he still remains a robust American. And I think he would be intelligent and sympathetic in his interpretation to of democratic forces of our country and of the social purposes that lie Law School of Marbard University, Cambridge, Mass. 2. behind them. Einstein really has an uncommon combination of qualifications. He is a scholar, well versed in the affairs of the world, can write and speak admirably, has a liberal outlook, and has money. In the words of Heine, "Mein Liebchen was willst Du noch mehr." 2. What do you say to the following from an opinion of the Supreme Court, written more than one hundred years ago, to be exact, on March 2, 18217 "The science of government is the most abstruse of all the sciences; if, indeed, that can be called a science, which has but few fixed principles, and practically consists in little more than the exercise of a sound discretion, applied to the exigencies of the state as they arise. It is the science of experiment." (Italics urine) The writer of that opinion was William Johnson of South Carolina, who was a very considerable fellow. 3. You might like to run your eye over the full text of the recent speech of Lloyd George's opening his campaign for an English New Deal. I have marked the passages which struck me as specially interesting. 4. The enclosed report on the United Fruit Company shows that our friend Zemurray satisfies the ultimate test of a good businessman -- he knows how to make money for his company. I suspect that Zemurray's hard-headed good sense about social economic problems is not wholly unrelated to his suc- cessful conduct of business. With warm regards, Faithfully yours, is Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt Fully Pile PSF 7. Frankfurter February 18, 1935. Dear Felix:- That will be grand to have you and Marion. The Todhunter girls are coming down on the eighth to spend the weekend so I am wondering if you and Marion can arrange to come down and spend the night of the seventh. I doubt if I shall see you in Cambridge, as I get there at 7 P.M. and leave at midnight - then to Hyde Park for, I hope, three full days with no telephone and no Senators! As ever yours, Professor Felix Frankfurter, Law School of Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Law School of Marbarb University, Cambridge, Mass. February 12, 1935 Dear Mr. President: Your letter of the 9th stirs deep thanks in me, but also a sense of guilt that even unwittingly I should have made de- mands on your time and strength at 11 P.M. Of course I know your extraordinary resiliency, and doubtless you will have forgotten that you had a wearing day last Saturday by the time this reaches you I know how wise you are in directing your energies and how resource- ful in getting refreshment. Nevertheless it is an almost superhuman load that the times have put upon you, and I do wish much that, before very long, you went off for a few days, freed from the newshawks and all the thousand and one little and big boys who come running to Papa to straighten out their snarls. Yes, I know all the major bills that are and are to be in the Congressional melt. But I wonder if it will do any real harm to let the boys on the Hill stew around a little bit in their own juice. Apart from the opportunities that hard times give to demagogues and blatherskites to stir up muddied waters, I suspect that one of the ele- ments in the present Congressional situation is the large number of raw recruits. And these days, more than ever, it takes time to shake down raw Congressional recruits to sense and to a sense of responsibi- lity. You admonished me when last I saw you that when next I came without Marion it would be the last time I came. She and I are Law School of Marbarb University, Cambridge, Mass. 2. planning to come to Washington to see Justice Holmes on the eigth, and I wonder if it is a convenient time for you to have us. I venture to ask thus frankly because I know I can count on you not to put the slight- est extra burden on yourself. nor to incommode anybody else if the time is not convenient. Incidentally Marion greatly enjoyed your story from the Hill "to reserve education for & select committee of one thousand and teach everybody else to speak but not to read, write or think." Speak- ing of education, I wonder if you saw the recent editorial "Yellow and Red" from the Commonweal. I thought it a penetrating commentary on our contemporary machinery for mass "thinking". With warm regards, Faithfully yours, IA Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt H.T. I Love just read Sour tribute to Liccole accord are ture to be live Has Cen - Colu would Love liked its pithared beauty I don't three Fever toed you how deeply would , tacks agou, was to have specch a with ces He room in which Uicole regard the Eucan ciacleon hoclomation. The Commonweal A Weekly Review of Literature, The Arts and Public Affairs EDITORIAL BOARD STATE EDITORIAL COUNCIL MICHAEL WILLIAMS, Editor CARLTON J. H. HAYES GEORGE N. SHUSTER, Managing Editor MARY KOLARS, Assistant Editor AD. T. LAWRASON RIGGS SOCIORUM RICHARD DANA SKINNER FREDERIC THOMPSON, Assistant Editor JOHN F. McCoumick, Business Manager ADMINISTRATOR JAMES J. WALSH Published weekly and copyrighted, 1935, in the United States, by the Calvert Publishing Corporation, 386 Fourth Avenue, New York, N. Y. Entered as second-clase matter, February 9, 1934, at the post office at New York, N. Y., under the Act of March 3, 1879. United States: $5.00; Foreign: $6.00; Canada: $5.50. Single copies: $.10. VOLUME XXI Friday, January 25, 1935 NUMBER 13 CONTENTS Yellow and Red 355 The Centenary of Cajetan Week by Week 357 Joseph Clifford Fenton 369 Economic Internationalism John A. Ryan 359 Blessed Are They That Mourn (verse) The Little Corner Dixon Wecter 361 Sister Mary Pierre Boucher 37° Seven Days' Survey 371 A Word about Babbitt Russell Wilbur 364 The Play Grenville Vernon 375 Education Looks Forward Communications 376 James E. Cummings 367 Books Paul Crowley 378 Previous issues of THE COMMONWEAL are indexed in the Readers' Guide and the Catholic Periodical Index YELLOW AND RED W ILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST, who the PRESTIGE of SUCCESS, as America's once upon a bloody time-1898-saved his most powerful JOURNALIST. And he has country from being crushed by the might and MANY MILLIONS of DOLLARS. majesty of IMPERIALISTIC Spain by IN- SPIRING the nation to hurl itself against the Journalism, as employed by Mr. Hearst, and foe before the latter could bring its ARMADA as DEFINED by him-and by Mr. Arthur Bris- into action on our defenseless coasts, has begun bane, his chief licutenant-is the prime modern a NEW CRUSADE to save it once again, this means for making the people, the masses of the time from COMMUNISM. people, THINK. The Hearstian journalism can easily transform even the most trite of platitudes, It was through the POWER of THE PRESS even the most obvious banalities-even Brisban- that he precipitated the glorious and immortal alities-into powerful aids and GUIDES of Spanish-American War, and it is through the MASS-THINKING. It does all this through same POWER that he is now acting to preserve ceaseless reiteration of a few simple ideas. It is American DEMOCRACY. JAZZ journalism, perhaps-its enemies used to In 1898, he had only a few newspapers to serve call it YELLOW journalism-but JAZZ is in- his purpose-yet he succeeded. Now he OWNS dubitably American, and exciting, and up-to-date, scores of newspapers, and CONTROLS scores and popular. EMPHASIS must be given to all of other newspapers. He has a great News Ser- KEY WORDS, through capitalization like this. vice at his COMMAND. And a RADIO chain. Headlines must be gigantic, and they must scream, And a MOTION PICTURE syndicate. And all or bellow, or explode like the biggest rockets 44 356 The Commonweal January 25, 1935 and bombs of a gargantuan Fourth of July. And It is true that some of these Red, or at leasi these verbal rockets aglare, these word bombs Pink, professors trapped their trappers by causing of hot air, must always light up the Stars and stenographers to listen in and to record their Stripes. And the Stars and Stripes must always conversation, which included confessions that they be displayed as being in DANGER. In DANGER had been ordered by their editors-who in turn from Spain. In DANGER from Japan. And had been ordered by Mr. Hearst-to start a now in Danger from COMMUNISM. Crusade on Communism, which, of course, is like Great is Journalism. Mighty is this power a War; and in War, as we all have been taught which makes the masses Think. No doubt Mr. to THINK, it is honorable and patriotic to lie Hearst keenly remembers that Karl Marx, the and cheat and deceive the enemy by any and creator of Communism, was a journalist, as well all means whatsoever. But despite these little as the author of dry books like "Das Kapital," embarrassments, Mr. Hearst collected enough and that through his journalism Marx spread the evidence to satisfy him (he did not require much), message of his books. And Lenin and Trotzky, as to the imminent Menace threatening us all, who captured Russia in the name of Marx, were and promptly began that mighty Crusade which journalists-or, anyhow, knew how to use jour- is now going on full blast. nalism as their weapons. And Mussolini prepared Now, THE COMMONWEAL, which would desire his path to power by journalism, and now con- to be like Mr. Hearst's journalism in at least trols the entire Italian press. And Hitler opened one respect, namely, in its desire to arouse thought the door for his personal supremacy in Germany among its readers, has two things to remark con- when he got hold of his first newspaper. Now he, cerning Mr. Hearst's anti-Communism campaign. too, absolutely controls not only Germany's press, First of all, it firmly agrees with Mr. Hearst but all its other mighty agencies of publicity and that Communism is a great, a really frightful, evil, propaganda. and that to some extent it has obtained a footing But Mr. William Randolph Hearst, of course, in many of our educational institutions, and that not being a Communist, like Marx and Lenin all fair and reasonable and honorable means and Trotzky, nor a Fascist, like Mussolini, nor a should be exerted to prevent its influence from National Socialist like Hitler, but being a One spreading among our youth. Hundred Percent American Patriot, would not, Secondly, however, when Mr. Hearst attempts could not, dream of emulating such subversive or to smear all college professors, and writers, and destructive journalism as was used to transform organizations-including his own government, Russia and Italy and Germany into what they the present administration of the United States— are today. He may emulate the METHODS of with the contagious accusation of being infected such journalism-although really he was the in- with Red Communism, it is high time that a little ventor of most of them-but he does not emulate real thinking and not a flood of unreasoning emo- its purposes. For he seeks to keep his country tion should be aroused among sensible people. free and safe from Communism and Fascism and When Mr. Hearst vilifies men and women simply National Socialism-anyhow, he seeks to keep because they advocate methods which they be- it free and safe from Communism, for as yet his lieve and hope will secure measures of greatly prophetic patriotism sees no danger from any needed social justice for the American people- other source than Communism. Hence, with all measures which Mr. Hearst perhaps righly does the energy which nearly fifty years of mass pro- not always approve-then we consider that Mr. duction journalism seems not to have impaired Hearst justly deserves the indignation, the con- in the slightest, he has turned all the instru- tempt, and the effective opposition of all Amer- ments of publicity and propaganda which are icans who really are able to think straight. The at his sole command-his News Service, his Radio great decision which Americans are required to System, his Motion Picture syndicate, his chain make in this time of crisis is not merely a of Newspapers-to the task of making the Amer- choice between going "to the Left," or "to the ican masses THINK as he asserts that HE thinks, Right"-politically and economically-but rather namely, that Communism has invaded the United between going right, or going wrong, morally States. So successfully, that it has captured and and ethically. And in making use of the fact now controls a large and growing number of that a few college professors are Communists to American school and college teachers, who are brand all other people who dare to try to reform corrupting the THOUGHTS of American youth. our social system (which gave Mr. Hearst his Mr. Hearst KNOWS that this danger exists, millions and his power over the moronic elements because he sent his reporters, disguised as Radi- of the masses) with the red badge of Communism, cal college students, to a number of universities, Mr. Hearst is not only illogical as a thinker but seeking to entrap the Red professors by claiming is a traitor to the true standards of any kind that they themselves were Radical Reds, if not of journalism which a free nation can tolerate yet Complete Communists. and still preserve its liberty-and its honor. July July Jile Tile Frankfurter PSF THE WHITE HOUSE 3/6/35] WASHINGTON was the President. 9 don't deraw whith of stall see you again before he lean and vi of want 4 Thank you for the sheng, and say have much in has means to me to be hera, Where 9 feel S, much the nturasphere Z profesling warnith. Th. during these haming days. Fracepully yours. Thania July Pree PSF Frankfurter file THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Tursday [3/6/35] Dear hand - don't Know whether I'l have a chance lozay are revoir - and it' Earier to write does lospeace whole , warch tosay I wish the whole people might fee you ar thec you - your pa trive, your queroxity your weflagging 3eal for de Rind of a society for which so bation was avousedly Established love of the work sophis- ticated freeid of accie- who breater beforitouning atresspbere of "afferclar" rich beer Yorkers, - said love Louistine ago, when I tried to Ex place what becauses of person you are, you wake are feel as to he i> the moch neguare wour President were wer had Except (in Colee weee 2 leave with required cluse of He wirdow of your district and theat airpor- tauce of having you ach on your affiraca time Luncher Lau on the fears and twindities of Hose less like or lear Cafable of addiring Refaited the Hullis Cace people Continue and they will follow devoledy logive Sece Jour leadership- - Trankfuster 9 PSF file THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON /3/7/35 Friday Das her. President I in Lorry to wis He glow of sour fare - well word, but I ought both to add to the been dear of geer dag to I feed His note of affection and patitude. It is a day of Johrow,and of transcendung trinciph if the Groud old Maris life Love filance Hal we Know it Lar. And thank always associate Lov reacingtor me with Joce, at Ae wort poignauh and hours of life IL was work generous = to Love had harios and me here for dere two dags, and liave with re - Lewed and in tenner these of He Kindly humanity and triefle widow of the "hoble lad "who guider He dextury four belover Country Ilvoted Fruit July Pilo Pilo PSF 7. Frankfewter TELEGRAM The White House jie 102 wu or 25 Mashington Cambridge Mass March 12th-1935. The President, The White House. Dear Mr. President Your holding company message expresses your consistent courageous policy on that subject and is a vigorous manifestation of your liberal leadership, gratefully. Felix Frankfurter. 718 P PSF Grankfurter Faily Pills F March 22, 1935. Dear Professor Frankfurter:- The President has seen your letter of March nineteenth and is really going to do something about it. As you know, everything here is very unsettled because of Mr. Howe's illness. Very sincerely yours, M. A Le Hand PRIVATE SECRETARY Professor Felix Frankfurter, Law School of Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Law School of Marbard University, Cambridge, Mass. 19 March 1935 Dear Mr. President: There comes & time when one's concern about & friend reaches a depth of feeling to which expression can no longer be denied. A fortiori, as the lawyers say, is that the case when it touches one upon whom the whole country is most dependent for its well-being. And 80 you will forgive me if I say that ever since I have seen the condi- tions under which you are working in the White House I have felt truly outraged at some of the load that you are needlessly carrying. In a word, there isn't a lawyer in New York, with & sizable practice, who has not more dependable facilities and more systematic help in the preparation of the materials for his own action than has the President of the United materials States. in finding his way through the mage of matters on the basis of which he is called upon to act. You have, of course, your personal sec- retariat. What I am talking about is provision for at least a fraction of the facilities available at 10 Downing Street. Really, I have been shocked at the way in which fat reports are submitted to you without any précis, without any intellectual traffic directions. Equally intolerable is it that you should not have at your disposal the kind of preliminary sifting of legislative proposals and bills that you had when you were Governor of New York. I know your generosity, your readiness to carry the burdens of all sorts of people; I also know your incredible resources of strength and spirit. The country needs them all as never before but you ought not to be made to do the work of understudies. Of course the kind of a person that you need calls for an unusual combination of qualities. He must be strictly anonymous, outside the current of publicity and politics, be very discreet, capable quickly and reliably Late School of Marbarb University, Cambridge, Mass. -2- of going to the heart of & complicated governmental problem, sure to have mastered all the relevant considerations, and possessed of the power of effective and accurate speech both orally and on paper. He should have wide knowledge of the various governmental agencies, be & shrewd judge of personalities, care passionately about your purposes but be very calm and self-possessed in the pursuit of the means for realizing them. Since BO much of our legislation implicates legal and constitutional problems, I think it is indispensable that he should not merely be a lawyer, but & very good lawyer up to all the tricks of the best law offices in New York, as well as familiar with the mysteries of the judicial process. You will say that I am giving the specifications for a paragon. Well, I am, but there is one such, strangely enough, ready to hand. I mean Tom Corcoran. You have seen him enough ad know enough about him to know that I am not exaggerating his qualities. I should like to remind you that I have known him intimately and in all sorts of trying, testing situations for more than ten years. Against the judgment of all the wise ones, I sent him as secretary to Holmes, and Brandeis is my authority for saying that of all his secretaries Tom was dearest to Holmes. His career in recent years, you know. Very, very rarely do you get in one man such and perruarial technical equipment, resourcefulness, powerful A style, unstinted devotion, wide contacts and rich experience in legal, financial and governmental af- fairs. Please do try the experiment and see how it works to have Tom sift the materials as they come in to you, do a great deal of reading for you, 80 as to leave you free for those major and directing judgments which