Message to President Franklin D. Roosevelt from Winston Churchill
Message from Winston Churchill to Franklin D. Roosevelt, enclosing a message from Owen O'Malley to Anthony Eden dated May 24, 1943, regarding the Katyn Massacre.
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OCR Page 1 of 115
victory, it is most unlikely, if the Polish officers had been murdered by Germans
and not Russians, that the Germans would have bothered to cover up their victims'
graves with young trees. In the second place, one of these young trees under
examination by a competent botanist would reveal beyond any possibility of doubt
whether it had last been transplanted in May 1940 or some time subsequent to
July 1941. Perhaps this test of Russian veracity will presently be made.
17. The political background against which the events described in
paragraph
15 are viewed by Poles is by contrast a matter of undisputed history,
including as it does all the long story of partitions, rebellions and repressions,
the Russo-Polish war of 1919-20, the mutual suspicions which this left behind
it, the unannounced invasion of Poland by Russia in September 1939, the
subsequent occupation of half Poland by Russia and the carrying into captivity
of some million and a half of its inhabitants. More recently comes the virtual
annexation of the occupied eastern parts of Poland, the refusal of the Russian
Government to recognise as Polish citizens the inhabitants of the occupied
districts, the suppression of relief organisations for Poles in Russia and the
persecution of Poles refusing to change their own for Russian nationality. When
Poles learned that, in addition to all these misfortunes, round about 10,000 men
of the best breeding stock in Poland had (according to Russian accounts) been
either dispersed and "lost' somewhere in the Soviet Union or else abandoned
to the advancing German armies, or had (according to German accounts) been
found to have been murdered by the Russians, many of them naturally concluded
(though I do not here give it as my own conclusion) that the Soviet Government's
intention had been to destroy the very foundations upon which their own Poland
could be rebuilt. This sinister political intention imputed by Poles to Russia
poisoned the wound and enhanced the sufferings of a nation already outraged
and dismayed by the conduct of the Soviet Government. Some Poles,
remembering Lenin's attitude to the holocausts of 1917 and subsequent years,
and probing the dark recesses of Stalin's mind when he took (if take he did) the
dreadful decision, compare disciple with master. Lenin would have broken apart
the heads of ten thousand Polish officers with the insouciance of a monkey
cracking walnuts. Did corpses pitching into a common grave with the precision
of machines coming off a production-belt similarly satisfy a nature habituated
to manipulate blood and lives with uncompassionate detachment Some at
any
rate so interpret Stalin's mind. These men are no use to us,' they imagine
him as saying; in fact they are a nuisance and a danger. Here is an élite
of talent, here is valour and a hostile purpose. These stallions must not live to
sire a whole herd of hostile Christian thoroughbreds. Many of the brood-mares
have already been sold to Siberian peasants and the camel-pullers of Kazakstan.
Their foals and yearlings can be broken to Communist harness. Rid me of this
stud farm altogether and send all this turbulent bloodstock to the knackers.'
18. The men who were taken to Katyn are dead, and their death is a very
serious loss to Poland. Nevertheless, unless the Russians are cleared of the
presumption of guilt, the moral repercussions in Poland, in the other occupied
countries and in England of the massacre of Polish officers may well have more
enduring results than the massacre itself; and this aspect of things, therefore,
deserves attention As I have as vet seen no reliable reports on public feeling
in Poland and German-occupied Europe, my comments will relate only to our
own reaction to the uncovering of the graves.
19. This despatch is not primarily concerned with the reaction of the
British public, press or Parliament, who are not in such a good position as
His Majesty's Government to form an opinion as to what actually happened.
We ourselves, on the other hand, who have access to all the available information,
though we can draw no final conclusions on vital matters of fact, have a
considerable body of circumstantial evidence at our disposal, and I think most
of us are more than half convinced that a large number of Polish officers were
indeed murdered by the Russian authorities, and that it is indeed their bodies
(as well, maybe, as other bodies) which have now been unearthed. This being so,
I am impelled to examine the effect on myself of the facts and allegations, and to
adjust my mind to the shocking probabilities of the case. Since the Polish
Government is in London and since the affair has been handled direttly by
yourself and the Prime Minister with General Sikorski and Count Raczyhski,
it may seem redundant for me to comment on it, as I should naturally do were
the Polish Government and I both abroad; but, though all important conversa-
tions have been between Ministers and the leaders of the Polish Government, my
contacts have doubtless been more numerous than yours during the last few weeks
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