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Exchange of Toasts between the President and Kenneth D. Kaunda, President of the Republic of Zambia
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7338816
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Exchange of Toasts between the President and Kenneth D. Kaunda, President of the Republic of Zambia
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White House Press Releases (Ford Administration)
Press Releases
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Dinners and dining
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1975-04-19
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1975
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Digitized from Box 10 of the White House Press Releases at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
APRIL 19, 1975
OFFICE OF THE WHITE HOUSE PRESS SECRETARY
THE WHITE HOUSE
EXCHANGE OF TOASTS
BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT
AND
KENNETH D. KAUNDA
PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF ZAMBIA
STATE DINING ROOM
10:10 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. President, Mrs. Kaunda,
Kaweche Kaunda, distinguished guests:
Let me say that Mrs. Ford and I are extremely
delighted to have you, Mr. President, your family and
your distinguished guests with us here this evening. It
has been a great pleasure to talk to your lovely wife
and to know of your delightful family, and on behalf of
Mrs. Ford and myself, we extend and wish to you our very,
very best.
Your visit to Washington is a mark of friend-
ship that has existed between our two nations since Zambia
gained her independence in 1964.
America knows and respects you, Mr. President,
but also I should say that in the modern history of Zambia
and the history of Kenneth Kaunda, they are inseparable.
Your moral and intellectual leadership guided your
country to independence, and for that we praise you.
Your leadership has made your young nation an
example of respect and admiration throughout the world.
The American people join me in saluting you for your
accomplishments, your dedication and your wisdom in a
controversial and difficult world.
We ask that you convey to your people in Zambia
our admiration for them and for you and our greetings.
Mr. President, we have been following develop-
ments in Southern Africa with great, great interest. For
many years the United States has supported self-determination
for the peoples of that area, and we continue to do so
today.
MORE
Page 2
We view the coming independence of Mozambique,
Angola and the island territories with great satisfaction,
just as he viewed the independence of Guinea and Guinea-Bassau
just last year.
May I say, Mr. President, America stands
ready to help the emerging countries, the emerging nations
and to provide what assistance we can and we know, Mr.
President, that these new States will continue to look
to you for wise, wise counsel as they build to nationhood
in the future.
Much still remains to be done in Southern
Africa. In this connection, Mr. President, we welcome
your commitment to change through peaceful negotiations
and understanding between the parties concerned, rather
than through recourse to violence.
We deeply believe that patient diplomacy will
bear fruit, and we promise our continued efforts and our
support as you seek, with others, to resolve these problems
at the conference table.
Mr. President, in my April 10 speech to the
Congress and to the American people, I noted that America
is developing a closer relationship with nations of
Africa, and I said that Africans must know that America is
a true and concerned friend, reliable both in word as well
as in deed.
Your visit, Mr. President, coming so soon after
that occasion, is most timely for all of us. I hope that
you will take back to your countrymen and to all Africans
our renewed pledge of friendship.
Our wide-ranging discussions, Mr. President,
this afternoon after my return from some of our historic
celebrations of our 200th, or Bicentennial, anniversary
covered matters of common interest and concern, and it
confirmed the relationship between your country and my
country.
There is, however, one area, Mr. President, of
mutual interest which we tacitly did not discuss. I
have since found, tonight, from your lovely wife, that we
have a close and intimate interest in a special area. I
understand that you do enjoy playing golf. (Laughter)
I feel sure, Mr. President, that our common
problems, nationally, internationally, bilaterally, on
some occasions, in the future can best be resolved by a
little competition on the links. (Laughter) I intend
to make an honest effort to see if our friendship cannot
be broadened by such an experience.
MORE
Page 3
So, I say to you, Mr. President, to your lovely
wife, and your son, and your colleagues here this
evening, let me propose a toast to you, to the Republic
of Zambia and to the continuing relations between our
two countries.
To you, Mr. President, and to your Republic and
to your wonderful people.
PRESIDENT KAUNDA: Mr. President, Mrs. Ford,
brothers and sisters:
I first want to express my deep appreciation
and gratitude for inviting me to visit Washington, D.C.
I also thank you, the Government, and the people of the
United States, for their warm welcome and the kind
hospitality given to my wife and the entire Zambian
delegation.
Mr. President, we are happy to be in Washington,
D.C. It is a very brief visit, but since we come for
specific objectives, it is not the duration that matters,
but results.
So far, we have done a lot. We find we have a
lot in common on vital issues affecting mankind. Our
discussions have been characterized by a spirit of frank-
ness and cordiality.
This spirit, coupled by the definition of areas
of urgent action, should move the U.S. and Africa closer
toward the attainment of our common objectives.
We come, Mr. President, to America with a clear
purpose. We simply want to be understood. We seek
American understanding of Africa's objectives and America's
fullest support in the attainment of these objectives.
The relations between Zambia and the United
States cause me no concern because they are cordial,
although there is room for improvement through more sound
cooperation.
What gives Zambia and Africa great cause for
concern is, Mr. President, America's policy toward Africa --
or it is the lack of it, which, of course, can mean the
same thing.
I have not worked at the UN, but I have been
told that at the UN sometimes there are tricks in which
an abstention in a vote can be a vote for or against.
MORE
Page 4
A nopolicy position may not be a neutral
position indicative of a passive posture, but a deliberate
act of policy to support the status quo or to influence
events in one direction or the other at a particular time.
We have, in recent years, been most anxious,
Mr. President, about the nature and degree of the United
States' participation in building conditions for genuine
peace, based on human equality, human dignity, freedom
and justice for all, for all, particularly in Southern
Africa.
You will forgive us, Mr. President, for our
candor if we reaffirmed on this occasion our dismay at
the fact that America has not fulfilled our expectations.
Our dismay arises from a number of factors. We are agreed
that peace is central, that peace is central to all human
endeavors.
Our struggle for independence was designed to
build peace and, thank God, our people have enjoyed internal
peace.
We are agreed, Mr. President, that we must help
strengthen peace wherever it is threatened. There has
been no peace in Southern Africa for a very long time,
a very long time, indeed, even if there was no war as
such.
The absence of war does not necessarily mean
peace. Peace, as you know, Mr. President, dear brothers
and sisters, is something much deeper, much deeper than
that.
The threat of escalation of violence is now
real. It is our duty to avoid such an escalation. We
want to build peace in the place of violence, racial
harmony in place of disharmony, prosperity in place of
economic stagnation, security in place of insecurity,
now digging every family every day.
Mr. President, to build genuine peace in
Southern Africa, we must recognize with honesty the
root causes of the existing conflict.
First, colonialism in Rhodesia and Namibia
The existence of a rebel regime in Rhodesia has since
compounded that problem. Second, apartheid and racial
domination in South Africa. Over the last few years,
a number of catalytic factors have given strength to these
forces of evil.
MORE
Page 5
External economic and strategic interests have
flourished colonial and apartheid regimes. Realism and
moral conscience dictate that those who believe in peace
must join hands in promoting conditions for peace. We
cannot declare our commitment to peace and yet strengthen
forces which stand in the way of the attainment of that
peace.
The era of colonialism has ended. Apartheid
cannot endure the test of time. Our obligation is that
these evil systems end peacefully, peacefully. To
achieve our aim, we need America's total commitment,
total commitment to action consistent with that aim.
So far, American policy, let alone action has
been low keyed. This has given psychological comfort
to the forces of evil.
We become, Mr. President, even more dis-
mayed when the current posture of America toward Africa
is set against the background of historical performance
in the late fifties and early sixties.
We cannot but recall that America did not wait
for and march in step with colonial powers, but rather
boldly, boldly marched ahead with the colonial peoples
in their struggles to fulfill their aspirations: an
America undaunted by the strong forces of reaction
against the wind of change, whose nationals helped
teach the colonial settlers about the evils of racial
discrimination: an America whose Assistant Secretary for
African Affairs, "Soapy" Williams, could be slapped in
the face by a white reactionary on our soil and yet,
undaunted, still smile, still stand by American principles
of freedom, justice and national independence based
on majority rule.
Yes, the reactionaries hated Americans for
spoiling the natives, as they would say, for helping dis-
mantle colonialism.
We ask and wonder what has happened to America.
Have the principles changed? The aspirations of the
oppressed have not changed at all. In desperation, their
anger has exploded their patience. Their resolve to fight,
if peaceful negotiations are impossible, is born out by
history.
So, their struggle has now received the baptism
of fire, victories in Mozambique and Angola have given
them added inspiration. Africa has no reason, no reason
at all, not to support the liberation movements.
MORE
Page 6
Can America still end only with declaration of
support for the principles of freedom and racial justice?
This, I submit, Mr. President, would not be enough.
Southern Africa is poised for a dangerous armed conflict.
Peace is at stake.
The conflict with disasterous consequences can
be averted, but I submit again, Mr. President, there is
not much time. Urgent action is required.
At this time, America cannot realistically wait
and see what administering powers will do or to pledge
to support their efforts when none are in plan. America
must head the call of the oppressed.
America, once an apostle in decolonisation,
must not be a mere discipline of those which promise but
never perform and thus give strength to evils of colonialism
and apartheid.
If we want peace, we must end the era of inertia
in Rhodesia and Namibia and vigorously work for ending
apartheid. America must now be in the vanguard of
democratic revolution in Southern Africa.
This is not the first time we make this appeal.
It is Africa's constant plea.
Now, Africa has taken an equivocal stand on
decolonization. We do not want to fight a war to win
freedom and full national independence in Southern
Africa. Africa wants to achieve these objectives by
peaceful means; that is, through negotiations.
Our declaration to give high priority to peaceful
methods to resolve the current crisis is a conscious
decision, a conscious decision. We feel it to be our
moral duty to avoid bloodshed where we can.
We are determined to fulfill this obligation,
but, Mr. President, not at any price, not at any price,
not at the price of freedom and justice. There we say
no, no.
Africa has made it clear that if the road to
peaceful change is closed by the stone walls of racial
bigotry and force of arms by minority regimes, then we are
equally duty-bound to take the inescapable alternative.
The oppressed people have a right to answer
force with force, and Africa and all her friends in
the world will support them.
MORE
Page 7
Liberation movements fought fascist
Portugal. We supported them. They won. Now we must
turn to Rhodesia and Namibia.
Can America stand and be counted in implementing
the Dar es Salaam strategy adopted by Africa? In Dar es
Salaam early this month, Mr. President, Africa
reaffirmed its commitment, its commitment to a peaceful
solution to the crisis in Southern Africa as a first
priority.
Our strategy opens new doors, even now new doors
to peaceful change if those caught up in the crisis seek
honorable exit. Here is a chance in a century to achieve
peace based on human equality and human dignity without
further violence.
We call upon America to support our efforts
in achieving majority rule in Rhodesia and Namibia
immediately, and the ending of apartheid in South Africa.
If we are committed to peace, then let us join hands in
building peace by removing factors underlying the current
crisis.
If the oppressed peoples fail to achieve these
noble ends by peaceful means, we call upon America not
to give any support to the oppressors. Even now we call
upon America to desist from direct and indirect support
to minority regimes, for this puts America in direct
conflict with the interests of Africa; that is, peace
deeply rooted, deeply rooted in human dignity and equality
and freedom without discrimination.
We have recently demonstrated, Mr. President,
our readiness to make peaceful change possible in
Mozambique and Angola. We are equally committed to
assist the oppressed if they should convince us that
the road to peaceful change is closed and armed struggle
is the only alternative.
The rebels in Rhodesia, assisted by South
African troops, have committed some of the worst
atrocities on the continent. Africa cannot allow them
to continue, and we urge America not to allow them to
continue.
Victory for the majority is a matter of time,
a matter of time. Let us, therefore, make it as painless
as possible to those who have dominated their fellow
men for years.
Mr. President, we wish America, we wish America
to understand our aims and objectives. We are not
fighting whites, we are fighting an evil and brutal
system. On this there must be no compromise, none at all.
MORE
Page 8
America should also understand our strategy.
We want to achieve our objectives by peaceful methods
first and foremost. Africa is ready to try this approach
with patience and exhaust all possible tactics, for
peace is too precious, is too precious for all of us,
but our patience and the patience of the oppressed has
its limits.
Mr. President, we are here only for a short
time. We have no other mission except to take the
opportunity of the visit to put Africa's stand clearly.
We want to avoid confrontation, but let us not be
pushed.
Once again, Mr. President, on behalf of my
wife and my compatriots, and indeed on my own behalf,
I thank you, Mrs. Ford, and our colleagues, brothers
and sisters, for this warm welcome and hospitality.
This is indeed a memorable visit, memorable
because it has been fruitful, and it coincides with the
launching only yesterday of your bicentenary celebrations.
We congratulate the people of the United States for their
tremendous achievements since independence, which have
justified the anti-colonialist struggle of their founding
fathers.
Finally, I take the opportunity of inviting you,
Mr. President, and Mrs. Ford, to pay a visit to Zambia.
We will be happy to receive you in our country at any
time convenient to you.
And may I say, sir, at that time I might
answer the challenge of playing golf. (Laughter)
I now invite you, ladies and gentlemen, to
join me and my wife and my colleagues in this toast to
the President and Mrs. Ford.
Mr. President, Mrs. Ford -- bilateral relations.
END
(AT 10:34 P.M. EDT)