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POLISH WOMEN'S CIVIC CLUB, INC.
August 1, 1968
Dear Friends:
Mrs. Robert Wojer
President
Honorary Chairman
We need your help; United, we can, and we will educate
many deserving students. Please, open your hearts and be as
Mrs. Edwin Maciak
General Chairman
generous as you can.
Mrs. Paul Czaja
There is a wealth of talent among our young people,
Co-Chairman
unfortunately, many are not priviledged to attend college
Mrs. Edwin Fifielski
because they lack the necessary funds. Among them are po-
Co-Chairman
tential doctors, lawyers, nurses, artists, business men and
heads of government. Their future is in our hands, and our
Mrs. Alex Janoski
future is in their hands.
Secretary
Mrs. Joseph Kostur
For the past forty years the POLISH WOMEN'S CIVIC CLUB
Treasurer
has dedicated itself to the cause of the needy; through our
CHAIRMEN OF COMMITTEES:
many philanthropic endeavors we have rendered invaluable
assistance to deserving students and brought aid and comfort
Mrs. Theophile Kempa
to the aged, infirmed and others less fortunate.
Reservation Chairman
Mrs. Richard Jaskulski
Members of the POLISH WOMEN'S CIVIC CLUB, their husbands
Reservation Co-Chairman
and their friends, will gather at the Martinique-Drury Lane,
Evergreen Park, Illinois on Wednesday evening, October 2nd,
Mrs. Harry Kowalski
1968 for their Annual Fund Raising event of the year. A ad-
Raffle Chairman
vertisers and patron book is being planned in connection with
Mrs. Harry Siwinski
this event. We wish to invite you to join our family of
Raffle Co-Chairman
ADVERTISERS AND PATRONS.
Mrs. John Litwin
Patron Book Chairman
$25.00
Full Page
$10.00
Half Page
Mrs. Robert Wilkos
$ 5.00
1/4 Page
Patron Book Co-Chairman
$ 2.00
Patron
Polish Publicity
Mrs. Adolph Pachucki
CLOSING DATE FOR LISTED ADVERTISERS AND PATRONS IS
SEPTEMBER 18th, 1968.
English Publicity
Mrs. John Vallerugo
Please make checks payable to the POLISH WOMEN'S CIVIC
CLUB, our self-addressed envelope is enclosed for your con-
venience.
Kindest regards,
Mrs. John Litwin, Chairman
Advertisers and Patron Book
5940 Belmont Road
Downers Grove, Illinois
Mrs. Robert Wojer, President
Dear mr. agnew,
may l add a
personal plea for your
support to our Club
There are over four
hundred members in our club,
lach of us Civic and active
minded. Please help us
with this benefit by takingan
ad in our book
thank you,
this John Litvin
POLISH WOMEN'S CIVIC CLUB, INC.
August 1, 1968
Dear Friends:
Mrs. Robert Wojer
President
Honorary Chairman
We need your help; United, we can, and we will educate
many deserving students. Please, open your hearts and be as
Mrs. Edwin Maciak
General Chairman
generous as you can.
Mrs. Paul Ozaja
There is a wealth of talent among our young people,
Co-Chairman
unfortunately, many are not priviledged to attend college
Mrs. Edwin Fifielski
because they lack the necessary funds. Among them are po-
Co-Chairman
tential doctors, lawyers, nurses, artists, business men and
heads of government. Their future is in our hands, and our
Mrs. Alex Janoski
future is in their hands.
Secretary
Mrs. Joseph Kostur
For the past forty years the POLISH WOMEN'S CIVIC CLUB
Treasurer
has dedicated itself to the cause of the needy; through our
CHAIRMEN OF COMMITTEES:
many philanthropic endeavors we have rendered invaluable
assistance to deserving students and brought aid and comfort
Mrs. Theophile Kempa
to the aged, infirmed and others less fortunate.
Reservation Chairman
Mrs. Richard Jaskulski
Members of the POLISH WOMEN'S CIVIC CLUB, their husbands
Reservation Co-Chairman
and their friends, will gather at the Martinique-Drury Lane,
Evergreen Park, Illinois on Wednesday evening, October 2nd,
Mrs. Harry Kowalski
1968 for their Annual Fund Raising event of the year. A ad-
Raffle Chairman
vertisers and patron book is being planned in connection with
Mrs. Harry Siwinski
this event. We wish to invite you to join our family of
Raffle Co-Chairman
ADVERTISERS AND PATRONS.
Mrs. John Litwin
Patron Book Chairman
$25.00
Full Page
$10.00
Half Page
Mrs. Robert Wilkos
$ 5.00
1/4 Page
Patron Book Co-Chairman
$ 2.00
Patron
Polish Publicity
Mrs. Adolph Pachucki
CLOSING DATE FOR LISTED ADVERTISERS AND PATRONS IS
SEPTEMBER 18th, 1968.
English Publicity
Mrs. John Vallerugo
Please make checks payable to the POLISH WOMEN'S CIVIC
CLUB, our self-addressed envelope is enclosed for your con-
venience.
Kindest regards,
Mrs. John Litwin, Chairman
Advertisers and Patron Book
5940 Belmont Road
Downers Grove, Illinois
Mrs. Robert Wojer, President
Am
Comic - Pm8/22
do not do this sort
Respond of say we
Dear thing asa Huxan matter offorty
at
12/13 may
is
personal plea for
your support to our club
There are over four
hundred members in for
club, each of us Civic and
active mixded. Please
help us with this benefit
by taking an ad in our
book
thank you,
this John Litain
RICHARD B. RUSSELL, GA., CHAIRMAN
JOHN STENNIS, MISS.
MARGARET CHASE SMITH, MAINE
STUART SYMINGTON, MO.
STROM THURMOND, S.C.
HENRY M. JACKSON, WASH.
JACK MILLER, IOWA
SAM J. ERVIN, JR., N.C.
JOHN G. TOWER, TEX.
HOWARD W. CANNON, NEV.
JAMES B. PEARSON, KANS.
ROBERT C. BYRD, W. VA.
PETER H. DOMINICK, COLO.
United States Senate
form
STEPHEN M. YOUNG, OHIO
DANIEL K. INOUYE, HAWAII
file
THOMAS J. MC INTYRE, N.H.
COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES
DANIEL B. BREWSTER, MD.
HARRY F. BYRD, JR., VA.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20510
Spl
WILLIAM H. DARDEN, CHIEF OF STAFF
CHARLES B. KIRBOW, CHIEF CLERK
September 11, CABINET 1968
Honorable Richard M. Nixon
Times Square Station
P. O. Box 1968
New York, New York
Dear Dick:
There are a number of prominent people interested in seeing
W. B. Camp of California become Secretary of Agriculture
under you. Typical of some of the information I am receiving
is a letter from C. A. Cobb attaching a brief resume about
him, both of which are self-explanatory.
I have known Mr. Camp for a number of years and consider him
one of the best informed men in the United States on agricultural
subjects.
He served with the Department of Agriculture in Washington before
going to Bakersfield, California, where he amassed a fortune in
farming.
Mr. Camp is a man of splendid character and integrity, and is
not only an outstanding agriculturist, but one of the finest
business men within my acquaintance.
I am pleased to recommend that you give this matter the most
careful consideration when the time comes to choose a Cabinet.
With kindest regards and best wishes,
Sincerely,
Strom Thurmond
Strom Thurmond
ST:m
Enclosure
Ruralíst Press
INCORPORATED
713 Glenn Street S.W. Atlanta, Georgia 30310
Telephone 753-1121
September 6, 1968
Senator Strom Thurmond
Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C.
My dear Senator Thurmond:
I am attaching the ten points very briefly covering the biographic
statement about Bill Camp. This is in compliance with your request at
the conclusion of our brief but most satisfactory conference at the air
port the other day.
I can't ever tell you how happy I was that you so freely joined
in the thought that Bill Camp would make a good Secretary of Agriculture
in the Cabinet of Mr. Nixon. I am more certain now than ever before that
there is going to be such a Cabinet and I am certain that nobody could
grace it with greater ability than our mutual friend, Bill Camp.
What I have given you in the ten points is a very brief sort of
sketch and wholly inadequate to do justice to the man, Bill Camp.
For a more complete rundown, I would suggest that you refor to
Column 3, Page 64, Volume 35, which is in the 1968-69 copy of WHO'S
WHO IN AMERICA. This too is quite inadequate because it leaves out so much
of the intimate personal history that really tells the story of the man.
-
I know Mr. Camp better than anybody else except the most intimate members
of his family. He and I were together there in Washington for four years and
night and day, he and I worked together under the most trying circumstances.
Mr. Nixon knows him but what I have said will help him to know that others
who know Mr. Camp personally, trust him without reservation and without limit.
I do not believe it is too early to use whatever occasion that might
arise to take the first step so Mr. Nixon will not commit himself to some one
else or in some other field.
Most sincerely,
C. A. Cobb, President
CAC:MM
Ruralist Press, Inc.
Enc.
W. B. Camp
1. A man of great ability and unimpeachable integrity.
2. He is one of the nation's most extensive farmers and is one of the
most successful farmers of all time. He is a most successful father
and also one of the nation's most successful citizens.
3. He was born and reared on a farm in Cherokee County, South Carolina.
4. He is an agricultural graduate of Clemson College, South Carolina.
5. He organized the first cotton experiment station in California
near Taft and is not only the father of the cotton production
industry in California but with an annual production of around 9,000
bales annually is undoubtedly the State's most efficient producer.
6. In addition to the production of cotton, Mr. Camp has extensive
acreage in citrus groves, grape plantings, potatoes, alfalfa and
other crops in California, and a Hereford breeding farm in South
Carolina. The house he was born in is its headquarters.
7.' In 1933, Mr. Camp became a leading official in the Cotton Division
of the Triple A and for four years, he not only ably represented
the cotton producing industry of the West, but added great strength
to the organization in the South. He had been closely associated with
the cotton industry of the South.
8. Mr. Camp is past President of the Rotary Club of Bakersfield,
California. He has served as Chairman of the Agricultural Committee
of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and has been the Chamber's representative
to many places abroad.
9. Mr. Camp lives in Bakersfield, California, is a member of the
Presbyterian Church and the city's principle civic organizations.
10. Mr. Camp's wonderful wife, Louise, will add greatly to the strength
and attractiveness of any organization with which he is connected.
11. Mr. Camp is agricultural advisor to the National Republican
Committee. He was on the Agricultural Committee at
the National Convention in Miami that drafted the
agricultural plank of the 1968 Republican Platform.
15sm
IM-2
1608 9th
Charleston, Illinois 61920
October 1,1968
File
2/14
Personal
see
Richard Nixon
450 Park Avenue
New York, New York
Dear Mr. Nixon:
CS.2
Enclosed you will find an evaluation of your 1960 Republican National
Convention acceptance speech. If you have the opportunity, I thought
you might be interested in my evaluation of it. (Don't let the grade
sway you!)
I am a graduate student in Public Speaking at Eastern Illinois
University. I would like to do an evaluation of your 1968 acceptance
speech. Do you have a copy you could send? Would your working copy
Hal Sincerely, be available? Drake
MORLE 120
Then
ANALYSIS BY: RRM DATE: 10/7 PROOF BY:
FORM REPLY:
SPEC. REPLY:
GENERAL CATEGORIES
DEMOGRAPHIC GROUP:
General Support
903
A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
F.
G.
Contrats
ISSUES:
Views on Issues
924
Volunteer
Charleston, Illinois 61920
1608 9th St.
Mr. Hal Drake
Interest
904
931
Mat'l Worthy of Spec. Study
941
Contributor - R & TV Appeal
951
SPECIALS:
Contributor - Other
953
Request to be Declined
990
REFER TO:
SPECIAL REQUESTS:
Autograph
ENCLOSURES:
Book
Photo
acceptance Speech
Other Material Requested:
sat 10/17/68
TYPIST:
Buttons
Bumper Stickers
Posters
Literature
your papers have been
a pleasure to read of
reports a pleasure to
listen to.
Dood got.
A.
Eastern Illinois University
Richard Nixon : 1960
A paper submitted to
DR. E. TAME
in partial fulfillment of
the requirements of the course
SPEECH 480 : CONTEMPORARY PUBLIC ADDRESS
by
Harold Lee Drake
Charleston, Illinoisq
April-26, 1968
D.
1
BIOGRAPHY
Nixon's role as the bayonet of Republican offensives was
hardly calculated to endear him to Democrats. Since 1t
was politically unhealthy to attack Eisenhower during
his first six years in office, Nixon drew all the fire.
Truman sized him up as an "s.o.b."; Roger Kent, the
Democratic chairman of his home state, insisted "he
would double-cross and destroy the reputation of anybody
if it seemed to serve his interest"; Congressman Celler,
the veteran New York Democrat called him "a naive, inept,
maladjusted Throttlebottom"; the New Republic, a liberal
weekly, described him as the administration's "trapdoor,
escape hatch and hygienic flush" a land of slander and
scare, of sly innuendo, of a poison pen, the anonymous
phone calls and hustling, pushing, shoving the land of
smash and grab and anything to win." The Democratic
campaign handbook for 1958 contained a section called
"Nixon.' It opened with an excerpt from a column by
Walter Lippman, assessing the Vice-President as a "ruth-
less partisan
[who] does not have within his conscience
those scruples which the country has a right to expect in
the President of the United States". 1
Mister Sam Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn once
refered to the young man who sat with him for a few years, as
"that ugly man with the chinkapin eyes". 2
As is the case, it seems to me, in the higly intensional
world of politics, Richard Milhous Nixon is anything anybody
wants to make of him. And according to some, he is anything he
wants to make of himself at the moment to suit the situation.
Pulitzer Prize-winning cartoonis Herblock pictures him as a
stout criminal type while another Pulitzer-winner, Jim Berryman,
3
gives him a clean-cut all-American youngman appearance.
In 1959, a year before Nixon made his bid for the
Presidency, his biographer, Earl Mazo, balanced criticism with
praise:
General Lucius D. Clay, an influential friend of Eisenhower
says 'Nixon is unquestionably going to be the leader of the
Conservative forces'; Senator Keating, of New York, a middle-
2
ground legislator, considers Nixon 'pretty much my brand
of Republican'; and Arthur S. Flemming, Secretary of
Health, Education and Welfare, who has observed Nixon at
about three hundred Cabinet and National Security Council
meetings, regards him as 'a genuine, progressive Republican'. 4
Richard Milhous Nixon was born January 9,1913 thirty
miles from Los Angeles in Yorba Linda, California and of Quaker
parents.
Nixon established an early background of debate and
oratory. Wile in elementary school he was considered a star
in those two areas of endeavor. In high school he maintained
a four year straight "A" average in Latin and won many debates
and oratorical contests.
An insight into Nixon's speaking ability is given by
one of his high school and college friends, Merton G. Wray.
Wray, who often opposed Nixon in speech contests, states:
'Since high school Nixon has had an uncommon ability to
take advantage of a situation before and after it develops
His success 1s due to knowing what to do and when to do it,
perfect timing in everything. :5
In his sophomore year at the Quaker's Whittier College,
Nixon represented his school in more than fifty debates: "
winning the bulk of them, including a match with the national
champions. The topic was Free Trade. Nixon was for it. 116
Nixon's former history and political professor, Dr.
Paul S. Smith, said: "He has a fantastic capacity to communicate
with people eye to eye, shoulder to shoulder. 117
Nixon graduated from Whittier in 1934 and two years
later completed his graduate studies at Duke University Law
School in Durham, North Carolina.
3
His ambition was to join a "great" law firm. A
friend while at Duke, Basil Whitener says during this time:
'Nixon was not outward, but seemed shy. He was friendly
in a quiet way. He was no smiler then: quite the
contrary. Like most others, I figured he would wind
up doing a wonderful job in a big law firm, handling
securities or other matters that need the attention of
a scholar, not a politician. 18
After his graduation from Duke, Nixon returned to
Whittier where in the next five years he established himself
as a good young lawyer.
The first night he met Thelma "Pat" Ryan, a local
school teacher, Nixon proposed. It was sometime before he
received a yes. Miss Ryan and Mr. Nixon were married June 21,
1940.
When World War Two was declared, Nixon went to
Washington and in January of 1942 got a job as an attorney
for the Office of Price Administration. By the end of the
same year he was in the U.S. Navy with the rank of Lieutenant,
Junior Grade. When he left the service in 1946 he held the
rank of Lieutenant Commander.
In the same year, 1946, Nixon was elected as a GOP
Representative to the U.S. Congress from California's 12th
Congressional District. He was re-elected in 1948.
In 1950 it was Senator Nixon who returned to Washington.
In 1952, Nixon's name was on the door to the office
of the Vice-President of the United States with the Eisenhower
Administration. Before the election, however, Nixon had to
go on nationwide television one evening with his family also
before the cameras to explain his campaign funds and how
4
they were gathered and how he had spent them. (This writer
remembers that highly emotional broadcast in which Nixon
opened his budget for the world to see to a point which
became embarrassing.)
Mazo interviewed an anonymous schoolmate of Nixon's
who gave the following evaluation:
$ There was never anything ruthless about Dick when we
were growing up. If it was a fair fight, anything went
but not anything dirty. That's why I could never under-
stand the positions he took in campaigns. I gathered
that probably it was a matter of political advice that
people gave him because Dick knew that a lot of us who
are liberal are not Communists, in fact we are anti-
Communists.
9
The statement about Communism refers to Nixon's fight
against Reds before he became Vice-President. Mazo goes on
to give us an insight into how the hometown boy was treated
and good reason perhaps, why in 1963 Nixon and his family
were living in New York where he was practicing law. Mazo
writes:
After he was elected Vice-President a citizens group
blocked the City Council's plan to name a new street
for Nixon, and several Whittier College seniors protested
so angrily when he was invited to deliver the 1954
Commencement Address that a seperate receiving line was
provided after the ceremonies for those who preferred
not to shake Nixon's hand. 10
However, the town of Whittier has always voted in
favor of Nixon in every election he has campaigned in.
In 1960, Nixon was the Republican candidate for
President. He lost to John Fitzgerald Kennedy.
In 1962 Nixon made a bid for the Governorship of
California and lost. In the same year he wrote a book,
Six Crises, which gives details about half-a-dozen crucial
5
problems during his years as Vice-President.
In this year which will include another Presidential
election, Richard Nixon apparantly will be his party's choice
once again.
Before leaving this biographical section, I believe
it is significant to mention a few statements made by Richard
Nixon between November, 1957 and January, 1959, in interviews
and conversations with his biographer, Earl Mazo. Some of
the topics in these statements are mentioned in the speech
under consideration in the analysis portion of this paper.
SCIENCE
We should not tie down our scientists to the specific
inventions which military men or political leaders deem
desirable. The greatest advances have been made not
when scientists have been told to restrict themselves to
certain objectives but when they had complete freedom in
basic research to explore the unknown.
Basic research cannot be carried out on a crash basis.
The practice of providing huge sums and declaring crash
programs only when outside events generate a sense of
urgency 1s dangerously irresponsible. A truth that we
must never forget 1s that where new inventions and
knowledge are concerned there are no monopolies by any
people or any nation.
There is a great tendency in this country to 80 to extremes
on things of this kind, and to worship science as an end
in itself. It would be most unfortunate for us to try to
ape the Russians, to believe that scientific materialsim
produces the best kind of society. I think all elements
of American education the humanities as well as the
scientific need additional emphasis. 11
COMMUNISM
Unless the system in which you have political freedom
proves that it is the most effective in bringing about
economic progress, Communism is going to gain increasing
adherents throughout the world. We have to bear in mind
this essential fact: the terrible poverty and misery
6
that 80 many people suffer cannot continue to be endured.
They know there must be a way out, and they are going to
take the way that they think 18 the quickest and surest,
in the long run.
The fear of a temporary budget deficit should not be
allowed to put us in a straitjacket that keeps us from
doing what is n eded to insure economic growth. I am
not rigid with regard to the balanced budget in this
sense: I think we should approach the budget problems
on a five-year basis rather than being bound to one
year. There are some years a recession year, for
example, or one where you have a great international
crisis when we all know that it is inevitable and
necessary for the budget to be unbalanced. There are
other years when we can have surpluses to make up the
over-all deficits.
Our position of world responsibility is new, and
consequently we are very impatient every time anything
goes wrong in the field of foreign policy. We assume
that every policy, every action must immediately be
crowned with success. We have to grow up in this regard.
We must weigh long-range gains against the short-range
defeats that we may suffer.
I would like for us to speak less of the threat of
Communism and more of the promise of freedom. We should
adopt as our primary objective not the defeat of
Communism but the victory of plenty over want, of health
over disease, of feedom over tyranny. 12
LEADERSHIP
The political leader is important. Whether Republican or
Democrat, it is his responsibility when running for office
to study the issues, to determine what he believes to be
in the best interest of the country, and then to take
strong positions and to try to win the people over to his
point of view. If leaders do not do that, the country
will drift in its policies into following mass thinking
that will represent in some instances the lowest common
denominator. Considering the great problems that we face
in the world, that is inadequate. Our decisions must
represent not the lowest common denominator but the best
thinking that America can produce. I don't think that
you can lead from a position of vacillation. If you are
going to lead, you've got to decide in advance whether
the issue is one that you feel is worth fighting about.
If it isn't, then you take no position at all. But if
it is worth fighting about, you've got to take a clear-
cut position and get all of the advantage that comes
from being out in front. 13
7
POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY
It 1s obvious that people like to play winners, they like
to be with winners. Winners get favorable treatment.
Losers are scorned. I mean, of course, the great mass of
people. Only a few, who are students of government, bother
to find out "Why did he lose?" Nothing in politics succeeds
like success, and nothing hurts more than failure. But it
does not last in either case. A person in political life
must expect that he will succeed sometimes and fail other
times. Franklin Roosevelt, one of the master politicians
of all time, suffered a major defeat in his Supreme Court
fight. Truman was hurt terribly by what was probably one
of the worst losses in recent history. the Democratic loss
of Congress in the mid-term election of 1946. Everybody
wrote him off; all the experts agreed that he was finished.
In 1948 he was elected president on his own. Winston
Churchill in 1939 was completely discredited as far as the
voters were concerned. Look how he came back and then
later lost again.
While the "win" psychology is very important, I always have
had the feeling that where the Presidency is concerned, men
who eventually come to the top in both parties are those
who best understand the issues and best fit the needs of
the times. I never felt that a lightweight, an individual
with only a superficial understanding of the great national
and international issues, could get the nomination. I
don't think one will in either party next time--but, of
course, it could happen. The people who nominate at
conventions invariably select the man they think has the
best chance to win. Those who say that Taft's supporters
in 1952 were for him whether he could win or not are wrong.
The Taft people were not just for Taft. They also were
for him because they thought he could win. 14
SPEECH SETTING
Paul T. David, University of Virginia Political
Science Professor, gives the following statistics regarding
the Spring and Summer of 1960:
Difficulties abroad seemed to favor the Republican party
in presidential politics during most of the period, until
May and June of 1960. The failure of the summit meeting
in the aftermath of the U-2 incident and the later
cancellation of the President's visit to Japan were
undoubtedly harmful to Republican prospects. Previously,
the Gallup Poll had reported more than once that the
voters were inclined to prefer a Republican administration
as the custodian of foreign policy. Up to the end, it
8
seemed possible that the election of 1960 might turn on
events developing abroad as suddenly as the Suez crisis
of 1956. For each party, this increased the risks
inherent in the elections of 1960; and in each party it
increased the need for nominees with strong nerves, a
flair for the appropriate response, and a shrewd sense
of timing not to mention the more fundamental attributes
of wisdom.
15
David also supplies this information as to the
Republican Convention atmosphere in Chicago:
With no opposition in the primaries, the delegates were
usually pledged to Nixon. Action in the state party
conventions was also overwhelmingly favorable. The
Associated Press was thus able to issue a bulletin on
May 24 to the effect that on that day, Nixon passed
the majority mark in delegate strength needed for his
nomination. When all 1,331 delegates had been selected,
probably at least 80 per cent were committed to Nixon:
the Associated Press made no final tabulation because
Nixon's lead had become so top-heavy that it was no
longer newsworthy. The principal hold-outs were New
York, still in a position to support a Rockefeller draft
if one should develop, and Arizona, South Carolina, and
a few other areas where support for Senator Barry Godd-
water was concentrated. The Gallup Poll reported in
May 1960 that Nixon was the preference of 75 per cent
of all Republican voters. His nomination had 16 become
a certainty long before the convention met.
The Democratic Convention had been held in Los Angeles
two weeks before the GOP Convention at the Chicago International
Amphitheatre. The Democrats showed the world a considerable
amount of confusion and fussing among themselves perhaps
magnified by the presense of television cameras and microphones.
Nixon alludes to this in his speech. The Republicans strove
therefore, to create a better "tv image" as illustrated by this
information from Paul Tillett of Rutgers University:
For television's sake, the delegates at the Republican
national convention were instructed as follows: "be on
time, sit quietly, wear subdued clothing preferably
not white. II In meetings of state caucuses, the delegates
9
at Chicago were exhorted to be on their best behavior
and to give the nation a dignified contrast to the
behavior of the delegates at the Democratic national
convention in Los Angeles. Just to make sure, at the
Republican convention the aisles were narrowed so that
demonstrations could be controlled and the marchers
could be held to two abreast. The floor was ruled by
professional ushers whose duty it was to hold demon-
strations to a prescribed maximum, and who calmly
directed groups of chanting supporters, even those
demonstrating for Nixon, off the floor, down the aisles
and out into the streets. 17
According to Tillett, television distinctly guided
much of what went on in the 1960 national conventions:
One suspects that television coverage of the conventions
reached its highwater mark in 1960 and that unless drastic
changes are made in the format of the conventions the
networks will not again attempt to cover the proceedings
in as great detail as they did in 1952,1956, and 1960. 18
It's interesting to note that John Kennedy had agreed
that Nixon "knew few peers, if any, when it came to waging
hard and relentless political battle". 19
On Thursday evening, July 28,1960, Richard Nixon
the Quaker lawyer, approached the podium at the Amphitheatre.
H1s live audience consisted of 2,662 delegates and alternates. 20
There were additional hundreds who were not official political
members of the convention. According to one source, 17.2-million
homes were tuned in via radio and television. 21
Nixon spoke, knowing the GOP platform he was heading
included the following topics: agriculture; civil rights;
economy; education; foreign policy; government; health; labor;
and national defense. 22
ANALYSIS
From the outset, Nixon establishes ethos with his
10
audiences (those present and those watching television and
listening to radio). This is found in the first three
sentences:
Mr. Chairman, delegates to this convention, my fellow
Americans: I have made many speeches in my. life and
never have I found it more difficult to find the words
adequate to express what I feel as I find them tonight.
To stand here before this great convention, to hear
your expression of affection for me, for Pat, for our
daughters, for my mother, for all of us who are
representing our party, is, of course, the greatest
moment of my life.
And I just want you to know that my only prayer as I
stand here is that in the months ahead I may be in some
way worthy of the affection and the trust which you
have presented to me on this occasion in everything
that I say, everything that I do, everything that I
think in this campaign and afterwards.
Here, Nixon has displayed a humble disposition. He
indicates that he is faltering with the realization that
this is the greatest moment of his life. He tells his
audience the words do not come easy. These two confidences
endear him, theoretically, to the hearts of his audience. For
standing before them, coming into their living rooms 1s just
a simple little Quaker lawyer. (It might be noted here that
Nixon's ethos was established before he arrived in the
convention hall and he's just driving 1t home personally now.)
In those opening sentences, Nixon mentions God(in
the form of prayer), mother, and family. All that 1s missing
from his opening remarks is the flag. But don't forget, the
flag is someplace nearby, literally. The flag is perhaps
implied in the words:" for all of us representing our
party
so, not only do we have the ethos of the man well
established but also pathos is abundant. Don't forget, these
11
few opening words of the family, with mother and prayer, have
put a lump in the throats of many. The fact that the situation
1s almost too much for the little smiling lawyer, is sufficient
to allow almost everyone to personally identify with him and
pull for him and trust that he won't break under the strain.
They want him to succeed in getting what he wants to say out
to them and the world. It's in some ways like a "prayer meeting".
Many want him to unburden himself. And of course, with many,
a charismatic situation is established that neither God, country,
mother, or Richard Milhous Nixon himself can do much about.
Next, note the high degree of authority and evidence
mixed with what is history:
The things that run through my mind are these: that first
day with the magnificent speech by Mr. Hoover with his
great lesson for the American people, Walter Judd with
one of the most outstanding keynote addresses in either
party in the history and last night our beloved fighting
President making the greatest speech that I have ever
heard him make before this convention.
In the next paragraph he mentions a future history-
maker, "Chuck" Percy, and illustrates his authority as Vice-
President in establishing rapore by telling the convention
audience of
audience how important it(the convention delegates) is as a
whole.
Logos in the form of artistic proof by authority is
presented in the next paragraph when he talks of his running
mate (Henry Cabot Lodge) a.s being "a world statesman of the
first rank."
Eloquence and logos by authority are high when Nixon
speaks of President Eisenhower. Here also is a mixture of
12
ethos and pathos producing a great empathic state between
Nixon and his audience (both present and in the media). The
words speak for themselves:
I say to you tonight that for generations to come
Americans, regardless of party will gratefully remember
Dwight Eisenhower as the man who brought peace to
America, as the man under whose leadership Americans
enjoyed the greatest progress and prosperity in
history, but above all they will remember him as the
man who restored honesty, integrity and dignity to the
conduct of government in the highest office in this
land.
Nixon starts building a high amount of ethos with
the next paragraph:
My fellow Americans, I know now that you will understand
what I next say because the next President of the United
States will have his great example to follow; because
the next President will have new and challenging problems
in the world of utmost gravity this truly is the time for
greatness in America's leadership.
(Here, I sense a change also in his ethos from that found in
his opening remarks. I infer from these words now, that Nixon
is telling his audience 'I am no longer fearful of the
responsibility you are placing on my shoulders. I have found
my voice. I can speek. I have told you, the importance of
having the proper leader for our country. I am that proper
leader.
The ethos of the preceding paragraph reaches culmination
with impact fear, or at least a high degree of awe
when
Nixon finishes his thought:
I am sure you will understand why I do not say tonight
that I alone am the man who can furnish that leadership.
That question is not for me but for you to decide. And
I only ask that the thousands in this hall and the
millions listening to me on television, I only ask that
you make that decision in the most thoughtful way that
13
you possibly can because what you decide this November
will not only affect your lives, and your future, it
will affect the future of millions throughout the world.
It seems to me that when in the next paragraph the
Vice-President gives his audience the chance to decide for
itself in the November election, he is using logos in the
form of non-artistic reasoning by induction specifics to a
general decision) and the entire paragraph has a foundation
in ethos. Outwardly, he is telling his listeners that he
will not be so presumptuous as to make up their minds for
them. He 1s using sincerity, goodwill, and truthfulness in
saying he wants the opposition's comments studied too:
I urge you study the records of the candidates,
listen to my speeches and that of my opponent and that
of Mr. Lodge and that of his opponent and then after
you have studied our records and listened to our speeches
decide---decide on the basis of what we say and what
we believe which is best qualified to lead America and
the free world in this critical period.
Now, what could be more honest and straightforward than that?
Surely, any man who would tell me to 80 check with his opponent
too, before making up my mind, can't be bad. In fact, his
telling me that, just might help me decide on the spot that
"he's my kind of man!" In other words, what I'm talking about
here 1s what I would call indirect psychology.
Nixon arrives at his thesis and also aids us in
establishing the fact that he 1s using argument by induction:
to help you make this decision I would like to discuss
tonight some of the great problems which will confront
the next President of the United States and the policies
I believe that should be adopted to meet them.
He is stating he will list several items to allow his audience
common
to arrive at a conclusion to the general problem which he
14
points out confronts them all.
Pathos in the form of love and reverence and ethos
taking the form of sincerity and truthfulness plus goodness
are expressed in the next paragraph when Nixon refers to
Abraham Lincoln. Parellel construction is also present in
the same paragraph:
One hundred years ago in this city Abraham Lincoln was
nominated for President of the United States. The
problems which will confront our next President will
be even greater than those that confronted him.
(*Responsibility greather than Lincoln faced?' echoes many
little voices inside many heads. Perhaps this is even a
matter of subliminal consideration. But at any rate, many
little voices in many heads immediately react: 'Poor heroic
little Dick Nixon. What a responsibility! All for our
country. All for me, even! The least I can do is give him
my vote and my support!')
Following the above paragraph, Nixon once again
but in different words---reminds his audiences of the awsome
responsibility shared by all of them.
Next, Nixon refers to history again but this time
history of only two weeks past and establishes his logos
by evidence and authority (authority when he evaluates for
his audience, the actions of the Democratic Convention.) He
then sets out with his own evaluation of what the Democrat's
platform consists of. "And they promised
everything
to
everybody with one exception. They didn't promise to pay
the bill." (Here, I must remind the reader that Nixon seems
to be redundant. That is, just a few paragraphs earlier he
15
told his audience to go themselves, and check his opponents.
Now, he takes the liberty of paraphrasing and interpreting
what his opponents have said.)
Nixon illustrates high ethical standards when he
says he is not going to follow the Democrats' lead:
We are not going to make promises we cannot and should
not keep and we are not going to try to buy the people's
votes with their own money.
Then, he mixes his further answer with ethos, rapore
with his audience and logos in evidence and authoritative
proof when he states:
And tosthose who say that this position will mean
political defeat, my answer is this: We have more faith
than that in the good sense of the American people,
provided the people know the facts, and that's where
we come in.
(Yet, only a short time before this, he told his audience to
go out and seek the facts themselves and make their own
decisions.)
At any rate, after presenting an evaluation of what
in his authoratative opinion- the Democratic platform offers,
Nixon presents his and his Party's platform. He begins by
relying upon what I would term his authoratative-evidence when
he states: "First, we are proud to offer the best eight-year
record of any Administration in the history of this country."
Here, he 1s toying with his ethos and pathos. I mean by that,
he's leaving himself wide-open without any kind of a qualifier.
Is he telling the truth when he says the Eisenhower administration
has been the best in our country's history? How do we check
that? Do we have time to check it before the November election?
And, how about the Lincoln administration? Wasn't that a good
one? The general semanticists' dating and indexing, I believe,
16
should have been used here by Vice-President Nixon. He also
places himself in danger with those whose emotions are piqued
at his words because they remember an administration or two
in their life times which were pretty good
pretty great, in
fact.
I cannot help but think here, in this one statement,
Nixon 1s carried away with his own eloquence. In my opinion,
when one admires his or her own eloquence useful and valid
rhetoric 1s replaced by perverted narcissism.
The Vice-President goes on to project into the
future ideas for "a fuller, freer, richer life". He speaks
first of the elderly then the young
he speaks of the wage-
earners, the farmers and then natural resources. He tells
his audience that science is to play an ever growing part
in his conception of our society. He finishes by speaking
the moral and spiritual aspects of his philosophy.
His next major point returns him to the "people" (part
of whom make up his present audiences) when he reaffirms
their necessity in his platform. Here is pathos, a play
on their emotions making them feel good and more important
perhaps, making them feel wanted and needed.
Next, two birds are killed with one stone as Nixon
casts aspersions on his opponents and builds inner emotion
of patriotism in his audience:
At Los Angeles two weeks ago, we heard the United
States--our Government blamed for Mr. Khrushchev's
sabotage of the Paris conference. We heard the United
States blamed for the actions of communist-led mobs
in Caracas and Tokyo. We heard that American education
and American scientists are inferior. We heard that
17
America militarily and economically is a second-rate
country. We heard that America's prestige is at an all-
time low.
This is my answer: I say that at a time the Communists
are running us down abroad it's time to speak up. And
my friends, let us recognize America has its weaknesses,
and constructive criticism of those weaknesses is
essential so that we can correct our weaknesses in the
best traditions of our democratic process.
But let us also recognize that while it is dangerous to
see nothing wrong in America, it is just as wrong to
refuse to recognize what is right about America.
Turning to the use of ethos and pathos again(here, to
let his audience know how he really feels about his country
no matter what those nasty Democrats said) Nixon states:
And tonight, I say to you: no criticism no criticism
should be allowed to obscure the truth either at home or
abroad that today America is the strongest nation
militarily, economically and ideologically in the world
and we have the will and the stamina, the resources to
maintain that strength in the years ahead.
A key sentence is expressed a few paragraphs later
when Nixon once again talks of the future. I say this is a
key sentence because to me, he is being patriotic to an
ultra degree. He is being nationalistic, it seems to me,
when he says: "He speaking of the next President must resolve
first and above all that the United States must never settle
for second-best in anything.'
Then, according to my abstractions, Nixon makes another
dangerous statement for any Presidential candidate to make. It
is a statement that could be pounced upon by his opponents and
enlarged to considerable and catastrophic proportions for Mr.
Nixon. He says:
Militarily the security of the United States must be put
before all other considerations. Why? Not only because
this is necessary to deter aggression but because we
18
must make sure that we are never in a position at the
conference table so Mr. Khrushchev or his successor is
able to coerce an American President because of his
strength and our weakness.
Perhaps Nixon meant to qualify himself. But it seems to me
the initial statement left such an initial impression to not
easily be dispelled even by the talk of containing Mr.
Khrushchev. If this one statement is a rhetorical blunder,
than I can't help wishing the Vice-President would have
re-worked that paragraph. Surely Mr. Nixon was not talking
about the establishment of an out-and-out militaristic state?
Next, is the consideration of "the biggest problem"
confronting the next Administration and the people Communism.
Nixon inserts another patriotic thrust to thwart the dastardly
evils of the Reds when he says our nation will overcome this
"Ism":
Because there is one great theme that runs through our
history as a nation. Americans are always at their best
when the challenge is greatest.
I see this as an appeal to the emotions of the audience and
an example of the speaker's ethical quality.
He outlines points of attack against Communism. He
again tells his audience how important they are in this
battle: "The most effective proponents of freedom are not
governments but free people".
Nixon brings in the idea that the U.S. allies will
have to help also in the fight against Communism.
Ethos and pathos are combined in what 1s perhaps
the most eloquent sentence in the entire speech: "When Mr.
Khrushchev says our grandchildren will live under communism,
let us say his grandchildren will live in freedom."
19
The peak of patriotism in the speech 1s presented a
few lines later:
In essence, what I am saying tonight is that our answer
to the threat of the Communist revolution is renewed
devotion to the great ideals of the American Revolution
ideals that caught the imagination of the world 180 years
ago and it still lives in the minds and hearts of people
everywhere.
Nixon goes on to tell his audience that the kind
of cold war battle he is talking about is not going to be
easy. He says everyone will have to work together. Ethos
in the form of "sacrifice" and pathos headlined by "supreme
satisfaction" 1s brought out next:
And it means, my fellow Americans, it means sacrifice.
But not the grim sacrifice of desperation but the
rewarding sacrifice of choice which lifts us out of the
humdrum life in which we live and gives us the supreme
satisfaction which comes from working together in a
cause greater than ourselves, greater than our nation,
as great as the whole world itself.
There is patriotism again when Nixon states:
You will remember. Listen, Thomas Jefferson said "We
act not for ourselves alone but for the whole human
race. Lincoln said, In giving freedom to the slaves
we assure freedom to the free. We shall nobly save
or meanly lose the last best hope of earth. And Teddy
Roosevelt said, 'our first duty as citizens of the
nation is owed to the United States but 1f we are
true to our principles we must also think of serving
the interests of mankind at large.
Nixon concludes his speech with ethos (in speaking
of God and prayer) and pathos (in the form of patriotism
and religion) when he says:
A hundred years age Abraham Lincoln was asked during
the dark days of the tragic war between the states
whether he thought God was on his side. His answer
was 'my concern is not whether God is on our side, but
whether we are on God's side.
My fellow Americans, may that ever be our prayer for our
20
country, and in that spirit with faith in America,
with faith in her ideals and in her people I accept
your nomination for President of the United States.
ARRANGEMENT
It seems to me that Nixon's speech composition could
fit any of the three arrangements we are considering in this
class for our reports.
But of the three, the five step motivated sequence
seems more apropos to the occassion in which Nixon was
speaking. This arrangement includes: Attention; Need;
Satisfaction; Visualization; Action.
For attention, I believe this is well established in
the first three paragraphs. Here, I am talking about drawing
attention to the Speaker himself. He finishes this section
that I am labeling attention with:
And I congratulate Chairman Halleck and Chairman Morton
and all of those who have helped to make this convention
one that will stand in the annals of our party forever
as one of the finest we have ever held.
But, for another kind of attention--attention to a
problem that exists want to point out these words by Nixon:
because
the next President will have new and challenging
problems in the world of utmost gravity this truly is
the time for greatness in America's leadership.
I am sure you will understand why I do not say tonight
that I alone am the man who can furnish that leadership.
Nixon has now established that the next President is
going to have his hands full. He will go on to explain in
the need step:
"
I would like to discuss tonight some of
the great problems which will confront the next President
!!
Also during this need step Nixon informs his audiences they
should be aware of what the opposition offers:
21
I happen to believe that their program would be disastrous
for America. It would wreck our economy; it would dash
our people's high hopes for & better life.
Certainly this should touch many listening. This is certainly
a predicament that Nixon has established. What can be done
about?
But aside from just the attack on the opposition,
Nixon points out that a better American society needs to be
built. It needs to be built through better programs for
the elderly, the youth, wage-earners, scientists, farmers
and education.
Here, along with stating the need for these programs
he has the satisfaction step telling his audience what he
intends to do about these problems.
But he mentions another need as he goes on into his
speech. That is to be ready to fight Communism. He maintains:
"the major problem the biggest problem confronting the
next President of the United States will be to inform the
people of the character of this kind of agression." Nixon
goes on to satisfy the need he establishes here by saying
the next President "must develop a brand new strategy which
will win the battle for freedom for all men and women without
#
war.
In my opinion, Nixon mixes visualization and action
in the closing minutes of his speech. He visualizes with
the following words:
And I say tonight that we Americans shall rise to our
greatest heights in this Decade of the Sixties as we
mount the offensive to meet those forces which threaten
peace and the rights of free men everywhere.
22
Then, right into action: "But there are some things
we can do and things we must do, and I would like to list
them for you tonight." Those things include: continual growth
of the economy to aid in combating Communism; reorganization
of government activity; better training programs for our
representatives sent abroad; citizens must represent the good
side of their country when traveling overseas; and then an
idea for a battle cry of our own. That 1dea should be one
of "victory":
But let the victory we seek be not victory over any other
nation or any other people. Let it be the victory of
freedom over tyranny, of plenty over hunger, of health
over disease in every country of the world.
Nixon tells his audience that we must welcome these challenges.
He goes on:
And what America needs today is not just a President, not
just a few leaders, but millions of Americans working for
the victory of freedom.
Each American must make a personal and total commitment
to the cause of freedom and all it stands for
Here then, we have one look at organization in the
composition of Nixon's speech.
STYLE
This consideration will include four areas: Level of
Style; Diction; Sentence Structure; and, Rhetorical Devices.
Nixon's level in this speech is middle to low. Being
a lawyer, and apparantly a good one, Nixon has a good command
of the language. I'm sure he can achieve a higher level but
in this case the occasion, 1t seems to me, demanded an un-
complicated approach.
23
I also believe the presense of the mass media in
of
the forms/true immeadiacy--- radio and television plus
newspaper and magazine representatives, caused Nixon to
consider his level.
The mass media would also have something to do with
his word choice which I consider to be largely mono-syllabic.
In general, right or wrong, it has been my experience that
the broadcast media prefer the mono-syllabic approach. At
one time there was a very good practical reason for this.
That 1s, when the media whe was not as sophisticated as today
(especially in the days of early radio) words could easily
be lost if they were not distinct and to the point. Some
professionals hold this opinion today.
Also, mono-syllabic words are practical in such a
location as the Chicago Amphatheatre. The acoustics would
certainly leave something to be desired. I would like to
offer the following sentence as an example in this area:
"Let me tell you something of the goal of this better America
towards which we will strive."
This leads us to Nixon's sentence structure in the
speech under consideration. The sentences are largely simple
with an occasional compound structure present.
An example of some of his simple sentences: "hat must
we do?" "You know why?" "This 1s the kind of men we must train."
An example of a compound( to perhaps a compound-complex)
structure is this:
And I might suggest that as we consider the relative
merits of youth and age, it's only fair to point out
that it was not Mr. de Gaulle, or Mr. Macmillan, or Mr.
Adenauer, but Mr. Kennedy who made the rash and impulsive
24
suggestion that President Eisenhower should have
apologized and sent regrets to Mr. Khrushchev for
the U-2 flight which the president had ordered to
save our country from surprise attack.
In the category of rhetorical devices, I found that
Nixon frequently used the rhetorical question in this speech.
sp
In speeking of the choices the voter has in November, early
in the speech he asks: "What should your choice be and what
is it?" Then he goes on in the next sentence: "Well, let's
first examine what our opponents offered in Los Angeles two
weeks ago."
between inter gation + Rhetorical more
a difference should he noted.
And again:
question These the are former.
They claim theirs was a new program but you know what
it was? It was simply the same old proposition that a
political party should be all things to all men and
nothing more than that.
Finishing with what in his oppinion the opposition
offers Nixon says: "What do we offer?" and with the next
sentence goes on to a detailed explanation of the GOP platform.
Nixon offers specific examples in his speaking. An
interesting one 1s:
a
little
I have seen hate for America, not only in the Kremlin,
but in the eyes of Communists in our own country, and
on the ugly face of a mob in Caracas
ethir
And I have seen love for America in countries throughout
going
the world, in a crowd in Jakarta, in Bogota; in the heart
of Siberia, in Warsaw--250,0 people on the streets on
here too
too
a Sunday afternoon singing, crying with tears running
down the cheeks and shouting: Nacheea! Nacheea! "Long
live the United States. "
Imagery is sprinkled throughout the Nixon speech. I
consider one sentence to produce the image of disaster to
his audiences. He is speaking of what the Democrats offer:
I happen to believe that their program would be disastrous
for America. It would wreck our economy; it would dash
our people's high hopes for a better life.
25
And at the end of his speech, this image of a
contrast between horror and peace:
A hundred years ago Abraham Lincoln was asked during
the dark days of the tragic war between the states
whether he thought God was on his side. His answer
was "my concern is not whether God is on our side, but
whether we are on God's side.
Parallel construction is outstanding in a couple of
places within the speech. First, in speaking of the problems
that confronted Lincoln when he was nominated one hundred
years ago in the same city:
The question then was freedom for the slaves and survival
of the nation. The question now is freedom for all
mankind and the survival of civilization
Parallel construction is observed again when Nixon
is speaking of our country combating Communism:
In essence, what I am saying tonight is that our answer
to the threat of the Communist revolution 1s renewed
devotion to the great ideals of the American Revolution
ideals that caught the imagination of the world 180 years
ago and it still lives in the minds and hearts of people
everywhere.
Before leaving the consideration of some of the
rhetorical devices used by the then Vice-President Nixon, I
would like to point out one other area that is completely
lacking in such a long speech. That 18 wit and humor.
At no time does Nixon use these devices.
There is one point, where the Vice-President may have
smiled during applause (if there was applause). That is in
reference to the image given the world by the opposition at
the earlier convention:
tonight we Republicans know that the differences that
devide us are infinitesimal compared to the gulf between
us and what the Democrats would put upon us from what
26
they did at Los Angeles at their convention two weeks ago.
I am conjecturing here. But my point 18, there 1s
definately no humor or wit in the Nixon address. The only time
at
humor may have been hinted/and I see it evident more in the
speaker smiling subtlely than in what is contained in his speaking
script)was when he mentioned the confusion or at any rate a
poor image the Democrats gave at their convention two weeks ago.
I can see where the Republicans would look at this with a certain
amount of glee and use it to their advantage. (This 1s indicated
earlier in this paper.)
Why did Nixon not use humor? I can only surmise due
to the gavity of the times and his topics encompassing the
greater portions of his speech.
This concludes my consideration of Nixon's style in
the composition of his speech.
CONCLUSION
Unity 1s a main theme running throughout this Nixon
speech. I don't know how this compares with other Presidential
nomination speeches. But I would assume that a call to unity
would be advisable in any such address. Therefore, perhaps
this is not a unique theme.
Upon reading the speech, one cannot but notice and
indeed feel a considerable amount of patriotism. This
patriotism in the speech includes God and mother as well as
the flag. And of course, one can almost consider Abraham
Lincoln and patriotism as being synonymous. At least I do
and this may not be a particularly valid comment for a great
number of people.
27
In his speaking, it seems to me that Nixon relies
principally upon logos by artistic proof in the form of
authority and evidence. I would say, authority is predominant
over evidence. After all, the office of Vice-President does
carry considerable weight. And with this, Nixon has traveled
considerably adding authority to his references of Khrushchev
and Latin America.
I must confess that I am disturb somewhat in the fact
that Nixon did not introduce some humor and wit in his speech.
I'm disturb because it would seem to me that especially at
the beginning, some humor, no matter how subtle, would be
fitting. I'm disturbed because I do not know for sure why
he left it out.
In the Style section of this paper I mentioned one
possible idea in this connection. This is a serious speech
with vital topics to humanity. One could not possible enter
upon the subjects lightly. If nothing else, it would be in
sp
poor taste. Also, there 1s definate reverance throughout
the speech with references directly or indirectly to God.
This comes, I would suppose, more from Nixon's Quaker background
than from any political expediency on his part.
Was this a successful speech? I would not argue against
it being a success as far as the speaker planned it. I think
Mixon certainly solidified himself 88 the figure-head of the
Re blican party for the 1960 November elections. I do not
think that because he didn't become President, we can then
say the speech was not effective.
28
If there was ever a time when ethos and pathos were
established before the speaker approached the podium, this
was such a time. Too, let us remember, that the custom is
to have demonstrations at such conventions before speakers
deliver their addresses.
This brings me to a point that I feel I cannot take
the time to pursue now but only mention for further
consideration and exploration. That is this: at such times
as we have in this particular speech situation, who is the
catalyst? where is the nucleous? who 1s responsible? Does
the audience make the speaker and his text great or does
the speaker push his audience and the times into eloquence
and a date with history? Or, do both spur each other on to
memorable heights?
To put it another way, if Richard Nixon had not given
this address and all other things were the same, would Mr.
Unknown have done just as well, have contributed just as much
to the 1960 Republican Convention? Did the audience and the
situation make the speaker or did the speaker command the
reigns of this particular destiny?
One other aspect deserves mention before I conclude
this paper.
I have attempted to be as objective as possible in
writing this paper and in my evaluation of the former Vice-
President. I realize full well, keeping in mind some of the
theories of my good friends the General Semanticists, that
some of my comments herein could very well be directed by
certain amounts of intensionalism on my part.
29
No matter what my personal political views are, I
sought to maintain justness and fairness as far as my subject
is concerned. Any direct or implied negative comments found
in this paper, particularly in the analysis, was intended
purely for study and evaluation and nothing else. It makes
no difference what party Mr. Nixon belongs to, I approached
my criticism of him and his speech as I would any reputable
subject.
One final thought: let's compare Mr. Nixon's 1960
acceptance address with his 1968 address if he is nominated
this summer as his party's choice for President of the United
States.
30
FOOTNOTES
¹Earl Mazo, Richard Nixon (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1959), pp. 8,9.
2Ibid., p. 9.
3Ibid., p. 10.
4Ibid., p. 10.
51b1d., p. 21.
⁶Ibid., p. 22.
7Ibid., p. 22.
⁸Ibid., p. 25.
9Ib1d., p. 39.
loIbid., pp. 39,40.
llIbid., p. 293.
l2Ibid., p. 294.
13Ibid., p. 295.
14Ibid., p. 300.
"The Presidential Nominations",
15paul T. David (ed.), /The Presidential Election And Transition
1960-1961 (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution,
1961), p.2.
16 Ibid., p. 4.
17 Paul Tillett, "The National Conventions," The Presidential
Election and Transition 1960-1961, ed. Paul T. David
(Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1961), ,p.54.
18 Ibid., p. 55.
19 Newsweek, August 1,1960, p. 16.
20" Boss Grabs Glad Hands of All The Delegates", Life, August 8,
1960, p. 20.
21 Charles A. H. Thomson, "Mass Media Activities And Influence,"
The Presidential Election and Transition 1960-1961, ed.
Paul T. David (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution,
1961), p. 96.
22Life., p. 20.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
"Boss Grabs Glad Hands Of All The Delegates", Life. August 8,1960.
David, Paul T. (ed.). "The Presidential Nominations," The
Presidential Election and Transition 1960-1961. Washington,
D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1961.
Mazo, Earl. Richard Nixon. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1959.
Newsweek. August 1,1960.
Thomson, Charles A. H. "Mass Media Activities And Influence,"
The Presidential Election and Transition 1960-1961. Edited
by Paul T. David. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings
Institution, 1961.
Tillet, Paul. "The National Conventions," The Presidential
Election and Transition 1960-1961. Edited by Paul T.
David. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1961.
VITAL SPEECHES OF THE DAY. VOL. XXVI, AUGUST 15, 1960.
Vital Speeches of the Day
REG. U. S. PAT. OFF.
VOL. XXVI
AUGUST 15, 1960
The Republican National Convention
ACCEPTANCE ADDRESS
By RICHARD M. NIXON, Vice President of the United States
Delivered at the Republican National Convention, Chicago, Illinois, July 28, 1960
M
R. CHAIRMAN, delegates to this convention, my
history and last night our beloved fighting President
fellow Americans: I have made many speeches in my
the greatest speech that I. have ever heard him make
life and never have I found it more difficult to find
this convention,
the words adequate to express what I feel as I find them to-
Your platform and its magnificent presentation by chuck
night.
Percy, the chairman. For these and for so many other
To stand here before this great convention, to hear your
I want to congratulate you tonight and to thank
expression of affection for me, for Pat, for our daughters, for
the bottom of my heart and on behalf of Americans
my mother, for all of us who are representing our party is, of
Republicans-Americans everywhere for making us plan
course, the greatest moment of my life.
our country and of our two-party system for what you
And I just want you to know that my only prayer as I
done.
stand here is that in the months ahead I may be in some way
And tonight, too, I particularly want to thank this
worthy of the affection and the trust which you have pre-
tion for nominating as my running mate a world statesm
sented to me on this occasion in everything that I say, every-
of the first rank, my friend and colleague. Henrv Caboe
RICHARD M. NIXON
643
perity in history, but above all they will remember him as the
home to the American people, and we will do it with a cam-
man who restored honesty, integrity and dignity to the conduct
paign such as this country has never seen before.
of government in the highest office of this land.
I have been asked by the newsmen sitting on my right and
My fellow Americans, I know now that you will under-
my left all week long, when is this campaign going to begin,
stand what I next say because the next President of the United
Mr. Vice President, on the day after Labor Day or one of the
States will have his great example to follow; because the next
other traditional starring dates? And this is my answer: This
President will have new and challenging problems in the
campaign begins ronight, here and now, and it goes on.
world of utmost gravity this truly is the time for greatness in
And this campaign will continue from now until Nov. 8
America's leadership.
without any let up.
1 ain sure you will understand why I do not say tonight that
And I've also been asked by my friends in the press on
I alone am the man who can furnish that leadership. That
either side here. They say, "Mr. Vice President, where are
question is not for me but for you to decide. And I only ask
you going to concentrate. What states are you going to visit?"
that the thousands in this hall and the millions listening to
And this is my answer: In this campaign, we are going to take
me on television, I only ask that you make that decision in
no states for granted and we aren't going to concede any
the most thoughtful way that you possibly can because what
states to the opposition!
you decide this November will not only affect your lives, and
And 1 announce to you tonight and I pledge to you that I,
your future, it will affect the future of millions throughout
personally, will carry this campaign into every one of the
the world.
fifty states of this nation between now and Nov. 8.
And I urge you study the records of the candidates, listen
And in this campaign I make a prediction. I say that just
to my speeches and that of my opponent and that of Mr.
as in 1952 and 1956, millions of Democrats will join us not
Lodge and that of his opponent and then after you have studied
because they are deserting their party but because their party
our records and listened to our speeches decide-decide on
deserted them at Los Angeles two weeks ago.
the basis of what we say and what we believe which is best
Now I have suggested to you what our friends of the oppo-
qualified to lead America and the free world in this critical
sition offered to the American people. What do we offer?
period.
First, we are proud to offer the best eight-year record of any
And to help you make this decision I would like to dis-
Administration in the history of this country.
cuss tonight some of the great problems which will confront
But, my fellow Americans, that isn't all, and that isn't
the next President of the United States and the policies I be-
enough, because we happen to believe that a record is not
lieve that should be adopted to meet them.
something to stand on but something to build on, and build-
One hundred years ago in this city Abraham Lincoln was
ing on the great record of this Administration we shall build
nominated for President of the United States. The problems
a better America. We shall build an America in which we
which will confront our next President will be even greater
shall see the realization of the dreams, the dreams of millions
than those that confronted him.
of people not only in America but throughout the world for
The question then was freedom for the slaves and survival
a fuller, freer, richer life than men have ever known in the
of the nation. The question now is freedom for all mankind
history of mankind.
and the survival of civilization and the choice you make-
Let me tell you something of the goal of this better America
each of you listening to me makes this November-can affect
towards which we will strive.
the answer to that question.
In this America, our older citizens shall not only have ade-
What should your choice be and what is it?
quate protection against the hazards of ill-health but a greater
Well, let's first examine what our opponents offered in
opportunity to lead a useful and productive life by participat-
Los Angeles two weeks ago.
ing to the extent they are able in the nation's exciting work
2 They claim theirs was a new program but you know what
rather than sitting on the sidelines.
it was? It was simply the same old proposition that a political
And in this better America, young Americans shall not only
party should be all things to all men and norhing more than
have the best basic education in America but every boy and
that.
girl of ability regardless of his financial circumstances shall
And they promised-everything to everybody with one ex-
have the opportunity to develop his intellectual capabilities
ception. They didn't promise to pay the bill. And I say tonight
to the full.
that with their convention, their platform and their ticket
Our wage-earners shall enjoy increasingly higher wages in
they composed a symphony of political cynicism which is out
honest dollars with better protection against the hazards of
of harmony with our times today.
unemployment and old age and for those millions of Ameri-
Now we come to the key question: what should our answer
cans who are still denied equality of rights and opportunity, I
be? And some might say, why, do as they do. Out-promise
say there shall be the greatest progress in human rights since
them, because that's the only way to win.
the days of Lincoln, 100 years ago.
And I want to tell you my answer. I happen to believe that
And America's farmers-America's farmers-to whose hard
their program would be disastrous for America. It would
work and almost incredible efficiency we owe the fact that
wreck our economy; it would dash our people's high hopes
we are the best fed, best clorhed people in the world, I say
for a better life.
American farmers must and will receive what they do not
And I serve notice here and now that whatever the political
have today and what they deserve-a fair share of America's
consequences, we are not going to try to out-promise our
ever-increasing prosperity.
opponents in this campaign.
And to accomplish these things, we will develop to the full
We are not going to make promises we cannot and should
the untapped natural resources our water, our minerals, our
not keep and we are not going to try to buy the people's votes
power with which we are so fortunate to be blessed in this
with their own money.
rich land of ours.
And to, those who say that this position will mean political
And we shall provide for our scientists, the support they
defeat, my answer is this: We have more faith than that in
need for the research that will-open exciting new highways
the good sense of the American people, provided the people
into the future-new highways in which we shall have prog-
know the facts, and that's where we come in.
ress which we cannot even dream of today. And above all, in
And I pledge to you tonight that we will bring the facts
this decade of the Sixties, this decade of decision and progress,
644
VITAL SPEECHES OF THE DAY
we will witness the continued revitalization of America's moral
and they will be vastly more difficult than those of the Fifties
and spiritual strength with the renewed faith in the eternal
through which we have just passed.
ideals of freedom and justice under God which are our price-
We are in a race tonight, my fellow Americans, in a race
less heritage as a people.
for survival in which our lives, our fortunes, our liberties are
And now I am sure that many of you in this hall and many'
at stake. We are ahead now. But the only way to stay ahead
of you on television might well ask, "but Mr. Nixon, don't
in a race is to move ahead and the next President will make
our opponents favor just such goals as these?" And my answer
decisions which will determine whether we win or whether
is yes, of course. All Americans regardless of party want a
we lose this race.
better life for our people. What's the difference then? And
What must we do?
I'll tell you what it is. The difference is in the way we pro-
These things, I believe:
pose to reach these goals, and the record shows that our way
He must resolve first and above all that the United States
works and theirs doesn't. And we're going to prove it in this
must never settle for second-best in anything.
campaign.
Let's look at the specifics:
We produce on the promises that they make. We succeed
Militarily the security of the United States must be put
where they fail. Do you know why? Because we put, as
before all other considerations. Why? Not only because this
Governor Rockefeller said in his remarks, we put our primary
is necessary to deter aggression but because we must make
reliance not upon government but upon people for progress
sure that we are never in a position at the conference table so
in America. That is why we will succeed.
Mr. Khrushchev or his successor is able to coerce an American
And we must never forget that the strength of America is
President because of his strength and our weakness.
not in its government but in its people. And we say tonight
Diplomatically, let's look at what this problem is. Diplo-
that there is no limit to the goals America can reach provided
matically, our next President must be firm, firm on principle
we stay true to the great American tradition.
But he must never be belligerent. He must never engage in a
A government has a role and a very important one but the
war of words which might heat up the international climate
role of government is not to take responsibility from people
to the igniting point of nuclear catastrophe. But, while he
but to put responsibility on them. It is not to dictate to people
must never answer insults in kind, he must leave no doubt a
but to encourage and srimulate the creative productivity of
any time that whether it is in Berlin or in Cuba or anywhere
180,000,000 free Americans. That's the way to progress in
else in the world, America will not tolerate being pushed
America.
around by anybody, any place.
In other words, we have faith in the people and because our
Because we have already paid a terrible price in lives and
programs for progress are based on that faith, we shall suc-
resources to learn that appeasement leads not to peace but
ceed where our opponents will fail in building the better
to war.
America that I've described.
It will indeed take great leadership to steer us through these
But if these goals are to be reached, the next President of
years, avoiding the extremes of belligerency on the one hand
the United States must have the wisdom to choose between
and appeasement on the other.
the things government should and should not do. He must
Now, Mr. Kennedy has suggested that what the world
have the courage to stand against the pressures of the few
needs is young leadership, and understandably this has great
for the good of the many, and he must have the vision to
appeal. Because it is true, true, that youth does bring bold-
press forward on all fronts for the better life our people want.
ness and imagination, and drive to leadership, and we need
I have spoken to you of the responsibilities of our next
all those things.
President at home. Those which he will face abroad will be
But I think most people will agree with me tonight when
infinitely greater. But before I look to the future, let me say a
I say that President de Gaulle, Prime Minister Macmillan
word about the past.
Chancellor Adenauer, are not young men.
At Los Angeles two weeks ago, we heard the United States
But we are indeed fortunate that we have their wisdom and
-our Government-blamed for Mr. Khrushchev's sabotage
their experience, and their courage on our side in the struggle
of the Paris conference. We heard the United States blamed
for freedom today in the world.
for the actions of communist-led mobs in Caracas and Tokyo.
And I might suggest that as we consider the relative merits
We heard that American education and American scientists
of youth and age, it's only fair to point out that it was no
are inferior. We heard that America militarily and economical-
Mr. de Gaulle, or Mr. Macmillan, or Mr. Adenauer, but Mr
ly is a second-rate country. We heard that America's prestige
Kennedy who made the rash and impulsive suggestion tha
is at an all-time low.
President Eisenhower should have apologized and sent regret
This is my answer: I say that at a time the Communists are
to Mr. Khrushchev for the U-2 flight which the Presiden
running us down abroad it's time to speak up. And my friends,
had ordered to save our country from surprise attack.
let us recognize America has its weaknesses, and constructive
But formidable as will be the diplomatic and militar
criticism of those weaknesses is essential, essential so that we
problems confronting the next President, far more difficul
and critical will be the decisions he must make to meet an
can correct our weaknesses in the best traditions of our demo-
defeat the enemies of freedom in an entirely different kin
cratic process.
of struggle.
But let us also recognize that while it is dangerous to see
And now, I want to speak to you of another kind of aggre:
nothing wrong in America, it is just as wrong to refuse to
sion-aggression without war, for the aggressor comes not
recognize what is right about America.
a conqueror but as a champion of peace, of freedom, offerin
And tonight I say to you: no criticism-no criticism-
progress and plenty and hope to the unfortunates of the cart
should be allowed to obscure the truth either at home or
And I say tonight that the major problem-the bigge
abroad that today America is the strongest nation militarily,
problem-confroating the next President of the United Stat
economically and ideologically in the world and we have the
will be to inform the people of the character of this kind
will and the stamina, the resources to maintain that strength
aggression, to arouse the people to the mortal danger it pr
in the years ahead.
sents and to inspire the people to meet that danger.
And now, if we may turn to the future. We must recognize
And hesmust develop a brand new strategy which will W
that the foreign policy problems of the Sixties will be different
the battle for freedom for all men and women without a w:
RICHARD M. NIXON
645
is the great task of the next President of the United
do this job alone. The most effective proponents of freedom
States.
are not governments but free people.
And this will be a difficult task. Difficult because at times
And this means that every American, every one of you
our next President must tell the people not what they want
listening tonight who works or travels abroad must represent
:0 hear but what they need to hear. Why, for example, it may
his country at its best in everything that he does.
just as essential to the national interest to build a dam in
And the United States, the United States, big as it is, strong
India as in California. It will be difficult, too, because we
as it is, we can't do this job alone.
Americans have always been able to see and understand the
The best brains, the fullest resources of other free nations
Unger presented by missiles and airplanes and bombs, but
which have as great a stake in freedom as we have must be
we found it hard to recognize the even more deadly danger of
mobilized to participate with us in this task to the extent they
propaganda that warps the mind, the economic offensive
are able.
that softens the nation, the subversion that destroys the will
But do you know what is most important of all-above all
of a people to resist tyranny.
-we must recognize that the greatest economic strength that
And yet may I say tonight that the fact that this threat is
we can imagine, the finest of government organizations-all
I believe it to be the greatest danger we have ever con-
this will fail if we are not united and inspired by a great idea
fronted this is no reason for lack of confidence in the outcome.
-an idea which will be a battle cry for a grand offensive to
You know why?
win the minds and the hearts and the souls of men.
Because there is one great theme that runs through our
Do we have such an idea?
history as a nation. Americans are always at their best when
The Communists proclaim over and over again that their
the challenge is greatest.
aim is the victory of communism throughout the world. It is
And I say tonight that we Americans shall rise to our,
not enough for us to reply that our aim is to contain com-
greatest heights in this Decade of the Sixties as we mount the
munism, to defend the free world against communism, to
offensive to meet those forces which threaten peace and the
hold the line against communism. The only answer to a
rights of free men everywhere.
strategy of victory for the communist world is a strategy of
But there are some things we can do and things we must
victory for the free world.
do, and I would like to list them for you tonight.
But let the victory we seek be not victory over any other
First, we must take the necessary steps which will assure
nation or any other people. Let it be the victory of freedom
that the American economy grows at a maximum rate so that
over tyranny, of plenty over hunger, of health over disease
we can maintain our present massive lead over the Communist
in every country of the world.
bloc.
When Mr. Khrushchev says our grandchildren will live under
How do we do this? There isn't any magic formula by
communism, let us say his grandchildren will live in freedom.
which government in a free nation can bring this about. The
When Mr. Khrushchev says the Monroe Doctrine is dead
way to insure maximum growth in America is not by ex-
in the Americas, we say the doctrine of freedom applies every-
panding the functions of government but by increasing the
where in the world.
opportunities for investment and creative enterprise for mil-
And I say tonight let us welcome Mr. Khrushchev's chal-
lions of individual Americans.
lenge to peaceful competition of our system. But let us reply,
And at a time when the Communists have found it neces-
let us compete in the Communist world as well as in the free
sary to turn to decentralization of their economy and to turn
world, because the Communist dictators must not be allowed
to the use of individual incentive to increase productivity, at
the privileged sanctuary from which to launch their guerrilla
time, in other words when they are turning our way, I say
attacks on the citadels of freedom.
we must and we will not make the mistake of turning their
And we say further, extend this competition-extend it to
way.
include not only food and factories as he has suggested but
There is another step that we must take-a second one.
extend it to include the great spiritual and moral values which
Our government activity must be reorganized-reorganized to
characterize our civilization.
take the intiative from the Communists and to develop and
And further, let us welcome, my friends, let us welcome
carry out a world-wide strategy, an offensive for peace and
the challenge, not be disconcerted by it, not fail to meet it.
freedom.
The challenge, presented by the revolution of peaceful peoples'
The complex of agencies which has grown up through the
aspirations in South America, in Asia, in Africa. We can't
years for exchange of persons, for technical assistance, for
fail in this mission. We can't fail to assist them in finding a
information, for loans and for grants, all these must be welded
way to progress with freedom, so that they will be faced with
together into one powerful economic and ideological striking
the terrible alternative of turning to communism with its
force under the direct supervision and leadership of the Presi-
promise of progress at the cost of freedom.
dent of the United States.
Let us make it clear to them that our aim in helping them
Because what we must do you see is to wage the battles
is not merely to stop communism but that in the great Ameri-
for peace and freedom with the same unified direction and
can tradition of concern for those less fortunate than we are,
dedication with which we wage battles in wars.
that we welcome the opportunity to work with people every-
And if these activities are to succeed, we must develop a
where in helping them to achieve their aspirations for a life
better training program for the men and women who will
of human dignity.
represent our country at home and abroad.
And this means that our primary aim must be not to help
And what we need are men with broad knowledge of the
government but to help people-to help people attain the
intracacies and techniques of the strategy of communism, with
life they deserve.
keen knowledge of the great principles for which free people
In essence, what I am saying tonight is that our answer to
stand and above all men who with zeal and dedication which
the threat of the Communist revolution is renewed devotion
the Communists cannot match will outthink and outwork and
to the great ideals of the American Revolution-ideals that
outlast the enemies of freedom wherever they meet them
caught the imagination of the world 180 years ago and it still
anyplace in the world.
lives in the minds and hearts of people everywhere.
This is the kind of men we must train.
I could tell you tonight that all you need to do to bring
And we must recognize something else. Government can't
all these things about that I have described is to elect the
646
VITAL SPEECHES OF THE DA
right man as President of this country and leave these tasks
And we say-we say today-that a young America sh
to him. But my fellow Americans, America demands more
fulfill her destiny by helping to build a new world in wh
than that of me and of you.
men can live together in peace and justice and freedom W
When I visited the Soviet Union, in every factory there
each other.
was a huge sign which read: "Work for the victory of com-
But there is a difference today, an exciting difference. A
munism."
the difference is because of the dramatic breakthroughs
And what America needs today is not just a President, not
science for the first time in human history we have the
just a few leaders, but millions of Americans working for the
sources-the resources to wage a winning war against pover
victory of freedom.
misery and disease wherever it exists in rhe world, and up
Each American must make a personal and total commit-
the next President of the United States will rest the respon
ment to the cause of freedom and all it stands for. It means
bility to inspire and to lead the forces of freedom toward t
wage earners and employers making an extra effort to in-
goal.
crease the productivity of our factories. It means our students
I am sure now that you understand why I said at the 1
in schools striving for excellence rather than adjusting to
ginning that it would be difficult for any man to say that
mediocrity.
was qualified to provide this kind of leadership.
It means supporting, encouraging our scientists to explore
I can only say tonight to you that I believe in the Americ
the unknown, not for just what we can get but for what we
dream because I have seen it come true in my own life.
can learn. And it means on the part of each American as-
I know something of the threat which confronts us, a
suming personal responsibility to make this country which
we love a proud example of freedom for all the world. Each
I know something of the effort which will be needed to meet
of us for example doing our part in ending the prejudice
I have seen hate for America, not only in the Kremlin, I
which 100 years after Lincoln, to our shame, still embarrasses
in the eyes of Communists in our own country, and on 1
us abroad and saps our strength at home. Each of us participat-
ugly face of a mob in Caracas.
ing in this and other political campaigns, not just by going
I have heard doubts about America, expressed not just
to the polls and voting but working with the candidate of
Communists but by sincere students and labor leaders in oth
your choice.
countries, searching for the way to a better life and wonderi
And it means, my fellow Americans, it means sacrifice. But
if we had lost the way.
not the grim sacrifice of desperation but the rewarding sacri-
And I have seen love for America in countries through
fice of choice which lifts us out of the humdrum life in which
the world, in a crowd in Jakarta, in Bogota; in the heart
we live and gives us the supreme satisfaction which comes
Siberia, in Warsaw-250,000 people on the streets on a St
from working together in a cause greater than ourselves,
day afternoon singing, crying with tears running down th
greater than our nation, as great as the whole world itself.
cheeks and shouting: "Nacheea! Nacheea!" "Long live I
What I proposed tonight is not new. It is as old as America
United States."
and as young as America because America will never grow old.
And I know, my fellow Americans, I know tonight that
You will remember. Listen, Thomas Jefferson said "We act
must resist the hate. We must remove the doubts, but abc
not for ourselves alone but for the whole human race." Lincoln
all we must be worthy of the love and the trust of millions
said, "In giving freedom to the slaves we assure freedom to the
this earth for whom America is the hope of the world.
free. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of
A hundred years ago Abraham Lincoln was asked duri
earth." And Teddy Roosevelt said, "Our first duty as citizens of
the dark days of the tragic war between the states wheth
the nation is owed to the United States but if we are true
he thought God was on his side. His answer was "my conce
to our principles we must also think of serving the interests
is not whether God is on our side, but whether we are
of mankind at large."
God's side."
And Woodrow Wilson said, "A patriotic American is never
My fellow Americans, may that ever be our prayer for (
so proud of the flag under which he lives as when it comes
country, and in that spirit with faith in America, with fa
to mean to others as well as to himself a symbol of hope and
in her ideals and in her people I accept your nomination
liberty."
President of the United States.
The Best Way To Achieve
Good Objectives And Keep Them
KEYNOTE ADDRESS
By WALTER H. JUDD, Congressman from Minnesota
Delivered at the Republican National Convention, Chicago, Illinois, July 25, 1960
A
S WE MEET tonight in this Republican National Con-
The problems we face are too disturbing.
vention of 1960 I do not believe you want me to
Our country's safety-your safety and mine-are too grav
indulge in the traditional keynote speech, blaming
endangered.
the other party for everything that is bad, taking credit to our-
What the American people want to know as they watch
selves for everything that is good, and promising that if you
tonight is: Which party has the greatest capacity to keep t
voters will just elect us to office this fall, we will solve every
country safe and sound?
problem, increase every benefit, expand every existing pro-
Which party is the most alert to and best understands
gram, start a whole flock of new ones, give everyone every-
powerful forces against us, abroad and at home?
thing he wants-and reduce the national debt at the same
Which party best understands the forces for us, abroad a
time.
at home?
The times in which we meet are too serious for that.
Which party has the ablest, the most experienced, the b
WESTMORELAND FARM
BEDFORD. NEW YORK
October 7, 1968
My dear Mr. Nixon:
In sending you the inclosed letter, I
do not wish to be presuming and hope you will
forgive me.
Dr. Fluck is such a well-known and highly
competent naturalist that I feel his opinion
is a valuable one. Not only he but so many
other acquaintances of mine are very hopeful
that you will retain Secretary Udall when you
become President. Few men have done so well
in that capacity as he has done. and perhaps
you will be willing to consider him.
One month from now the Great Excitement
will be over and I feel certain that the
whole country will be rejoicing over your
great victory.
With heartfelt good wishes -
Sincerely your friend,
The Hon. Richard M. Nixon
450 Park Avenue
New York, New York
THE WASHINGTON CROSSING NATURE EDUCATION CENTER
OPENS DOORS TO NATURE
Originated in 1952 by Dr. Paul H. Fluck and his wife, Jeanne, as a volunteer program.
400,000 people from 50 states and more than 40 countries have come to the Nature Center.
125,000 children have attended the children's programs and special school programs.
In 1956 the Bird Banding Station received the Nash Conservation Award.
More than 50,000 birds of 150 different species have been banded.
Wild birds are trapped in the 17-acre Sanctuary by licensed bird banders who, during the
program, band birds with Fish & Wild Life Service Bands, then liberate them.
Wild birds and animals are shown at close range and can be studied and photographed.
Dr. Fluck's unique type of LIVE conservation and Nature programs at Washington Crossing
have won national recognition in articles in the Saturday Evening Post, Nature Maga-
zine, Bucks County Life and countless features in Sunday and daily newspapers.
Be a part of this splendid work-help perpetuate, for posterity, these entertaining, educa-
tional programs on Conservation, wildlife and Indian Lore-a vital heritage of our land.
YOUR HELP IS NEEDED
To provide a permanent Nature Education staff.
To provide a new Nature Center Building.
To provide aviaries and a new bird hospital.
To provide food for the year-round feeding program.
To provide funds for important research.
YOUR CONTRIBUTION IS TAX DEDUCTIBLE. Make your check payable to:
Washington Crossing Nature Education Center, Inc.
Box 147, Washington Crossing, Pa.
This Great Horned Owl has been petted by more than 100,000 people.
It is probably the most loved wild bird in the world.
HELP US TO KEEP YOUR FAMILY
SMILING
"The Smile of Nature Discovery"
SCHEDULE OF BIRD PROGRAMS
Washington Crossing Nature Education Center and Bird Banding Station
Washington Crossing Park, Pennsylvania
All Nature Programs are held on the lawn of the Nature Education Center
located on Route #32, three miles south of New Hope, Pennsylvania
SATURDAY AND SUNDAY BIRD BANDING PROGRAMS (adults and children)
March 1st to November 1st
-4P.M.
November 1st to February 28th - 3 P.M.
SPECIAL CHILDRENS PROGRAMS
April 1st to November 1st - Saturdays and Sundays - 2 P.M.
BIRD SONG CONCERTS
(May only) - Sunday Mornings at 9 A. M.
SCHOOL PROGRAMS
By reservation - teachers should write to the Director for an appointment
ALL PROGRAMS ARE FREE
PHONE 609-397-0109
the
Nature Education Center
Box 147
Washington Crossing State Park
Washington Crossing, Pa.
October 1, 1968.
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
PAUL H. FLUCK, M.D.
Dear Mr. Nixon:
OFFICERS
I know that I speak for thousands of Americans
MRS. BREMNER H. JACKSON
when I say that we are concerned by the absence of
Prestdent
discussion of major conservation issues by any of
JEROME M. SCHWARTZ
the major candidates.
Vice-President
STUYVESANT BARRY
I know that you realize the importance of our
Secretary
natural resources. I know that you know that more
ROBERT B. WALLACE
Americans will die -- right here in the USA -- as
Treasurer
a result of air and water pollution, than will die
on the battlefields of Viet Nam. I am sure you do
DIRECTORS
appreciate the importance of our national parks,
MRS. SARA M. CLARK
forests, wilderness areas, and the wildlife that
MRS. EDNA DONELSON
inhabits them.
MRS. B. FRANKLIN, JR.
PETER V. K. FUNK
But it would be reassuring to hear your plans
MRS. LEFFERTS HUTTON
for the management and protection of federal lands,
WILLIAM A. PATTY
and your views on important problems like air and
ROBERT W. PIERSON
CHARLES PLATT, JR.
water pollution.
WILLIAM C. RIDGE
MRS. ROBERT B. TAYLOR
As a Republican, I have little enthusiasm for
P. ALSTON WARING
other members of the present cabinet, but I do have
great respect for Stewart Udall. All of us, and many
generations still unborn will owe Mr. Udall an ever-
lasting debt of gratitude for his wise stewardship of
the federallands under his care, and for his literate
conservation book, "Quiet Crisis" which I am sure you
have read.
I have heard a number of conservationists express
their hope that your plan to include knowledgable men
of both parties in your cabinet includes Mr. Udall. If
that should be impossible, I sincerely hope you will
seek his advice before selecting his successor.
As a conservationist, nature educator, veteran of
some 2500 conservation lectures, and a recipient of
four major conservation awards, I would like to offer
you my services, at any time, in the field of conservation.
Cordially,
Paul Hush
Paul H. Fluck, MD
Executive Director
(This letter reaches you through the kindness of Miss Helen Frick.)
86 Trumbull St.-
7/ file
West Haven, Conx. 06516 October 11, 1968
Dear Mr. nixon, OCT301968MY
CS-2 l am writing in reference
to your request for funds to
support your campaign. as you
can see I am returning your
request with no contribution, and
I would like to explain why, and
ask you yourself one question.
First of all why should Dsup-
port your campaign when I'm
unable to vote. I feel this is not
fair, as I am in the U.S. army,
and allowed to fight for my Country,
but not allowed to decide whom
should be the leader If you feel
I have the intelligina to fight for
my country which is a wonderful
country, why does my age deprive
(over)
me of the right to vote for the
President.
I would truely appreciate it
if you would answer this letter
as soon as possible as I'm to
leave for overseas October 21, 1968.
Sincerely yours,
Put. John E. BurnsJr.
(Reply Requested)
P.S. why do you call Spero
agnew, "Ied"?
NIXON-AGNEW TV COMMITTEE
P.O. BOX 93, WASHINGTON, D.C. 20044
Yes, I believe that Dick Nixon and Ted Agnew will win this November! Enclosed is my contribution to support an all-out
effort to bring their message to all concerned Americans.
$1000
$500
$100
$25
$10
Other $ 000
Please make your personal check (corporate checks are prohibited by law) payable to: NIXON-AGNEW TV COMMITTEE
Please note any changes to be made in your address
...
Thank you!
Mr. John E. Burns, Jr.
Name Prt John E Burns,Ir,
86 Trumbull St
Street 11
West Haven
New Haven CT 06516
City/State
Zip Code
56D
Please return this card with your contribution.
Thank-you
letter
Dent to
United
of
2031 N. El Dorado St.
File
Stockton, California
October 19, 1968
Mr. Richard Nixon
c/o Mrs. Patricia Fitt, Chairman
Women for Nixon
1726 Pennsylvania Ave.
Washington, D. C.
Dear Tr. Nixon:
In August of this year, I had occasion to be, (along with
my husband, Harold) head counselor for a camp for the mentally
retarded children in Camp La Honda, in the Sente Cruz Mountains,
California.
Needless to say, this WES a warming and memorable experience,
but one part of it, I felt, would be of interest to you personally.
We had one retardee, Hank Baer, who really Was an avid
"Nixon Fan." All he could talk about whenever seen WSS, "Vote
for Nixon!"
On the last day of the camp that week, we had a talent show.
Hank's entry TEE a compaign speech for you, Nr. Nixon, and your
running mate, Tr. Spiro Agnew. We took the speech down in
shorthand so that we could send it to you.
"Vote for Fixon - Vote for Lixon - Vote for Nixon!
My? Because he's a good man for the job. He has
experience as Vice President of the United States,
so he knows what he's doing. He'll get us out of
the war in Viet Nam and we'll have peace.
Vote for Spiro Agnev - he is Governor of Maryland,
so he has experience. He thinks of the people.
He's a good man for the job. He'll be a good man
to help Nixon.
So in the November election, do what's good for the
people -- Vote for Nixon and Agriew -- they're both
good men.
"Vote for Nixon - Vote for Fixon - Vote for Nixon."
Hank did such a good job on this speech - he used hand
gestures, spoke forcefully and really believed in what he was
-2-
saying.
Hank is about six feet tall, 200 lbs. blond hair and
very likeable. Te is also severly reterded.
We have 8 non-denominationsl, Christ-centered camp at
La Honda every year, which stems from our weskly Saturday
Class meetings. These are also non-denominational, but they
are held at Trinity Lutheren Church in Stockton, California.
We are known ES "The Children of the Good Shepherd." We
are not financed by the state, but by interested individuals,
rummage seles, and by the children themselves and their parents.
Thank you for reading this -- Hank was very interested to
know hether or not I sent his speech to you.
Good luck and God's blessings on your campaign from all
the Children of the Good Shepherd and mostly from Hank Baer.
In Christ,
alice Saldwin
Alice Beldwin
Teacher, Children of the Good
Shepherd
October 24, 1968
OCT 75 1968
Mrs. Charles J. Devita, President
Clarks Summit Council of Republican Women
113 Hemlock Drive
Clarks Summit, Pennsylvania
Dear Mrs. Devita:
Thank you so much for the plaque you sent us. It is
very cleverly done and gives a good description of
what the women in the Republican party represent.
They are doing a tremendous job in this campaign, and
we have every hope it will end with a Republican
victory. We are forwarding your work to Mr. Nixon's
office in New York.
With every good wish for the continuing success of
your newly organized Council of Republican Women.
Sincerely,
Mrs. Paul F. Grooms
National Director
Women's Division
AG/bf
cc: R. Nixon
Key
H-2
my mail
no envelope
attached
card
113 Hemlock Drive
of
s
Clarks Summit, Pa.
October 21, 1968
Honorable Richard Nixon
% G. 0. P. Headquarters
Washington, D. C.
Honorable Sir:
I recently was elected President of a newly formed
Republican Women's Club. At our installation dinner I
incorporated the enclosed.
I know you are very busy, but I thought you would
take a few minutes out to read it. I hope you enjoy it.
Thank you for your time.
Here's to VICTORY in November.
Very truly yours,
me Charled Denita
(Mrs.) Charles J. Devita,
President
Clarks Summit Council of
Republican Women.
file
OCT 24 1968
Mr. Richard nixion:
d am writing in protest
of your position on the
with Mr. Humphrey.
national televisiop debates
I've gotton the impression
that after your experience
with I ohn Kennedy in 1960
you are "afraid" of a debate
with Mr. Humphrey. speech In your
acceptence at the convention
(which I believe was excellent))
you gave the impression
that you were the man
with guts" that had the
to solve the nation's
intelligence and courage
problems. d support most
of ideas but on this issue
I believe youx are wrong
worthwhile ideas he must
Even though a man has
be able to show the voters
he can convey those ideas
and apply them to present
situations. your reluctance
to debate implies that you
can't forget your past
failures, and are unsure
oratorical ability. Even as
of your own ideas as well as
d write this letter mr. Hum-
phrey, on television is con-
attitude on the U.N. proposal
demning your "lukewarm"
to halt the spread of
nuclear weapons. The time
is now because voters are
to "decide t stand up"
making their decisions
now ! Humphrey is fast
losing his Johnson Quer
tones and is taking firm
stands on most assues.
Even though the polls
show you are leading
over- confidence could he
deadly. Humphrey supporters
could easily make this
the former "loser" image.
a major issue, and magnify
as for your appearance
and oratorical ability d
believe they have greatly
improved and are would
to Mr. Humphrey.
certainly pose a threat
no expert in the field of
Mr. nixion, d am certainly
politics and campaign
psychology but d have
given careful thought
to which position 2 should
take and hope you will
on national television.
debate with mr. Humphrey
show the voters you
your ideas are good!
think so too!
Jennipher Boone, 16
817 Couch
Benton, ark. 72015
*
*
REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE
*
*
1625 EYE STREET NORTHWEST
WASHINGTON, D. C. 20006
NAtional 8-6800
My
RAY C. BLISS
CHAIRMAN
NOV 4 1968
October 31, 1968
file
Mr. John T. Zeleph, Sr.
n.m.
325 South Meldrun Street
Fort Collins, Colorado 80521
Dear Mr. Zeleph:
This will acknowledge receipt of a copy of your PRESIDENT NIXON
VICTORY MARCH which we are passing along to Mr. Nixon 's main
headquarters in New York City. All decisions on slogans and
songs to be used by Mr. Nixon are made there
We appreciate your interest in Mr Nixon s campaign.
com Don R. Kendall
Sincerely yours,
DRK/ep
Copy:
Nixon Campaign Headquarters
450 Park Avenue
New York, New York
words of Music
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I checked over the march that I sent you
yesterday- - I found several errors - Please even
and make corrections
Sincerely
Jan Ziph