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Ronald Reagan Presidential Library
Digital Library Collections
This is a PDF of a folder from our textual collections.
Collection: Blackwell, Morton: Files
Folder Title: Solidarity Day (09/19/1981)
(2 of 5)
Box: 24
To see more digitized collections visit:
https://reaganlibrary.gov/archives/digital-library
To see all Ronald Reagan Presidential Library inventories visit:
https://reaganlibrary.gov/document-collection
Contact a reference archivist at: [email protected]
Citation Guidelines: https://reaganlibrary.gov/citing
National Archives Catalogue: https://catalog.archives.gov/
31
have become so unreasonable that many smaller businesses can't
comply with all of the paperwork (Table 47). Sixty-nine percent
agreed the excessive government spending is the primary cause of
inflation (Table 50). Sixty percent agreed that federal courts
have given so much approval to unreasonable environmentalist lawsuits
that it is harder and harder for companies to build new factories
to
how
(Table 49). And 57 percent agreed that government protectionism
against imports only hurts American consumers by forcing up prices
the percentays peading between ext these + the Indeed
(Table 48). Some of these results are surprising in the light of
responses to other questions. Union members indicated a strong
propensity for voting against candidates who do not support stronger
health and safety regulations and curbs on imports -- even when those
candidates held other positions with which the union members agreed
strongly. A majority of union members also wanted unions to expend
analysis and important intant thewrding item
a lot of effort strengthening regulations against industrial pollution.
These anomalies suggest that these issues would be a fertile area for
any additional cross tabulations that might be done.
1
When presented with a series of statements typically made by
political candidates who blame business corporations for the country's
economic difficulties, union members agreed in proportions about
equal to their responses to the statements blaming government. Seventy-
nine percent of the respondents agreed more or less or agreed strongly
that the best way to balance the budget is to increase taxes of the
big corporations and of wealthy people so that they pay their fair
share (Table 55). Seventy-eight percent agreed that stronger government
noponse
item
to
biandue
due
bias
is
plus
regulations are needed to stop American companies from closing their
factories and investing their money in foreign countries with cheap,
/
non-union labor (Table 53). Sixty-two percent agreed that without
responder. again Q. wording bias ionnaine x
stronger regulations, most businesses will sacrifice workers' safety
in order to increase their profits (Table 52). And 56 percent agreed
that the primary cause of inflation is excessive corporate profits
(Table 54).
When it comes to blaming government, union members in the
western part of the country agree more strongly with each of the
statements except on the subject of protectionism, where their opinions
closely match that of the rest of the membership. The union members
falling in the lowest income group agree more strongly with the state
intersting
ments blaming government in each case. There is little difference by
any other breakdown. Surprisingly, members of government unions
are just as likely as others to blame government, and there is little
difference in the blame placed by Republicans and Democrats.
Union members from rural areas are less inclined to blame
business for the country's problems than are others, except on the
issue of closing factories and investing overseas, where they lay blame
on business in a proportion similar to the total membership. Black
union members blame business in much higher proportions than do white
members, as do Democrats than Republicans. As might be expected, the
lowest income group feels strongly that the best way to balance the
budget is to increase taxes of the big corporations and of wealthy
people.
After hearing the series of arguments variously blaming
government and business for the country's economic problems, respondents
were asked whether they thought that there is too much government
regulation of business, or not enough. The vote definitely came down
on the side of too much regulation of business (Table 57). Forty-
nine percent of the union members felt there was too much regulation
of business, 24 percent felt there was not enough regulation, 7
percent felt that there was just the right amount, and 19 percent were
in you of
NOTE
uncertain. Several groups of union members were notably more positive
more apt to think
in thinking that there is too much regulation of business. These were
members of manufacturing unions, members living in the West, members
living in rural areas, members who had lived at their current residences
for more than 16 years, members who are 60 years of age or older, and
members who identified themselves as Republicans.
Only black union members felt notably more strongly that there
was not enough government regulation of business.
6. Relative Ability of Political Parties to Solve Problems
The membership was divided about which political party in
Congress is best able to solve our economic problems (Table 57).
Thirty-two percent said that the Democrats are best able, 18 percent
that the Republicans are best able, 32 percent said that neither party
is able or that they are both equally able to solve our economic
problems, and 18 percent didn't know. Somewhat more confidence in
the Democrats ability to solve economic problems was placed by members
of manufacturing unions, members living in the South, members with
less than a high school education, black members, and members who
identify themselves as Democrats. Somewhat more confidence in the
Republicans was indicated by members of sales unions, members who had
educations beyond high school, younger members, and members who
identified themselves as Republicans.
Responses were still more evenly divided when members were
asked which party in Congress is better able to solve our foreign
policy problems (Table 57). Twenty-eight percent of the union members
said that the Democrats could better solve foreign policy problems,
24 percent said the Republicans could, 26 percent said neither could
solve them or they both would be equal in solving them, and 23
percent didn't know. The pattern of confidence among subgroups was
exactly the same for foreign policy as it was for economic policy,
with manfacturing unions, southern members, less educated member's,
blacks and Democrats indicating a higher level of confidence in the
Democratic party and members of sales unions, higher educated and
36
7. Influences on Members' Opinions and Voting Behavior
Union members were presented with the possibility of various
groups and individuals who might support a candidates' campaign for
political office, and asked how the support of that group or
individual would influence their inclination to vote for or against
that candidate. The groups and individuals presented were business
leaders, such as the U. S. Chamber of Commerce or the National
Association of Manufacturers, a labor group, the oil industry, a
conservative group, religious leaders, a civil rights group, an
environmentalist group, a women's rights group, Ralph Nader,
Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson, and
the local newspaper. The only groups or individuals that elicited
strong responses from the membership were labor groups, which produced
a strong positive response, and oil companies, which produced a
strong negative response (Table 59, 60).
Twenty-seven percent of union members reported that support by
a labor group would make them very much more inclined to vote for a
candidate, and 38 percent indicated that support by a labor group
oil to
would make them somewhat inclined to vote for a candidate -- for a
total of 65 percent favorably inclined toward a candidate because of
big
support by a labor group. Eight percent said that they would be
inclined against a candidate supported by labor, and 27 percent said
that they didn't know or that it depended. At the other extreme,
42 percent of union members said that they would be very much inclined
to vote against a candidate supported by the oil companies, and
younger members and Republicans indicating greater confidence in
the Republican Party.
When the questions on economic problems and foreign policy
problems are considered together, the results show a great deal of
ambivalence among union members about the ability of either political
party to solve the country's problems (Table 57). Only 22 percent of
the membership answered that the Democrats would be best in solving
both economic and foreign policy problems. Fourteen percent answered
that the Republicans would be best in both areas. And 63 percent
either split their answers, answered that neither party would be good
or both would be equally good, or that they didn't know.
37
another 22 percent said they would be somewhat inclined to vote
against such a candidate -- for a total of 64 percent inclined against
a candidate because of oil company support. Nine percent said oil
industry support would make them more inclined to vote for the
candidate and 28 percent were unsure.
Support by business groups and by civil rights groups received
a mildly negative response from the union members (Tables 58,63).
If supported by a business group, 23 percent of union members would
be favorably inclined toward a candidate, while 46 percent would be
negatively inclined and 30 percent unsure. If supported by a civil
rights group, 25 percent would be favorably inclined to vote for a
candidate, 37 percent would be inclined to vote against him, and
37 percent didn't know.
There was some variation in response to support from a civil
rights group between the various subgroups of union members (Table 63).
Responses even more negative than the total response were registered
by members of construction unions and members who live in the western
instruction est sest workive mid
region. Construction union members would be inclined to vote against
a candidate supported by a civil rights group by a 42 percent (against)
to a 19 percent (for) margin. Members living in the west would be
the
nov
inclined to vote against a candidate supported by a civil rights group
by a 45 percent to 20 percent margin. Responses from members of
revenuent consentive reminist
government and service unions indicated a positive inclination to vote
for a candidate supported by a civil rights group, as did members
in
with over a high school education, younger members, and black members.
It is interesting that while 41 percent of black union members
said that support from a civil rights group would make them more
inclined to vote for a candidate, 22 percent said that such support
would make them less inclined to vote for a candidate and 38 percent
said that they didn't know or that it depended.
The influence of support from all other groups was evenly
divided between those members who would be more inclined to vote for
the supported candidate and those who would be less inclined to vote
for that candidate. If the support was from a conservative group,
32 percent would be inclined to vote for the candidate, 30 percent
against the candidate, and 37 percent didn't know (Table 61). If the
support was from religious leaders, 29 percent would be inclined to
vote for the candidate, 30 percent against the candidate, and 40 percent
didn't know (Table 62). The only major variation in response to
support from a religious group was among black union members, of whom
44 percent would be more inclined to vote for a candidate supported
by a religious group and only 20 percent would be less inclined to
support such a candidate. When the support comes from an environmentalist
group, equal numbers of union members as a whole would be favorably
inclined to vote for and against that candidate (31% for and 32% against)
(Table 64). Again, however, there are differences by group. Members
West again struction
of construction unions and members living in the West would be less
inclined to vote for the candidate, while members of government and
consentive, more
service unions and younger members would be more inclined to vote for
govitice uninists
the candidate.
mine
liberal
Union members are also divided equally in their inclination
to vote for a candidate when the support for the candidate comes from
a women's rights group (Table 65). Construction union members and
members living in the West are less likely to vote for the candidate,
while members of government and service unions and members with
higher incomes and educations are more likely to vote for the
candidate. Women are slightly more favorable to a candidate supported
by a women's rights group than men, but not as favorable as the other
groups mentioned.
Ralph Nader also received a nearly even positive and negative
influence rating from union members (Table 66). Union members living
in the West indicated that his support would make them less inclined
to vote for a candidate, while government union members, union members
living in the northeast, union members with higher education, younger
union members and Catholic union members indicated that they would be
slightly more favorably disposed to a candidate supported by Nader.
When the candidates support was Daniel Patrick Moynihan, most union
members had no opinion of the influence of his support (65%) (Table 67).
Positive and negative influences were equally divided among the
respondents with an opinion, with no major differences between groups.
When the candidate was said to be supported by Henry "Scoop" Jackson,
again most union members (59%) had no opinion about the inf luence on
their voting (Table 68). Tventy-three percent indicated that they would
be influenced to vote for the candidate and 18 percent that they would
be influenced to vote against the candidate. Finally, 45 percent of
union members said that they were uncertain of the effect of support
by their local newspaper, while the rest were evenly divided between
the newspaper influencing them to wte for or against a candidate
(Table 69).
Union members read a variety of magazines (Table 70). Thirty-
four percent of the members report reading news magazines, 32 percent
reading magazines about hobbies and recreation, 27 percent reading
general interest magazines (such as Reader's Digest or People), 9
percent reading magazines about home, food or fashion, and 7 percent
all other types of magazines.
Seventy-six percent of respondents reported that they did get a
magazine or newspaper from their national or international union
(Table 71). Only 55 percent of members of sales unions reported
getting a national or international union publication, with all other
industry divisions about equal in their receipt of such material.
A slightly higher proportion of members in the South indicated that
they received a national or international union publication.
Readership of the union publications was fairly high (Table 71).
Of those who reported receiving a national or international publication,
51 percent reported that they nearly always read it, 23 percent that
they read it about half the time, 18 percent that they read it
occasionally, and 7 percent that they almost never read it. Older
union members are more inclined to read the publications thar are
younger union members, but there is otherwise little difierence among
subgroups in readership.
of those union members who receive a national or international
union publication, 34 percent rated that publication as being very
reliable, 54 percent as fairly reliable, 7 percent as not reliable,
and 5 percent didn't know (Table 72 recomputed on the basis of only
those receiving information). Older union members were more likely
to rate the publication as very reliable, while most younger members
gave it a rating of fairly reliable.
Union members were asked how much confidence they would have
in information received about candidates for U. S. Congress from
(a) their national or international union headquarters, (b) their
state AFL-CIO, and (c) their own local union (Tables 73-75). The degree
of confidence was about equal for information from each level with the
majority of union members placing "only some" confidence in the
information. If the information about the candidate came from the
international or national union headquarters, 21 percent of the union
members would place a great deal of confidence in the information,
59 percent would place only some confidence in it, 13 percent would
place practically no confidence in it and 7 percent didn't know.
For information coming from the state AFL-CIO, 20 percent would place
a great deal of confidence, 60 percent "only some" confidence, 12
percent practically no confidence, and 8 percent didn't know. For
information coming from the respondent's own local union, 22 percent
would place a great deal of confidence in it,, 54 percent "only some"
confidence, 16 percent practically no confidence, and 8 percent didn't
know. The degree of confidence placed in information about candidates
coming from any of the three union levels decreases with the level
of education of the union members, that is, lower educated members
are more likely to place confidence in the information than are
higher educated members. As might be expected, Republicans are less
likely to put confidence in the information than are Democrats.
Union members were then asked whether they ever do in fact
receive information about candidates for the U. S. Congress from any
of the three union levels (Table 76). Fifty-six percent of union
members report receiving information from the international or national
union headquarters, 48 percent report receiving information from the
state AFL-CIO, and 62 percent say they have received information from
their own local union. Thirty-two percent of union members say that
they have received information from all three union levels, while
22 percent say that they have never received information from any
level of union organization. Receipt of information about candidates
from the headquarters level is reported to be highest among members of
transportation unions (67 percent reporting information received),
followed by communications, government, manufacturing, construction,
service and sales unions (38 percent reporting information received).
Receipt of information about candidates from the local union level is
reported to be highest among members of communications unions (70
percent reporting information received), followed by construction,
government, manufacturing, service, sales and transportation unions
(56 percent reporting information received). Fifty-nine percent of
union members in the South report receiving information from their state
AFL-CIO, as compared to 54 percent in the West, 44 percent in the
northeast and 42 percent in the central part of the country.
0
8. The Role of Unions in Politics
The union members were asked a series of questions intended to
elicit their opinion of the appropriate role of unions in politics.
Between one-half to two-thirds of the members think that unions should
engage in various activities related to congressional elections.
Sixty-eight percent of the members think that unions should send
their members impartial information about candidates for the U. S.
Congress (Table 78). Of those thinking that impartial information
should be sent, about half (33% of the total sample) say that they
would be very interested in receiving such information, another two-
fifths say that they would be somewhat interested in receiving such
information, and the rest would not be interested or don't know.
Desire for impartial information is notably higher among members of
NOTE
government unions, of whom 78 percent think unions should send such
information and three-fifths of that 78 percent indicate that they
would be very interested in receiving the information. Desire for
impartial information about candidates and interest in receiving
such information increases with the level of education of the union
member.
Fifty-nine percent of union members think that unions should
conduct opinion polls among their members to find out which candidates
for U. S. Congress the members support (Table 77). Slightly over
one-half of those thinking that polls should be conducted (33% of the
total sample) would be very interested in learning the results of
those polls, and slightly over another one-third would be somewhat
Conface
45
interested in learning the results. More union members in the South
think that unions should conduct polls and would be interested in
learning the results, as do more better educated members.
Note
Fifty-nine percent of the union members also think that unions
should endorse candidates for U. S. Congress (Table 80). Nearly one-
half of those thinking that endorsements should be made (27 percent of
the total sample) would be very interested in receiving information
about their union's endorsement, and almost another one-half would
be somewhat interested in receiving that information. Fewer members
of sales unions (49%) and fewer Republican union members (48%) think
that unions should endorse candidates or are interested in learning
the results of such endorsements. A large proportion of members in the
South (71%) and higher educated members than less educated ones (68%
vs. 52%) are again more favorable to having unions endorse candidates
and in learning about those endorsements.
Fifty-four percent of union members think that their unions should
NOTE
make recommendations to its members about whom to vote for in
congressional elections (Table 79). Most of those favoring voting
recommendations think that the recommendations should be made by a
convention of all union members in the state, while about one-fifth
think that such recommendations should be made by union leaders. A
very small percentage think that the recommendations should be made
by both union leaders and a convention and a few don't know. Slightly
over one-half of those who think that voting recommendations should
be made would be very interested in learning about the recommendations
and an additional two-fifths would be somewhat interested. Somewhat
this
higher percentages of members of government unions, members living
yes
ontrodict
in the South and higher educated than lower educated union members
the
;
are favorable to unions making voting recommendations to their
twst?
members, while fewer Republicans want their union to make recommendations.
Union members are far less favorable to union political activity
when their own pocketbooks become involved. Only 34 percent of the
Note: netes us. to
members said that a union should ask its members for financial
contributions for its political campaigns, either on behalf of
Crimine
particular candidates or particular issues. Of that 34 percent,
slightly over one-half (18 percent of the total sample) said that less
than $10 would be a reasonable amount to ask members to contribute to
the union's political campaigns. Another one-fourth of those who felt
soliciting contributions would be appropriate (8 percent of the total
sample) think that $10 to $20 is appropriate, almost none thought that
a larger amount would be appropriate, and the rest didn't have an
opinion. Again, more government union members, more members in the
your impare worfis then
South, more higher educated union members and in this case more higher
income union members think the unions should solicit financial
contributions for political activities.
Most union members think that their unions should make a great
effort to get their members to register and vote, some effort to hold
meetings for their members to hear competing candidates for Congress,
some effort to send letters to their members listing the candidates for
47
Congress they endorse, some effort to call union members on the phone
just before election day to remind them to vote, somewhat less than
some effort to hand out leaflets for candidates at work, shopping
centers and polling places, and virtually no effort to make personal
visits to members' homes on behalf of candidates. For each activity,
members of government unions and members in the South wart more
effort expended on each activity except calling members on the phone
to remind them to vote, for which they want efforts expended in a
proportion about equal to the total membership. Black union members
and members who vote a straight Democratic ticket want their unions
to expend more effort on these activities to get union members involved
than do other groups. There is no relationship between the amount of
effort that a member thinks should be expended and education of the
member, however, as there was for the previous set of questions on the
types of activities in which unions themselves should engage.
Involvement of Union Members in Politics
A small proportion of union members report that they have
ever been involved in political election activities, either as individuals,
through their unions, or through any other groups. Sixteen percent
reported that they had attended meetings or rallies to hear candidates
speak. Twelve percent have handed out leaflets for candidates at
work, at the polls or at places like shopping centers. Eleven percent
have participated in a drive to get people registered. Eight percent
have called people on the telephone just before election day to remind
them to vote. and 7 percent have called on people in their homes on
behalf of candidates. A hardcore of 6 percent of union members reported
that they had participated in all of the above mentioned political
activities. As might be expected from the responses to the earlier
questions, a higher proportion of members of government unions, members
living in the South, higher educated, black union members and members who
vote a straight Democratic ticket are politically active. The highest
level of political activity was reported by black union members, of
whom 16 percent said that they had participated in all six types of
political activities.
Forty-two percent of union members have contributed money to a
candidate for some political office. Notably fewer members of sales
unions have contributed funds, while a large number of union members in
the West report contributions, and the proportion of union members
reporting contributions increases with income and education. The 58
percent of the members who have not made contributions are divided
between 17 percent who have been asked to contribute money but
have not done so and 41 percent who have never been asked or who
don't remember being asked.
When political activity and giving of money are considered
together, 15 percent of union members have both engaged in at least one
political activity and have given political contributions, and an
additional 33 percent of the membership has either engaged in political
activity or given money. The remainder, 53 percent of the union
membership, is completely inactive politically.
Union members were asked to suppose that they were making a
political contribution to their union. They were asked whether they
would want that money used for specific legislation or for candidates
for political office. A majority of union members -- 58% -- said that
they would want the contribution used for specific legislation. Twenty-
one percent would want the contribution used for candidates for
political office. Of that 21 percent, about one-half indicated that
or
they would prefer to specify the candidate for which it was used, while
of
the other half would prefer to leave it to the union to use for
candidates it endorses. Finally, another 21 percent of the members said
that they didn't know or didn't care how they would prefer the
contribution to be used. A few differences appear on this question
between subgroups. Service union members are more interested in having
their contributions used for legislative issues and less interested in
having them used for candidates. Fewer members of construction unions
wanted the money used for legislation and more didn't know or didn't
care how the money was used. Lower educated members also were
less likely to want the money used for legislation and more likely
not to care.
By more than a two-to-one margin, union members think that
business contributes more money to political candidates than does
labor. Fifty-nine percent of union members think business contributes
more money than labor, while 25 percent think labor contributes more
money than business. Four percent think that business and labor
contribute the same amount, and the rest think it varies or don't know.
Higher income and higher educated union members are more likely to
think that business contributes more than labor, while nearly equal
proportions of women think that business contributes more than labor
and that labor contributes more than business.
Members' Registration and Voting
Sixty percent of the union members are already registered to
vote in the November, 1980 election (Table 93). Another 35 percent
say that they intend to register, with only 4 percent saying that they
will not register and 1 percent uncertain. The sixty-one percent who
are already registered break out into 47 percent who have been
registered longer than 10 years, 8 percent who have been registered
5 to 10 years, 4 percent who have been registered 2 to 5 years, and
2 percent who have been registered less than 2 years. Fewer numbers of
sales union members, members in the West, members who rent their
residences, and younger union members are already registered, but in
each case nearly all of those not registered say that they intend to
register to vote in November. A much larger percentage of those over
60 years of age are already registered (77%), of whom nearly all
have been registered longer than 10 years.
All members who are registered or who intend to register
(95% of the sample) were asked whether they considered themselves a
Democrat, a Republican or an Independent, regardless of how they are
registered (Table 95). In response to this question, 47 percent of
the members said they considered themselves to be Democrats, 13 percent
said they considered themselves Republicans, 30 percent said they
considered themselves Independents, and the rest gave other responses
or didn't know. Of those who considered themselves Democrats, somewhat
less than one-half (21 out of 47 percent) reported that they usually
vote the straight party ticket. Very few of those who consider
themselves Republican say that they vote a straight party ticket.
Those members who said that they considered themselves to be Independent
or something other than Republican or Democratic were also asked if
they were registered or intend to register as a Republican, a Democrat,
or some other way. Of the 36 percent falling into this category,
11 percent are registered or intend to register as Democrats, 6 percent
are registered or intend to register as Republicans, and 19 percent are
registered as some other party or independent or don't know. Thus a
total of 58 percent of union membership identified itself as Democrats
either by inclination or by registration and 19 percent identified
themselves in some way as Republican.
A smaller proportion of members of sales unions identified
themselves as Democrats, as did a smaller proportion of union members
who had lived at their current residence for less than four years.
A larger proportion of union members in the South identified themselves
as Democrats. Members in the South were also more likely to vote a
straight Democratic ticket. Members with higher education were less
likely to identify themselves or be registered as Democrats than
members with less educations, as were younger members than older members.
Black union members were more likely to be Democrats than were whites.
In each case, however, the difference was made up by a larger proportion
who considered themselves or were registered as something other than
Republican or Democrat rather than by a greater proportion of Republicans.
Slightly higher proportions of Republicans were found among Protestants
than Catholics and among members in the western part of the country
than in other regions.
Nearly all of the union members who are registered or intend to
register also intend to vote in November (Table 96). Eighty-three
percent say that they almost certainly will vote, 8 percent that they
probably will vote, and 5 percent that they may not or probably won't
or don't know.
Demographic Characteristics of Union Members
The proportion of union members living in the city and in the
suburbs is roughly equal, with somewhat fewer living in rural areas
(Table 97). Thirty-seven percent of members say they live in the city,
36 percent that they live in the suburbs, and 25 percent that they live
in rural areas. Service union members are more heavily concentrated
in cities with fewer in rural areas, as is true for black union members.
(Blacks are more heavily represented in service unions than in any
other industry grouping.) A higher proportion of union members falling
in the lowest family income category also live in cities with fewer
living in suburbs and the same proportion living in rural areas as is
true for the total sample. A higher proportion of members of
communications unions live in the suburbs than in cities or rural areas,
as do more union members who live in the South and members whose
family income is in the middle range. Union members over 60 years of
age are more likely to live in cities than in either suburbs or rural
areas.
Eighty-four percent of union members own their own homes, 15
percent rent their residences and 1 percent report other arrangements
(Table 98). Home ownerships is highest among members in the South,
members in rural areas, and members with family incomes over $25,000.
Home ownership is highest among members in the 40-59 age group and lowest
among members under 40. A smaller number of members of sales unions report
owning their homes and more report arrangements other than owning or
renting. Since sales union members are far younger than the members
of other industry groups (36% below 30), many probably live with
their parents. Home ownership is also notably lower and the proportion
renting higher among black union members.
Most union members tend to have lived at their current
residence a relatively long time (Table 98). Twenty-six percent
report longer than 20 years at the same residence, 15 percent report
16 to 20 years, 14 percent 11-15 years, 20 percent 6-10 years,
9 percent 4-5 years, 11 percent 2-3 years, and 5 percent one year
or less. It should be noted, however, that the lag time in updating
national or international union membership files and the difficulty
in finding telephone numbers for those who move frequently could have
caused an underrepresentation of union members who had been at their
current residences for a relatively short period of time.
Nearly one-half (47%) of the households in which the union
members lived had more than one working member (Table 99). More
households had multiple wage earners than had one member working.
Forty-one percent of the households had one working member, 33 percent
had two working members, 9 percent had three working members, and 5
percent had 4 or more working members. There was no working member
in 12 percent of the households, nearly all of which occurred in
interviews in which the union member was over 60 years of age. As
might be expected, only 15 percent of families with incomes under
$15,000 per year had multiple wage earners, as compared with 43 percent
of those with incomes between $15,000 and $25,000 and 72 percent of
those with incomes over $25,000. Only 26 percent of the incomes over
$25,000 came from a single working member. The proportion of households
with multiple wage earners tended to increase with the level of
education of the union member. About equal proportions of men and
women union members lived in single and multiple wage earner families,
as do about equal proportions of white and black union members.
Family incomes under $15,000 per year were reported by 23
percent of the union members, incomes between $15,000 and $25,000
by 36 percent of the members, and incomes over $25,000 by 34 percent
of the members (Table 100). A slightly greater proportion of members
of communications and government unions report incomes in excess of
note
$25,000. Lower incomes are reported by those members who rent their
residences. Education of the union members is clearly related to
family income. Of those members who have not graduated from high
school, 43 percent report family incomes below $15,000 and only 14
percent incomes above $25,000. Of those with educations beyond
high school, only 13 percent report incomes below $15,000 and 48 percent
incomes above $25,000. Two forces are clearly at work here, however.
Not only would a higher educated person be expected to earn a higher
wage, but it was also found that the proportion of multiple wage
earner families was lowest among those with the least education and
highest among the highest educated members. As might be expected,
49 percent of members over 60 years of age report incomes under $15,000.
As was shown on Table 1, 51 percent of retired members have family
incomes under $15,000, 11 percent incomes between $15,000 and $25,000,
and 13 percent incomes over $25,000. The lower incomes of women
workers are also evident in this data. Thirty-six percent of women
have incomes of less than $15,000 as compared to 20 percent of men,
and 23 percent of women have incomes above $25,000, as compared to
56
37 percent of men. The difference between white and black union
members was small, with slightly fewer black union members having
incomes above $25,000. There were no income differences between
Republicans and Democrats.
Most union members were either high school graduates or had
some college or trade school beyond high school (Table 101). Nine
percent of union members had an eighth grade education or less,
15 percent had only completed some high school, 45 percent were high
school graduates, 21 percent had some college or trade school
(13-15 years), 5 percent were college graduates, and 3 percent had
some postgraduate training. Nearly all of the union members with
postgraduate education were members of government unions, as were more
than one-third of those with college degrees. Those with less than
a high school education were primarily clustered in construction and
manufacturing unions. Older union members were far less educated than
younger ones; a full 44 percent of members 60 years of age and older
had not finished high school. Women were seen to be somewhat less educated
than men, with 31 percent of the women not having finished high school as
compared to 23 percent of the men. Finally, 36 percent of those who say they
vote a straight Democratic ticket had not finished high school.
Thirteen percent of the union members interviewed were in
their twenties or below, 20 percent were in their thirties, 22 percent
were in their forties, 23 percent were in their fifties, 18 percent
were in their sixties, and 4 percent were older (Table 102). Members
of sales unions were notably younger than the other union members,
with 36 percent in their twenties or below. As was mentioned above,
57
lower income and lower educated union members tended to be older than
other union members.
Nine percent of the union members interviewed were black, 90
percent were white, and 1 percent reported that they were something
else (Table 103). Blacks were much more heavily represented in service
unions (19%) and somewhat more represented in government (14%) and
transportation (13%) unions. There were far more black members in the
South (18%) than in any other region. A higher proportion of women
(14%) than men (8%) union members were black.
Seventeen percent of union members consider themselves to be
members of an ethnic group (Table 103). That 17 percent is broken
down into about 5 percent Irish, 3 percent German, 2 percent Italian,
1 percent Hispanic, and a scattering of all other mentions. (Not
shown on tables.)
Forty-seven percent of the union members interviewed said that
they were Protestant, 35 percent Catholic, 1 percent Jewish, 11 percent
some other religion and 5 percent had no religious affiliation
(Table 104). More members in the northeast are Catholic, while more
members living in the South and in rural areas are Protestant. As
was noted above, there is a higher proportion of Protestants among
Republican union members than among Democrats. There are more Jewish
union members working in government than in any other industry.
Men made up 80 percent of the sample interviewed and women
20 percent (Table 105). A higher proportion of women were found in
sales unions (41%), communications unions (39%), service unions
(32%) and government unions (27%). Only 6 percent of the construction
oz
union members and 8 percent of the transportation union members
were women. As was mentioned above, more women had lower incomes
and less education, and a higher proportion of black union members
were women.
Finally, 31 percent of the union members interviewed live in
the northeast, 16 percent in the South, 34 percent in the central
part of the country, and 19 percent in the West.
Description of Survey
The purpose of this survey is to explore the political opinions
and attitudes of a cross section of AFL-CIO union members. Results
are provided by type of union and by region, as well as by various
demographic variables.
To accomplish this each AFI-CIO union was assigned to one
of seven broader groupings, i.e., manufacturing, construction,
government, sales, transportation, communications and service. (See
table following this section.) Enough names were randomly drawn from
150/Pm
each industry grouping to give a final sample size of approximately
150 interviews. The results of the survey are shown independently
for each of these seven industry groupings.
The national totals for the survey results were derived by
weighting the industry groups by the proportion their membership bears
to the total AFL-CIO membership. The national results may thus be
said to represent the views of AFL-CIO members in the United States.
The national results based on a sample of 1,035 have a maximum
expected error of #3 percentage points, while the results for the
seven industry divisions with a sample of approximately 150 each have
a maximum expected error of ±8 percentage points.
The interviewing was conducted over the telephone by trained and
experienced interviewers during the first three weeks of July 1980.
Only designated union members were interviewed.
Questions relating to the personal characteristics of the
respondents were asked in addition to the questions on attitudes
and opinions. The results of the survey was cross tabulated by these
characteristics. They are income, education, age, race, religion,
sex, place of residence, type of residence and political party
affiliation.
The results of the survey are also broken down by four
geographic regions of the country: East, South, Midwest and West.
The states comprising each of these regions are also shown in tabular
form below.
Regional Divisions
East
South
Midwest
West
Maine
Kentucky
Ohio
Oklahoma
New Hampshire
Tennessee
Indiana
Texas
Vermont
Alabama
Illinois
Montana
Massachusetts
Mississippi
Michigan
Idaho
Rhode Island
Delaware
Wisconsin
Wyoming
Connecticut
Maryland
Minnesota
Colorado
New York
District of Columbia
Iowa
New Mexico
New Jersey
Virginia
Missouri
Arizona
Pennsylvania
West Virginia
North Dakota
Utah
North Carolina
South Dakota
Nevada
South Carolina
Nebraska
Washington
Georgia
Kansas
Oregon
Florida
California
Arkansas
Alaska
Louisiana
Hawaii
AFL-CIO Unions by Industry Division
Manufacturing
Aluminum Workers International Union
Bakery, Confectionery and Tobacco Workers International Union
The United Brick and Clay Workers of America
United Cement, Lime and Gypsum Workers International Union
International Chemical Workers Union
Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union
Coopers International Union of North America
Distillery, Wine and Allied Workers International Union
International Union of Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers
United Furniture Workers of America
United Garment Workers of America
International Ladies' Garment Workers Union
United Glass and Ceramic Workers of North America
Glass Bottle Blowers' Association of the United States and Canada
American Flint Glass Workers Union
American Federation of Grain Millers
United Hatters, Cap and Millinery Workers International Union
Allied Industrial Workers of America, International Union
International Jewelry Workers Union
International Leather Goods, Plastics and Novelty Workers Union
Leather Workers International Union of America
International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers
Industrial Union of Marine and Shipbuilding Workers of America
Mechanics Educational Society of America
Metal Polishers, Buffers, Platers and Allied Workers
International Molders and Allied Workers Union
International Union of Allied Novelty Production Workers
Oil, and Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union
United Paperworkers International Union
Pattern Makers League of North America
United Rubber, Cork, Linoleum and Plastic Workers of America
United Steelworkers of America
Stove, Furnace and Allied Appliance Workers' of North America
United Textile Workers of America
International Woodworkers of America
Construction
International Association of Heat and Frost Insulators and Asbestos Workers
International Union of Bricklayers and Allied Craftsmen
United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America
International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers
International Union of Elevator Constructors
International Union of Operating Engineers
International Association of Bridge and Structural Iron Workers
Laborers' International Union of North America
International Union of Wood, Wire and Metal Lathers
International Brotherhood of Painters and Allied Trades of the United States
and Canada
Operative Plasterers' and Cement Masons' International Association of the
United States and Canada
United Association of Journeymen and Apprentices of the Plumbing and Pipe
Fitting Industry of the United States and Canada
United Union of Roofers, Waterproofers and Allied Workers
Sheet Metal Workers International Association
Tile, Marble, Terrazzo Finishers and Shopmen International Union
International Brotherhood of Boilermakers, Iron Ship Builders, Blacksmiths,
Forgers and Helpers
The Granite Cutters, International Association of America
Transportation
Air Line Pilots Association
International Brotherhood of Firemen and Oilers
Flight Engineers' International Association
International Longshoremen's Association
Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employees
National Marine Engineers' Beneficial Association
National Maritime Union of America
American Radio Association
Brotherhood of Railway Carmen of the United States and Canada
Brotherhood of Railway, Airline and Steamship Clerks, Freight Handlers,
Express and Station Employees
American Railway Supervisors Association
Seafarers International Union of North America
Brotherhood Railroad Signalmen of America
American Train Dispatchers Association
Amalgamated Transit Union
Transport Workers Union of America
United Transportation Union
Upholsters' International Union of North America
Railroad Yardmasters of America
Communication
National Association of Broadcast Employees and Technicians
Communications Workers of America
Graphic Arts International Union
The Newspaper Guild
International Typegraphical Union
63
Government
International Association of Fire Fighters
American Federation of Government Employees
National Association of Letter Carriers
International Union of Police Associations
American Postal Workers Union
International Plate Printers, Die Stampers and Engravers Union of North America
American Federation of School Administrators
International Association of Siderographers
American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees
American Federation of Teachers
Utility Workers Union of America
Service
Barbers, Hairdressers and Cosmetologists' International Union of America
International Union of Journeymen Horse Shoers of United States and Canada
Insurance Workers International Union
Laundry and Dry Cleaning International Union
Service Employees International Union
Associated Actors and Artistes of America
American Federation of Musicians
Office and Professional Employees International Union
International Federation of Professional and Technical Engineers
International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees and Moving Picture
Machine Operators of the United States and Canada
Sales
United Food and Commercial Workers International Union
Hotel and Restaurant Employees' and Bartenders' International Union
Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union
18, 1981
Page Five
Washington
Window
By Press Associates, Inc.
E
MBOLDENED by a conservative political climate, reactionary
forces in the land have launched an all-out drive to enact a
singularly vicious piece of legislation.
Employing scare language conjuring up a specter of union-
inspired violence, the National Right to Work Committee is spear-
heading a campaign to make strike-related "violence," or the threat
of such violence, a federal crime.
This means that a striking worker involved in a picketline scuf-
fle, or whose words or gestures were perceived as threatening,
could be hauled into court by federal prosecutors, fined $10,000
and handed a 20-year prison sentence.
TO THIS END, Sen. Strom Thurmond (R-S.C.), who chairs the
Senate Judiciary Committee, has introduced a bill to amend a 1946
federal anti-extortion law known as the Hobbs Act. Thurmond's
amendment would extend the act and its penalties to include labor
disputes.
The Thurmond amendment, which 12 conservative Senate
Republicans have co-sponsored, would overturn a 1973 Supreme
Court ruling that union activities do not fall under the Hobbs Act.
It was introduced in the House by Rep. J. Kenneth Robinson (R-
Va.) with 32 GOP and five Democratic co-sponsors.
To drum up public and congressional support for the Hobbs
amendment, the Right to Work Committee has pulled out all the
stops.
In a mass mailing to some 2 million potential contributors
to its ultra-conservative cause, the committee charges that "union
terrorism" is on the rise and that, as a result of this terrorism,
"hundreds of thousands of America's working men and women
are prisoners of the pick-handle closed shop."
In addition, the right-wing committee has started a new publica-
tion called "Violence Task Force Report-A Monthly Probe Into
Compulsory Unionism Violence."
To top it off, the committee is trying to buy TV time for its new
30 minute scare film-"The Specter of Violence."
To rebut the distortions, the AFL-CIO has produced a six-
minute film which any TV station airing the Right to Work Com-
mittee film will be asked to broadcast under the federal Fairness
Doctrine.
PROPONENTS OF the Hobbs Act amendment sometimes try
to conceal their aims by claiming it would apply to employers as
well as employees. But it wouldn't work that way since extortion,
as prohibited in the Hobbs Act, means taking something material
from someone else. Since the worker, not the employer, is trying
to gain something material by striking, the employer in effect would
be exempt from the amendment.
As a labor expert on legislation sees it, "if an employer or his
agent went out to the picket line and threw a punch, he would be
subject to state and local prosecution, whereas an employee who
hit back would be subject to federal prosecution and far greater
penalties."
The amendment would apply not only to actual violence but to
"what somebody perceives to be a threat on the other end," the
labor expert noted. "If someone says he was threatened by what
somebody said or by the way he held his picket sign, we have an
instance which might be subject to prosecution."
EXISTING state and local laws provide adequate sanctions
against violence, whether on the picket line or the ball field.
Furthermore, the pro-amendment scare propaganda ignores the
fact that strike-related violence is so rare that the FBI's compre-
hensive statistics on crime don't even include a category for it.
By imposing an unnecessary and slanted federal role on top
of local law enforcement, Hobbs amendment proponents aim to
put a damper on strikes and strikers.
11, 1981
Page Five
Washington
By Press Associates, Inc.
W
HEN BISMARCK RULED imperial Germany a century ago,
he reportedly remarked that people shouldn't see either
sausages or laws being made. The point was well illustrated in a
session of the House of Representatives on June 26.
Following a rancorous five-hour "debate" which often bordered
on pandemonium, the House approved the broadest package of
budget legislation in memory-a one and one-half inch thick com-
pilation of fine print which had been handed to House members
shortly before the session began.
The legislators, by their own admission, did not have time to
read or study the 1,000-page compendium, which had been thrown
together at the last minute, with some sections hastily crossed out
and others penciled in the margins.
YET WITH SOME cajoling from President Reagan, who
proved to be as skillful with the telephone as with television, the
House passed by a 217 to 211 vote the so-called "Gramm-Latta"
substitute to the budget legislation its own committees had devised.
The Administration's astonishing victory was made possibly by
the defection to GOP ranks of 29 House Democrats, most of them
southern conservatives. All but two Republican members were
held in line.
The Gramm-Latta legislation is similar to that approved by
the Senate. Both versions whittle down or repeal many of the
social programs enacted since the 1930s and seriously strain the
"safety net" for the needy which Reagan had pledged to maintain.
As Rep. John Conyers (D-Mich.) told his colleagues during
the debate in reference to the Gramm-Latta substitute: "The
three branches of government will have become two. The White
House will not only propose legislation, but also dispose of it.
Major changes in the law are being stampeded through Congress
without any deliberative process."
Rep. Mary Rose Oakar (D-Ohio) pleaded that "opposition to
the Republican substitute is not merely a sour grapes phenomenon.
The Gramm-Latta bill will abrogate the authority and function of
the House authorizing committees. I do not exaggerate when I
charge that adoption of these amendments constitutes a blatant
threat to our entire checks and balances system."
Rep. Thomas M. Foglietta (D-Pa.) declared, "I cannot, and I
will not, go along with this mockery of the legislative process."
The "budget process," he said, "is being used as an excuse to
implement major policy reversals. The President's block grant
proposal is the most prominent example."
THE VOTE FOR Gramm-Latta only compounded the rout of
the Legislative branch by the Reagan-led Executive Branch which
began when the House voted in May for a "bipartisan" budget
resolution sponsored by Texas Democrat Phil Gramm and Ohio
Republican Delbert Latta. The 63 conservative Democrats who
joined a solid GOP provided a comfortable margin of victory.
That resolution, the original Gramm-Latta measure, mandated
House authorizing committees to make $36.6 billion in social
program cuts. Congress thus complied with the Administration's
desire to turn the budget process on its head by forcing congres-
sional committees to shape programs and rewrite legislation to
conform to previously determined spending ceilings.
Rep. Richard Bolling (D-Mo.), chairman of the House Rules
Committee, warned that "If the Administration's insistence that
it have its own way-and at once-through the reconciliation
process continues, it will be a gross distortion of the intent of
those who wrote the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, as well
as the intent of the 1974 budget act."
Bolling continued: "If Congress is to be reduced to automatons
permitted only to ratify a presidential legislative agenda that has
been premasticated by an all-powerful executive, the American
people, with some justice, may very well ask: 'Why should we
support this expensive anachronism?'
:0, 1981
Page Five
Nashington 6
By Press Associates, Inc.
0
NE OF THE FIRST things Dwight Eisenhower did when he
became president in 1953 was to appoint a blue-ribbon com-
mission to find out why the federal government was growing, osten-
sibly at the expense of the states.
The panel reported back that federal programs were being
created because of the inability or unwillingness of the individual
states to meet people's needs.
Today, the durable advocates of "states' rights" finally have one
of their own in the White House.
The Republican Party's view of history, as laid out in its 1980
platform, is that the Democratic Party brought about "Big Govern-
ment" and did it "under the guise of providing for the common
good."
TO TURN THINGS around, President Reagan has proposed a
"new federalism" which would convert scores of specific programs
into "block grants" and turn them over to the states-whether they
want them or not, whether they are able to administer them or not.
At the same time, federal funding for these consolidated health,
education, community development and social service programs
would be cut 25 percent initially, or at least 35 percent if inflation
is figured in.
A coalition of 63 national organizations-including civic
action, civil rights, consumer, senior citizen, religious and labor
groups-recently held a briefing on Capitol Hill to explain what
block grants would mean to their various constituencies.
The categorical grant programs, it was recalled, weren't set up
at the whim of Washington bureaucrats, as critics imply. They
evolved after years of study and debate out of real needs which
were not being addressed by the states.
Some examples are the Title I program to help educationally
deprived children, aid to handicapped students, legal services for
the needy, low-income energy assistance, community and mental
health services, and clinics for migrants and black lung victims.
Under the block grant proposal, federal money would be handed
over to the states to use as they please under broad, undefined areas
of education, health and the like.
There are no standards nor requirements for adequate record-
keeping and reporting, and thus no way for Congress or anyone
else to evaluate how programs are working.
There is no requirement that these federal funds not be used to
substitute for state funds that would otherwise be used for the same
purpose.
As a coalition member observed, the Reagan block grant ap-
proach would turn the competition for public funds over "to a
brutal political struggle where the most vulnerable and least power-
ful groups are almost certain losers."
As he sees it, "the handicapped will be pitted against the aged,
foster care parents against child care advocates, and black lung
victims against mental health patients."
THE BLOCK GRANTS, if enacted, would "set the stage for
even deeper cuts and less accountability in the future," it was
predicted. It was noted that Reagan said in March that "block
grants are only the intermediate steps" in his so-called "new fed-
eralism."
Congressional committees in both houses recently have taken a
skeptical look at the Reagan block grant package and have re-
jected many parts of it.
However, further battles on the issue loom in committees and
on the floor of the House and Senate. More citizen education and
vigilance is needed to get the message to Congress that the federal
government must not abandon to the states its responsibilities to
the needy and the powerless.
1, 1981
Page Five
Washington
By Press Associates, Inc.
THE UNITE WORK STATES has nearly 8 million people actively
and unable to find it. While the underlying
economy is strong, high interest rates and reduced federal spending
probably will add to the unemployment rolls in the period ahead.
Against this background, the Reagan Administration is seriously
considering a plan to import hundreds of thousands of Mexican
nationals to work in America's factories, mills, stores and offices.
These new jobseekers would be called, in the euphemism of
the times, "guestworkers."
THE AIM OF the White House is not to "soak up" the illegal
or undocumented workers already in this country who are
variously estimated to total 2 to 12 million. Rather, it is to de-
velop a new program as part of a "North American Accord" to
improve relations with Mexico. It also may give President Reagan
a card to play when he discusses Mexican oil, gas and other
matters when he meets with Mexico's president in June.
If domestic unemployment is not enough to dissuade the Ad-
ministration, then it might learn something from the experience
of western Europe.
As Europe recovered from World War II and unemployment
was near zero, many countries began importing foreign or. "guest"
workers for lower-paid menial jobs, ostensibly on a temporary
basis.
THE EUROPEAN migration grew to a total of some 30 million
people. The members of the Common Market were the chief
receivers, except for Ireland and Italy. The chief labor-supplying
nations were Ireland and Italy, along with Portugal, Spain, Fin-
land, Greece, Turkey and Yugoslavia. Algeria, Sudan and Morocco
became labor exporters in the 1970s.
The recruiting of "guest" workers stopped with the 1973-74
energy crisis and rising unemployment. The problem then became
one of trying to persuade the "guests" to go home while integrat-
ing those who had settled.
If the lessons of Europe are too remote, there are experiences
closer to home.
A task force of the National Committee for Full Employment
has urged the Reagan Administration not to repeat the "disasters"
of past programs which exploited Mexican workers.
The bracero program that operated from 1942 to 1963 brought
hundreds of thousands of campesinos to work for U.S. agribusi-
ness, the task force recalled, and it did not help U.S.-Mexican
relations.
Ernesto Galarza, in his classic "Merchants of Labor," examined
in fine detail how an efficient system of administered migration
was developed by the United States and Mexico to supply labor
to agribusiness. The Mexicans were docile, cheap and captive.
Americans lost job opportunities, and farm labor unions were
kept weak. There was corruption and collusion between growers
and officials. It was a big success, but not worthy of a great
democracy.
IN THE 1950s, when Congress periodically considered what
could be done about the bracero problem, Galarza proposed an
ambitious bi-national Rio Grande Valley development program to
absorb Mexico's unemployed and build harmony between the two
nations. That was never done and the United States remains the
"safety valve" for job-hungry Mexicans.
Today, members of the Full Employment Committee's Task
Force are urging the Reagan Administration to act constructively
on the "undocumented" worker problem instead of pursuing the
"guestworker" plan. They would offer a two-layered amnesty
plan: "green card" or commuter status for the more senior un-
documented workers and H-2 or temporary job status for others.
It is to be hoped that President Reagan will choose to work on
the problem at hand rather than create new ones.
25, 1981
Page Five
Washington
By Press Associates, Inc.
mounted by the Reagan Adminis-
security system surely must be one
of the more irresponsible actions by national leaders.
Most responsible observers are aware that social security has a
short-term and a long-term problem.
The short-term problem is directly related to the stagflation of
recent years. High-level unemployment caused a reduction of
employer-worker payments into the fund while inflation caused
a sharp increase in benefits paid out.
The long-term problem will come when the post-World War II
baby boom generation reaches the retirement age around the
year 2011.
The present contrived crisis developed last spring when Reagan
budget chief David Stockman saw an opportunity to exploit the
short-term problem.
Using the bankruptcy rhetoric, he apparently talked Reagan
into proposing a wide range of cuts to "save" social security.
THE WAVE OF anger that swept the nation persuaded the
Senate to slap down Reagan's major proposal, 96-0, in a sense of
the Senate resolution.
What led the Administration to miscalculate so badly?
Wilbur J. Cohen, chairman of the new Coalition to Save Our
Security and a former Secretary of Health, Education & Welfare,
gave this explanation:
"The major reason for the Reagan-Stockman proposal to cut
social security is to meet the two goals of increasing expenditures
for defense while at the same time promising to balance the
budget.
"Because the federal unified budget includes general revenue
expenditures from the U.S. Treasury as well as social security pay-
ments from earmarked trust funds, every penny cut from any
aspect of social security payment permits Mr. Stockman to rec-
ommend higher military spending while still claiming he's bal-
ancing the budget."
The social security cuts also enable Reagan and Stockman to
cover losses of federal revenue from tax cuts in the event the
Reagan economic recovery strategy fails to work.
COHEN RECOMMENDED that social security - and also
state unemployment insurance-be completely removed from the
Federal Unified Budget to thwart the Stockman maneuver.
A CBS-TV special aired July 16 showed that a good deal of
misinformation is at large about social security, especially among
the young. The New York Times the next day ran a story on a
Times/CBS News poll with the headline, "Poll Shows Americans
Losing Faith in Future of Social Security System."
Little wonder. The CBS-TV special showed conservative poli-
ticians and normally fair-minded reporters wallowing in hyperbole.
Problems were "gargantuan" and "horrendous" and the situa-
tion was a "time bomb." Health & Human Services Sec. Richard
Schweiker saw everybody jumping aboard the disability "gravy
train."
BROOKINGS INSTITUTION expert Henry Aaron calmly
noted that 70 percent of those who apply for disability benefits
are denied them. And half of that group never works again, he
said.
CBS commentator Dan Rather salvaged the program by con-
cluding that constructive solutions exist and Congress will choose
among them.
It was left to Rep. Claude Pepper (D-Fla.) to wonder why the
Reagan Administration wants to take benefits away from young
survivors, from the crippled, from the low-income families.
"Does the government of the United States have to do that?" he
asked.
1981
Page Five
Washington
Window
By Press Associates, Inc.
H
EADY WITH SUCCESS in pushing its budget and tax pro-
gram through Congress thus far, the Reagan Administration
is expected soon to press for congressional approval of a scheme
which a recent study says "would mean the most rapid and massive
transfer of money from one sector of the economy to another in
American history."
As with the Administration's budget and tax proposals, what
one critic called "the missing piece" of the Reagan economic
package-the decontrol of natural gas-would benefit the wealthy
at the expense of working people and the poor.
In the case of gas decontrol, those who would reap the benefits
are those who are least in need-the 20 largest oil conglomerates
who own more than 60 percent of the nation's natural gas reserves.
While further bloating the wealth and power of the oil giants,
decontrol would result in massive job loss, higher inflation, and
extreme hardship for lower income and elderly persons who use
natural gas for heating and cooking and who already pay from
35 to 50 percent of their income for energy.
FOR THE 60 PERCENT of American households which de-
pend on gas, prices would at least double-to an average of over
$1,000 a year.
These expected consequences are explained in a study prepared
by an independent research firm and released in late June by the
Citizen/Labor Energy Coalition. The 200-organization coalition
is launching an educational and lobbying campaign to fight gas
decontrol.
Under current law, natural gas prices will increase each year
until 1985, when they will be deregulated and allowed to rise to
the equivalent OPEC oil price. The President has the authority to
continue controls two years beyond 1985.
During his campaign for President, Reagan advocated gas de-
control. Budget Director David Stockman and Interior Sec. James
Watt are pushing for immediate decontrol, an even more extreme
alternative to the existing law than accelerated decontrol. Accel-
erated decontrol would boost gas prices at a much faster rate
than the current schedule allows.
UNDER ACCELERATED decontrol, the coalition study
warns, 3.4 million jobs would be lost over the next four years in
every major sector of the economy: retail and wholesale trade,
agriculture, transportation, services, and manufacturing. This is
because homeowners and tenants will pay an additional $86 billion
for gas and will have that much less to spend on consumer pur-
chases.
Of the 157 industries studied, only three would have a net gain
of jobs: oil and gas well drilling, oil and gas exploration, and oil
field construction machinery-all of them highly capital intensive
rather than job-creating.
Also, business would have less capital available for job-creating
investment and revitalization of the economy. Many smaller busi-
nesses would be forced to shut down, accelerating the already high
rate of bankruptcies.
Decontrol will help only the oil and gas companies which
already are awash with record profits far in excess of invest-
ment needs. These companies have so much extra cash that they
have been busy gobbling up other companies and increasing their
already immense economic power.
Their economic power also means political influence, and these
energy giants long have been adept at electing their friends to
Congress. During the 1980 elections, oil and gas industry PACs
spent over $6 million.
The American people must make it clear to Congress that they
will not tolerate a huge ripoff which will hurt all consumers and
which serves no purpose except to increase further an already
dangerous concentration of economic and political power.
Labor Cites
Ready Cure
For Deficit
The AFL-CIO challenged the scare tac-
tics being used by the Reagan Adminis-
tration to justify its proposed cutbacks in
social security protections and called on
Congress to allay fears by guaranteeing
payment of all earned benefits.
"We do not accept the unfounded al-
legations that the system is bankrupt now
or will be in the future," AFL-CIO Social
Security Director Bert Seidman testified
before a Senate Finance subcommittee.
CHAIRMAN William Armstrong (R-
Colo.) had opened the hearing with a
warning that "social security is going
broke." His source was a gloomy report
by the three social security trustees-all
members of the Reagan Cabinet-that the
system will run out of money if unemploy-
ment and inflation stay high.
Seidman retorted that the immediate
funding problems can be overcome with-
out cutting back benefits, and the
solution recommended by the AFL-CIO-
using general revenues to fund 50 percent
of Medicare hospitalization insurance-
"would finance the various social security
programs well into the next century."
Seidman accused the Administration of
exaggerating the system's, temporary fund-
ing imbalance in order to twist the social
security program "to serve its political,
philosophical and budget objectives." The
proposals the Administration has made
"go far beyond legitimate concern about
the program's financing," he testified.
DEMOCRATS ON the subcommittee
suggested that the Administration wants
to cut down social security benefits far
deeper than would be needed to keep the
program solvent so that the surplus funds
could be used to reduce the federal budget
deficit. Social security payroll taxes show
ip on the revenue side of the budget; bene-
it payments are shown as expenditures.
(Continued on Page 7)
Ready Cure for Deficit
Scare Tactics' Charged
To Social Security Foes
(Continued from Page 1)
ing eligibilitiy for disability insurance.
Health & Human Services Sec. Richard
Under the Administration plan, Seid-
S. Schweiker was also questioned sharply
man protested, no worker retiring at 62
about the economic assumptions it used
would get a social security benefit as high
to project a massive future deficit in the
as the official poverty threshold.
social security funds. For that purpose,
Seidman expressed labor's concern that
Sen. Bill Bradley (D-N.J.) noted, the Ad-
the extreme severity of the Administra-
ministration assumes a continuation of
tion's proposals may increase the willing-
very high unemployment and very high
ness of Congress to accept cuts "that are
inflation. But for other economic projec-
somewhat less drastic than the Adminis-
tions, it foresees both rates dropping.
tration's recommendations."
In Detroit, Auto Workers President
Douglas A. Fraser said the Reagan Ad-
THAT APPEARS to be the Adminis-
ministration appears to be conducting an
tration's "fallback strategy," Seidman said,
"orchestrated attempt to undermine confi-
and the various retrenchment proposals
dence in the social security system and to
being talked of in Congress "give evidence
establish a basis for the outrageous cuts
that this strategy has been much too
which it proposed in May."
successful."
Seidman protested the "cruelty" of
He told the Senate panel that the AFL-
showing doubt as to whether workers who
CIO is opposed to any increase in the age
pay into the system will ever get benefits
of retirement. Tampering with the early
from it.
retirement provisions of social security
places "an unequal burden on those in
"IT IS inconceivable that Congress
poor health and on blue-collar workers
would let social security benefits be de-
whose jobs require physical effort," Seid-
layed or unpaid," Seidman stressed.
man protested. They would also have a
Therefore, he suggested, Congress
"devastating impact on the early retire-
should write into law "a provision stating
ment provisions of collectively bargained
that social security benefits, like interest
pension plans," he observed.
on the national debt, will be paid from
Living standards of the elderly are
general revenues in the event payroll taxes
declining under inflation's impact even
are insufficient. The present moral obliga-
with the present cost-of-living formula for
tion to pay benefits should become a legal
social security benefits, Seidman noted.
one. This would reassure beneficiaries and
contributors, and strengthen public con-
HE AND OTHER union and senior
fidence in the program."
citizens witnesses testifying at the hearings
took sharp issue with the Administration
He reminded the panel that a similar
insistence that general revenue funds not
provision was included in the Social Se-
be used to supplement the payroll tax.
curity Act more than 30 years ago.
"The United States is one of the few
AS TO THE Reagan Administration's
advanced industrial nations in the world
cutback proposals, Seidman said the harsh
in which the social security system is fi-
effect of slashing early retirement benefits
nanced almost entirely from payroll taxes,"
he compounded by further tighten-
Seidman noted.
The AFL-CIO proposal to finance 50
percent of Medicare out of general rev-
enues would allow the balance of the
Medicare tax to be applied to the Old
Age & Survivors Trust Fund, the basic
retirement benefit fund.
AS A FURTHER backup, Seidman
said, other transfers and reallocation
among the various funds would provide
needed flexibility. And, as former Presi-
dent Carter proposed in 1977, general
funds should supplement the payroll tax
during periods of exceptionally high un-
employment.
"The AFL-CIO recognizes the need for
strengthening the financing of the pro-
gram," Seidman testified. "But we believe
this can and should be done without re-
AFL-CIO NEWS, WASHINGTON, D.C., JULY 4, 1981
Page The
YES
LABOR'S SUPPORT for ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment was re-
the 3,000 ERA supporters across from the White House by Florine Koole of the
affirmed by AFL-CIO Sec.-Treas. Thomas R. Donahue in Washington, a focal
Communications Workers and Joycelyn Thompson of the Machinists. Alan Alda,
point of the June 30 nationwide ERA rallv. Donahue was joined in addressing
right, a member of the Screen Actors, keynoted the Washington rally.
TURNING CLOCK BACK
EDITORIAL
Reagan budget aims
COMMENT
at poor, unemployed
FROM
THIS MONTH, / am using as my editorial the following analysis of the impact of
THE
the Reagan administration's economic program. This short but comprehensive
analysis was prepared by the AFL-CIO's Industrial Union Department.
The real issue of the Reagan budget is not whether it will cure inflation, which
PRESIDENT,
it probably won't, but what it does to the relationship between the American
people and our government.
According to our new Administration, the root of our economic trouble is the
THOMAS F.
federal government. Get the government off our backs by reducing government
programs, the President says, and people will solve their problems on their own.
FUNDAMENTALLY it is a denial of 50 years of history. Almost a half-century
ago, at the time of the Great Depression and the New Deal, America made two
MIECHUR
basic decisions: first, that we had a responsibility to help those in need, and
second, that we could best exercise that responsibility not through individual acts
but through government programs. We made those decisions partly out of our
humanitarian heritage, and partly out of the hard-won knowledge that all of us
benefit from a healthier and happier society.
No one today would claim that every government program is 100 percent on
target or that there is not one ounce of waste in the government colossus. But on
the other hand, no one should claim that the government itself is the problem, or
that our needs will disappear if government activity is scaled down.
The particular tragedy of the Reagan budget is that in reversing a half-century
of experience, it takes special aim at the poor, the disadvantaged, and the un-
employed.
THE LIST OF proposed cuts is long and dismal: job training, public service
jobs, special jobs programs for youth, unemployment insurance; special educa-
tional programs for the disadvantaged, assistance to poor students; help for small
business, cooperatives, housing rehabilitation, rural electrification, family farm-
ers; food stamps, school lunches, certain social security benefits, help for single-
parent families and for the disadvantaged, health services.
The Reagan administration economic program is an attempt to turn back the
clock to the 1920s and earlier, and, like all efforts to turn back the clock, it is
doomed to failure.
The second issue is whether the budget cuts will cure inflation. Cut expendi-
tures, balance the budget, end inflation-that's the conservative pitch. It sounds
reasonable, and, according to the polls, it has obviously influenced a lot of
Americans.
THE TROUBLE is that it's false. There is no evidence that an unbalanced bud-
get causes inflation, or that a balanced budget will help cure it. In past years the
United States has had unbalanced budgets without inflation-and we've had
inflation with balanced budgets. The same thing has been true of other industrial-
ized nations. Inflation and the government budget ore not necessarily related.
Administration spokesmen are fond of saying that if the typical American
family planned its budget like the government, it would go broke. The fact is that
few American families could survive on a balanced budget. If we couldn't borrow
money to buy houses and automobiles, most of us would be living in tents and
walking to work.
Instead of reducing inflation, some of the budget cuts could well fuel more
inflation. Inflation is partially caused by the decline in productivity, which in turn
can be traced to inadequate research, bad management and the deterioration
of our industrial base, such as energy and transportation facilities.
BY REDUCING support for railroads and mass transit, for urban reconstruction,
low-cost housing, rural economic growth, and the development of alternate ener-
gy and water resources, the Administration program will undermine our efforts to
'Some budget
improve productivity. That could lead to more inflation.
Then the Reagan program will be exposed for what it is, an effort to reallocate
cuts could
the nation's resources away from those at the lower end of the economic ladder
into the hands of special interests, big business, and the wealthy.
fuel inflation
,
MAY 1981
3
'Hard bargaining'
brings new contract
PORT CLINTON, OHIO-A total one-
year package of 62.5 cents, including
an 8-percent wage increase, was nego-
tiated here for the 115 members of
Local 206 who work for the Celotex
Corp.
The agreement came "after some
hard bargaining," reported the local's
financial secretary, Robert Love. Int.
Rep. William Smith and Dist. Rep.
Kenneth Pack assisted the local, whose
bargaining team, led by Local 206 Pres.
Joseph Mitchell, included Charles Mil-
ler, Raymond Crayton, Robert Druyor,
Ted Velliquette, and Joseph Busby. The
local accepted the contract overwhelm-
CHARLES BARNES, Local 426, Chicago Heights, III., was honored at a recent member-
ingly in a vote April 30.
ship meeting for his 10 years of service to the local as its president. Barnes is at the
right in the photo above. At left, presenting the gavel and pen set, is new Pres. James
In addition to the 8-percent wage in-
Jones. Others are Trustee Roosevelt Harris, left center, and Rec. Sec. Theodore France
crease, the pact calls for a shift-differ-
III, right center. Local 426 represents the workers at the Flintkote plant in this Chi-
ential increase from 15 and 25 cents
cago suburb. (Photo by Local 426 Fin. Sec. Anthony Foushi)
to 17 and 30; a $1 pension hike, from
$8.75 to $9.75; sickness and accident
SOLIDARITY
benefits from $110 to $120 a week;
term life insurance and accidental
Contributions aid Local 369
death and dismemberment, from $7,000
to $8,000; and major-medical coverage
EDMONTON, ALTA-Contributions
Nfld.; $10, Local 81, Dixon, III.; Local
increased from $50,000 to $75,000. Al-
to CLGAW Local 369 here, on strike
427, Redding, Calif.
so, jobs in five maintenance classifica-
against Canada Cement Lafarge until
Other organizations making contri-
tions were increased by five cents an
the contract settlement reported in the
butions, Pawl reported, were $50 each,
hour.
last issue of the Voice, totalled $2,870,
IAF, AFCW, and MHDLC, while
Officers of Local 206, in addition to
the local's financial secretary, E. O.
PSAC contributed $10.
Mitchell and Love, also include Henry
Pawl, has reported to the international
E. A. Forss, recording secretary.
union.
The contributions were as follows:
UAW votes
Local 279 agrees
$300, Local 479, Invermere, B.C.;
$250 each, Local 454, Brookfield, N.S.,
JOPLIN, MO.-A ninth holiday, dou-
reaffiliation
and Local 502, Atlanta, Ga.; $200,
bling of the shift differential over three
Local 345, Calgary, Alta.; $100 each,
years, an improved pension factor, and
WASHINGTON, D.C.-Sixty-two per-
Local 31, Union Bridge, Md.; Local
across-the-board wage increases of
cent of the delegates to the United
130, Tampa, Fla.; Local 324, Have-
$1.60 an hour during the contract pe-
Auto Workers' last convention have
lock, N.B.; Local 376, Kutztown, Pa.;
riod were highlights of the new agree-
approved taking the "necessary steps"
Local 387, Picton, Ont.; Local 392,
ment between CLGAW Local 279 and
toward reaffiliation with the AFL-CIO.
Miami, Fla.; Local 400, Vancouver,
Eagle-Picher Industries, Inc.
The executive board of the 1.2-mil-
B.C.; Local 461, Macon, Ga.; Local
The new pact, in effect May 1 this
lion-member UAW had recommended
471, Gorman, Calif.; and Local 480,
year, covers 107 workers, reported Int.
the move, and will be expected to work
Charlevoix, Mich.
Rep. Harold L. Louis, who assisted the
out the final terms with the AFL-CIO
Also, contributing $50 each were:
local in bargaining.
and perhaps get it wrapped up at a
Local 46, Santa Cruz, Calif., Local
Wage increases are 55 cents May 1
board meeting in June.
52, Tehachapi, Calif.; Local 206, Port
this year, 50 cents on the same date
The UAW and its president, the late
Clinton, Ohio; Local 237, McIntyre,
next, and 55 cents on May 1, 1983.
Walter Reuther, had a major role in
Ga.; Local 394, Brantford, Ont.; Local
The shift differential goes from 12 and
the unification of the CIO (Committee
397, Foreman, Ark.; Local 532, Mason-
14 cents to 18 and 21, then to 21 and
for Industrial Organization) and the
town, W. Va.; and Local 535, New-
25, and in the last year, to 24 and 28
AFL (American Federation of Labor)
berry Springs, Calif.
cents. There is a one-cent increment
in 1955. But the Auto Workers pulled
Locals contributing $25 each were:
increase on May 1, 1982, and the pen-
out of the federation in 1968, primarily
Local 75, Fredonia, Kans.; Local 102,
sion cap, now at 35 years, is also re-
because of disagreements between
Okay, Ark.; Local 124, Dallas, Texas;
moved on that date. The pension factor
Reuther and the late George Meany,
Local 164, Cape Girardeau, Mo.; Local
rises from $7 to $8.50 through the
AFL-CIO president at that time.
191, South Norfolk, Va.; Local 294,
years, at 50-cent increases each year.
In recent years, the Auto Workers
Havelock, Ont.; Local 306, Lakefield,
The local accepted the new contract
and the AFL-CIO have worked closely
Ont.; Local 327, Corner Brook, Nfld.;
overwhelmingly on April 30.
on a number of important issues, noted
Local 334, Santa Clara, Calif.; Local
Officers of Local 279 include Pres.
Douglas Fraser, UAW president. These
375, Paulding, Ohio; Local 405, Clark-
Steve Stokes, Rec. Sec. George Odell,
(Continued on page 17)
dale, Ariz.; Local 559, Corner Brook,
and Fin. Sec. Scottie Hackleman.
Page Eight
AFL-CIO NEWS, WASHING
Senate Shifts Focus
Rights, Labor Measures
Sidelined for Tax Debate
The Senate put off action on controver-
tions and safety training-to the general
sial civil rights and trade union issues to
jurisdiction of the Occupational Safety &
take up the Reagan Administration's multi-
Health Administration.
year tax cut package- labor-opposed
EVEN AS the Senate was starting de-
measure heavily tilted to reducing taxes
bate on the Reagan tax cut bill, the largest
paid by corporations and the wealthiest in-
House-Senate conference in congressional
dividuals.
history was getting under way on the
Put on the back burner-possibly until
budget reconciliation bill-the program
after the August recess of Congress-is a
cuts and changes in law that have been
military construction bill reported by the
adopted to assure that federal spending
Senate Armed Services Committee. It
does not exceed the budget ceiling voted
would exempt military construction con-
by Congress.
tracts from the Davis-Bacon Act, which
Actually, more than 40 conference sub-
requires payment of prevailing wages and
committees will deal with differences
benefits on federally funded construction.
between the House and Senate versions
LABOR SUPPORTERS in the Senate
affecting legislation coming under the
had indicated such a proposal would call
jurisdiction of the various committees.
for "extended debate," the Senate euphem-
While the Administration dictated much
ism for a filibuster.
of the contents of both the House and Sen-
A low-keyed filibuster on a school bus-
ate bills, some of the differences affected
ing issue did result in the Senate leader-
programs of importance to labor generally
ship's decision to set aside a Dept. of
or to unions with special concerns. Unem-
Justice authorization bill until after the
ployment insurance, the future of the Con-
tax legislation is passed.
rail system, funding for Medicaid and the
future of the low-income weatherization
While Congress has regularly expressed
program are among the scores of issues to
its distaste for busing as a means of over-
be resolved.
coming racial imbalance and the effects
of past segregation, it has so far stopped
THE TAX BILL debate in the Senate
short of interfering with court actions
found the Democratic minority divided on
based on the Constitution, or on Justice
what changes, if any, to seek in the Admin-
Dept. enforcement of constitutional rights.
istration bill. The most closely contested
issue, in fact, appeared to be an amend-
THE FILIBUSTER was aimed at an
ment supported by a majority of the Sen-
amendment that would bar federal courts
ate Finance Committee that would vastly
from ordering a student assigned or bused
increase future revenue loss to the govern-
beyond the nearest school and would allow
ment by indexing tax brackets to the in-
the Justice Dept. to file suits on behalf of
flation rate.
students they believe have been subjected
The AFL-CIO asked senators to oppose
to court-ordered busing in violation of the
that amendment because it would per-
restriction.
petuate existing inequities and commit the
A letter to senators from AFL-CIO
government to a tax cut each year-even
Legislative Director Ray Denison said the
beyond the three years of tax cuts pro-
proposal "attempts to deny the federal
vided by the Senate bill. "Such a measure
judiciary its appointed role in enforcing
would seriously undermine any future ef-
the Constitution" and in effect would let
forts to achieve tax justice," the AFL-
Congress overrule Supreme Court consti-
CIO said.
tutional decisions by a majority vote.
THE HOUSE Ways & Means Commit-
Six Democratic and six Republican sena-
tee, meanwhile, continued to shape a
tors joined in a letter to their colleagues
"Democratic" tax bill that would be even
opposing the amendment. Two attempts to
more generous to business interests than
invoke cloture failed, and the bill was set
the Administration plan but would tilt in-
aside temporarily. But the second vote pro-
dividual tax cuts somewhat more to mid-
duced 54 senators for closing debate, just
dle-income and lower-income households.
six short of the 60 votes needed under Sen-
In one controversial action, the House
ate rules. A third try is expected soon after
committee voted to allow professional
the tax bill is off the Senate floor.
commodity speculators to continue to
A SENATE LABOR subcommittee has
benefit from a complex tax avoidance de-
approved two bills opposed by the AFL-
vice called a "straddle" involving the jug-
CIO, but the full Labor & Human Re-
gling of contracts to buy and sell various
sources Committee has not yet taken them
commodities. That's a loophole that the
Reagan Administration, as well as labor,
up.
had urged Congress to close.
One measure would largely repeal the
eight-hour-day provisions that are written
into laws governing federal procurement,
service and construction contracts. At
present, contractors must pay overtime af-
ter eight hours in one day. The subcom-
mittee bill would allow straight-time pay
either for up to 10 hours a day on a four-
day, 40-hour workweek, or for nine hours
a day for four days in a week with four
hours of work on the fifth day.
The other union-opposed measure await-
ing full committee action would transfer
coverage of sand, gravel, clay and stone
mining from the more stringent standards
of the Mine Safety & Health Administra-
tion-which includes mandatory inspec-
CWA Delegates Rap Reagan
On Economy, Social Security
Boston-The economic problems of the
er Thomas P. O'Neill and National Urban
nation formed a dominant topic of debate
League President Vernon Jordan.
and discussion at the 43rd annual conven-
tion of the Communications Workers here
JORDAN WENT to the Bible to de-
with the Reagan Administration drawing
scribe his view of the Reagan approach
heavy criticism for mishandling the econ-
to domestic issues facing America's work-
omy and seeking severe reductions in the
ing people: "To those who have, to them
social security program.
shall be given. To those who have not,
even that which they seem to have shall
Calling social security a "40-year con-
be taken away."
tract between American workers and the
federal government," CWA delegates in-
The ideal test of a budget, Jordan said,
sisted in a resolution that there are "better,
"should be whether it meets the needs of
more responsible ways" to restore fiscal
the nation while providing poor people
health to the system and eliminate waste
with opportunities to join the mainstream.
than the proposals of the Reagan Admin-
This budget fails that test."
istration.
In other actions, delegates adopted a
resolution calling for more stringent penal-
THE CONVENTION called on Presi-
ties in criminal cases involving the use of
dent Reagan and Congress "to concentrate
firearms.
their efforts on finding an equitable meth-
od of financing our social security pro-
The delegates also spoke out strongly
gram."
on the issue of sexual harassment in the
workplace, supporting "the efforts of the
CWA President Glenn E. Watts, in his
Equal Employment Opportunity Commis-
opening address, set the tone for the week
sion to keep sexual harassment as a proper
when he assailed the Administration's eco-
matter for Title VII anti-discrimination
nomic policies as "by and large, the eco-
enforcement."
nomics of big business applied to govern-
ment. The aim is to run a government of
ON THE CLOSING day of the conven-
the corporation, by the corporation and
tion, Watts announced that CWA's Com-
for the corporation."
mittee on the Future-established by
Other speakers sounded similar themes,
CWA Executive Board action to visualize
including AFL-CIO President Lane Kirk-
"what the future holds for American so-
land, Massachusetts Senators Edward M.
ciety, for CWA and for organized labor"
Kennedy and Paul Tsongas, House Speak-
-will hold its first meeting beginning July
30 in Chicago.
One member from each of the union's
12 geographic districts was elected to the
committee during the convention week.
These 12 rank-and-file members will have
votes, while Watts was given authority to
vote in the even! oi a the and to serve as
chairman. Other CWA officers and staff-
appointed by Watts-will have seats with-
out voting rights on the committee.
The delegates, after lengthy discussion,
also placed before the committee the task
of considering CWA's public image and
its logo, or seal.
"traveling by Domeliner
is one of the
happiest habits
"Union Pacific Domeliners certainly
I've ever acquired"
are the answer to the modern conception
of luxury travel. I find they offer a
Ronald
wonderful opportunity to relax while
enjoying service as superb as the
surroundings."
Reagan
"Dome dining? That's for me!
It's one of the extras I can enjoy
on a Domeliner.
"Another thing-I like my
comfort. Take the new Pullman
accommodations, for example.
For six footers like me, the wide
long-length beds assure a good
night's rest. And, during the day,
I have a 'private room' where
I can study scripts or just take it
easy, as though I were home.
"The relaxing moments in
beautiful lounge cars, the
leisurely enjoyment of the trip
and the thoughtful service
all add up to my being such an
enthusiastic Domeliner fan."
Mr. Reagan is a frequent guest on the "City of
Los Angeles" Domeliner. The "City of Portland"
Domeliner, in service between Chicago and the
UNION
Pacific Northwest, provides the same attractive
Dome care and modern Pullman equipment. Ride
PACIFIC
Union Pacific Domeliners and we feel sure
that you, too, will become an ardent Domeliner
Railroad
traveler.
Omaha 2, Nebraska
DEPENDABLE PASSENGER AND FREIGHT SERVICE
What he did for love MONEY
This was an advertisement used by the
passenger service in the United States-a
Union Pacific Railroad back in 1959
move which would make this nation the
when future President Ronald Reagan
only so-called civilized, industrial nation
took money to say how much he loved
on the face of the earth WITHOUT good
railroad passenger trains.
rail passenger trains.
He doesn't say that anymore, as vir-
Our Aunt Effie, who is sometimes
tually any Amtrak worker can tell you.
shocked at Reagan's antics, was mortified
Instead, he is working very hard to kill
by this ad. "Strange," she said. "He loved
us when he was collecting cabbage from
the UP. Now he says he's got to kill us for
the good of the budget. What about the
good of the people?"
"Maybe," she mused, "Maybe we
could talk Amtrak into letting him do an
Amtrak ad. Maybe that's all he needs to
love us again. More income from ads."
A Facade of Equity
The Administration tax program is presented with
program to shift the tax burden from corporations
a facade of "equity" for individuals and "neutrality"
onto the backs of individuals.
for corporations. It is neither.
Given the current state of the American economy,
The bulk of the benefits of the individual tax cut
we see absolutely no reason why the government
go to those individuals in the highest income brack-
should reward any company for purchasing equip-
ets-nearly 30 percent to the top 5 percent. By con-
ment from abroad. Speeding up depreciation allow-
trast, the program we support would give 60 percent
ances on Datsuns would only speed up the deteriora-
of the benefit to the vast majority of taxpayers who
tion of the American automobile industry.
earn less than $30,000 a year.
Because we are also concerned about the conse-
It is neither equitable nor fair for the government
quences of locking the economy irito a three-year
to grant almost $17,000 in tax cuts over the next
tax cut, the AFL-CIO supports a one-year tax cut.
three years to an individual earning $100,000 a year,
Any further changes should be based on experience,
while those earning the median family annual in-
not guesswork.
come of $20,000 receive less than $1,500.
By the same token, those corporations with the
The alternative we support provides a greater
share of tax relief to those low and middle-income
highest earnings-oil companies, the communica-
tions industry and other capital-intensive firms—
families who need help now. It provides tax relief
for smaller, more labor-intensive companies ignored
would gain the lion's share of the business tax cuts.
by the Reagan proposal. And it targets other busi-
Those industries facing the most critical needs-such
ness tax incentives to those areasi and industries,
as auto and steel-would get little benefit.
With persistent high unemployment, the nation
new and old, that most need help.
needs jobs. Yet the Administration proposal con-
This alternative recognizes that tax burdens are
centrates its benefits on larger, more prosperous,
too high for many, but not all individuals; that some
capital-intensive firms with little potential to increase
industries need tax relief, but not all.
employment.
Most importantly, it also avoids the economic
It seems to us a more prudent use of tax dollars
peril that could result from shackling the country to
to encourage investments that will increase employ-
one set economic approach that, at best, is highly
ment opportunities, especially in hard-pressed urban
questionable.
areas. The 10-5-3 depreciation allowance speed-up
-From AFL-CIO President Lane Kirkland's tes-
is not a program to encourage investment; it is a
timony before Senate Finance Committee.
Kirkland Hits
Labor's Tax Alternative
Reagan Plan.
Tied to Aid for Workers
As Unfair
(Continued from Page 1)
vide real tax relief for the overwhelming
AFL-CIO President Lane Kirkland
Employers would be given a 5 percent tax
majority of service workers," Sweeney
credit on their share of the payroll tax.
said. "In fact, most of our members will
pressed Senate tax-writers to take a fresh
be paying a larger share of their income
look at labor's proposal to link business
Business assistance would be channeled
in taxes under the plan because of infla-
assistance to the nation's reindustrializa-
through a tripartite board to the goal of
tion and increased payroll taxes."
tion goals and to use a payroll tax credit
"revitalization and rehabilitation of the
to alleviate inflation's burden on Ameri-
nation's basic industries and economically
But the U.S. Chamber of Commerce
distressed areas," Kirkland said.
testified that it "strongly supports" the Ad-
ca's workers.
ministration tax proposal.
Kirkland went before the Republican-
"The alternative we support provides a
led, conservative-dominated Senate Fi-
greater share of tax relief to those low
nance Committee to challenge the Reagan
and middle-income families who need
Administration's tax proposals as unfair,
help now," Kirkland told the committee.
inflationary and wasteful.
"IT PROVIDES tax relief for smaller,
HE SCOFFED at the "supply-side" no-
more labor-intensive companies ignored
tion that giving substantially bigger tax
by the Reagan proposal. And it targets
savings to the wealthy will send them rush-
other business tax incentives to those areas
ing to invest in new plant and equipment.
and industries, new and old, that most
And he protested business tax cuts that
need help."
would heap unneeded windfalls on corpo-
Even members of Congress who have
rations with the highest earnings, reward
gone along with the Administration's
companies for purchasing equipment
spending cut demands have questioned the
abroad and further shift the tax burden
President's call for a three-year series of
from corporations to individuals.
tax cuts, mounting to 30 percent.
Kirkland outlined the labor-supported
The AFL-CIO shares that concern
alternative, which has been introduced in
"about the consequences of locking the
the House by two members of the Ways
economy into a three-year tax cut," Kirk-
& Means Committee-Frank J. Guarini
land said. Any further reductions, he
(D-N.J.) and William M. Brodhead (D-
urged, "should be based on experience,
Mich.).
not guesswork."
IT WOULD give every wage and salary
SERVICE EMPLOYEES President
earner a tax refund equal to 20 percent
John J. Sweeney also testified before the
of social security payroll deductions. For
Senate panel in opposition to the Adminis-
this year, the maximum tax reduction
tration tax bill.
would be $395 for a one-earner house-
hold and $790 for a two-worker family.
"The President's program will not pro-
(Continued on Page 3)
Labor Leaders Question
Radical-Right Politics
Of Moral Majority
Many leading US trade unionists are
beginning to question the goals and the
Union Labor Pays Bills,
methods of the Moral Majority and other
religious-oriented New Right groups who
Business Agent Reminds
suggest that God has told them there is
Have you seen a check made out by
only one Christian point of view regard-
a union member in payment of a debt
ing such matters as arms control, defense
which says in one corner, "This payment
spending, television and book censorship,
made possible by union labor."?
the Equal Rights Amendments, and even
They're beginning to appear around
trade union organization and representa-
the country, and Fred Burgess, business
tion.
agent of Local 916, Aurora, III., reminds
Several union leaders have endorsed
us that there should be more of them.
and are now actively supporting a coun-
"We need to advertise," he adds.
tergroup known as "People for the Amer-
The Los Angeles, Calif., Union Label
ican Way," which is headed by writer
Council and other label groups around
and producer Norman Lear. If you were
the US and Canada are now distributing
small peel-off, adhesive-backed labels
watching television last fall, before the
with the suggestion: "Stick one of these
November elections, you may have seen
labels on each check you write. Let your
the series of television spots sponsored by
community know the importance of the
"People For" which attempted to counter
union dollar."
the intolerant messages of the Moral Ma-
joritarians. One spot showed a hard-hat
24
steel worker who looked directly into the
camera and said:
"Hi. I have a problem. I'm religious and I
come from a religious family. But that don't
mean we see things the same way politically.
Now here come a whole bunch of ministers
on the radio and TV and in the mail-try-
ing to tell us on a whole bunch of political
issues that if we don't agree with them,
we're not good Christians-or we're bad
Americans, or we're anti-family.
"Now, according to their list, my wife is a
poor Christian on a couple of issnes and
she's a good one on some others. My boy is
a bad Christian on a couple of issues my
AFL-CIO Board
wife is good on, but he's good on a couple
she's bad on. And lucky me, I'm 100%
Meeting to Focus
Christian because I happen to agree with
them ministers on all of it.
on 'Solidarity Day'
"Now my problem is this: my boy, I know
AFL-CIO President Lane Kirk-
he's a good Christian. And my wife? Tell
land has called an August 6 meet-
you the truth, she's a lot better than I am.
ing of the federation's General
So there's gotta be something wroug when
Board, comprising the president or
anyone, even if It's a preacher, tells you that
principal officer of each of the 102
you're a good Christian or a bad Christian
affiliated unions, to discuss plans
depending on your political point of view.
for the September 19 "Solidarity
That's not the American Way."
Day" protest demonstration in
Washington.
The meeting will be held in the
Hyatt Regency Hotel in Chicago
following sessions of the AFL-CIO
Executive Council, August 3-5.
"The American labor movement
must provide national headership
in the present struggle to protest
and advance our country's social
and economic progress," Kirkland
said in a letter to General Board
members. The meeting will ex-
amine "how best to mobilize our
The prime mover behind People for
efforts in behalf of union members
the American Way, is television pro-
and those who share our concerns
ducer Norman Lear, right, shown dis-
for a more just society," he added.
cussing his organization's program with
General Secretary John Rogers and
Director of Organization Jim Parker.
THE CARPENTER
SOLIDARITY
DAY
SOLIDARITY DAY Coordinator John Perkins (a member of the United Brother-
hood) and staff members assigned to various phases of the AFL-CIO's September 19
demonstration in Washington, display a blow-up of the official emblem of the event.
From left: Maureen Houston, Janet Hyland, Maria Boyle, Perkins, Wilbert Williams,
Kevin Kistler, Frances Kenin, Dick Wilson and Charlie Hughes. Also on the staff
is Marvin Caplan.
THE CARPENTER
Reagan Appointments Pacify Right Wing
A couple of months ago, the Conservative Digest
paigned promising appointments that would please the
magazine, published by "new right" direct mail whiz
right.
Richard Viguerie, devoted almost an entire issue to
He has, for example, placed into administration
lambasting the Reagan personnel operation.
positions a cadre of graduates from Young Americans
The complaint was that Reagan was not appointing
for Freedom. YAF was the spawning ground for most
enough ideological ultra-conservatives to his staff or
of the present top leaders of the "new right" like Rich-
to the agencies of government. Other rightist groups,
ard Viguerie, its founder; Paul Weyrich of Committee
leaders and publications joined the chorus.
for the Survival of a Free Congress; Terry Dolan of
There's been a sudden halt in all that crabbing.
National Conservative PAC; Howard Phillips of Con-
The right-wingers are now satisfied with the way
servative Caucus.
things are going in administration appointments. Small
Other appointees are or were associated with the
wonder. At least 45 appointees identifiably their col-
American Conservative Union, which has led the fight
leagues, buddies and fellow-travellers of the right have
for repeal of OSHA; with the ultra-conservative think-
moved into administration positions. There are proba-
tank, the Heritage Foundation, founded and funded
bly a great many more than that, enough to lead the
by union-busting brewer Joe Coors; with the United
Washington Post to report the "White House personnel
States Industrial Council (formerly the Southern States
Industrial Council), for decades one of the most rabid-
office is quietly putting a distinctly conservative stamp
ly anti-union business and corporate groups in the
on the departments and agencies of the Reagan admin-
country; with the Intercollegiate Studies Institute, a
istration
putting ideologically committed adherents
campus ultra-conservative group; with the American
into critical, though not always highly visible, sub-
Legislative Exchange Council, a national organization
cabinet positions."
of right wing state legislators; with Conservative Cau-
This should not register on the Richter Scale, be-
cus, one of the most effective of the "new right" PACs,
cause it is not earth-shaking. After all, Reagan cam-
with the National Right to Work (for less) Committee.
Military
WASHINGTON
Madness
WATCH
"This is sheer madness," warned
missile will solve the problems of the
Oregon Republican Senator Mark Hat-
South Bronx.
field, chiding his colleagues for approv-
Speaking of the MX, it's to be
ing funds for a new kind of nerve gas
built at a cost of $108 billion-$1,200
weapons system-"a system that could
for every U.S. taxpayer. This and other
bring disaster to this earth."
"Is there no limit," asked Hatfield,
SOCIAL
nuclear weapon programs are being
"to the voracious appetite of the mili-
PROGRAMS
pushed even though we can now de-
stroy every major Russian city 44
tary machine that wants to suck up ev-
DEFENSE
times.
ery dollar we have?"
All in all, the plan is to spend
The Reagan Administration's dis-
$1.5 trillion on the military during the
turbing - even frightening - answer
next five years. (That would be a mil-
seems to be a resounding "no", with
lion a day for 2,740 years.)
Congress pretty much concurring.
underestimating the cost of its military
A chunk of that money is to fund
Blaming the federal government
projects, by tens of billions of dollars.
the new Rapid Deployment Force
for inflation, Reagan now wants spend-
Long forgotten are voices like the
(RDF) to be available for military in-
ing slashes of $174 billion over the
House Republican Study Committee
tervention around the world-perhaps
next three years. Most of this, as you
which came up with $14.7 billion in
in places like El Salvador.
know, will come from social programs
proposed military spending cuts.
The AFSCME International Ex-
that care for and protect Americans.
Instead, a twisted logic reigns that
ecutive Board has called for noninter-
But in the same breath, increases
sees military solutions to most prob-
"vention in that country. A now infa-
in military authorizations totaling
lems and even talks of the feasibility
mous State Department White Paper
$94.2 billion are planned!
of using nuclear weapons.
claiming the Russians were behind the
In other words, over 54% of the
The logic is epitomized by a Rea-
unrest there has been largely discred-
funds to be slashed from food stamps
gan spokesperson, justifying increases
ited. It sounds like Viet Nam again.
and revenue sharing and medicaid and
in military and sharp decreases in non-
The price for now of all of this
CETA aren't going to the war on gov-
military foreign aid spending.
military expansion is the dismantling
ernment spending.
The military aid supposedly can
of the system of social services and
They're going to the war machine!
help poor countries "alleviate the eco-
programs that working people fought
And the Congressional Budget Of-
nomic and social causes of (domestic)
long and hard to win. The ultimate cost
fice warns that the administration is
instability." That's like saying the MX
may be even higher.
Kirkland Warns Social Cuts
Threaten Support for Defense
Chicago-Vital popular support for
delegates, "for an Administration dedi-
defense spending could be weakened by
cated to repairing America's standing in
slashes in social programs, AFL-CIO Pres-
the world to create new anti-defense con-
ident Lane Kirkland asserted in a speech
stituencies among the elderly, the jobless,
before the national convention of the Fra-
the working poor, the minorities, the sick
ternal Order of Eagles here.
and the disabled."
The AFL-CIO has been a "consistent
All Americans must feel that they have
and steadfast" supporter of strong defense
a stake in the survival of our society,
policies "as a requirement for survival in
Kirkland said, pointing out that such feel-
a dangerous world," Kirkland said. He
ings of anticipation have been "enhanced
stressed that in a democracy cuts in need-
by federal programs that have cushioned
ed social programs such as social security,
our economy against unemployment, cre-
jobs programs and aid to cities, coupled
ated jobs, eased poverty, attacked dis-
with tax cuts for the rich, can undermine
crimination, trained the unskilled, taught
public support necessary to maintain high
the young and helped the needy."
levels of military spending.
Referring to Administration statements
"It makes no sense," Kirkland told the
that Americans are entitled to nothing
from the federal government, Kirkland
pointed out that the Constitution requires
the federal government to "provide for the
common defense and the general welfare."
"THE AMERICAN people are entitled
to both," Kirkland emphasized. "They are
not required to choose one or the other.
That is the mandate of the Constitution.
It supersedes any other mandate, real or
imagined, which the Administration labors
to extract from last November."
Kirkland was given the fraternal order's
Murray-Green Award, named after the
late CIO President Philip Murray and the
late AFL President William Green who
had both been active in the organization.
The award was established to recognize
the long-term relationship between the or-
ganization and the labor movement.
Kirkland praised the Eagles for their
efforts since their founding in support of
programs that aid workers and their fam-
ilies, including workers' compensation,
health care and social security.
signed up with AFSCME in the course
International Union and of each other,"
of this three-year struggle."
says a beaming Council 57 Business
The struggle isn't over yet, adds
Agent Prudence Slaathaug.
MEF Vice Pres. Clifford, whose rec-
"The city council had the cor-
reation department job was shown to
rect perception that they weren't only
be undervalued by $12,000. She notes
facing us, but AFSCME's million mem-
that the historic gains still fall short of
bers as well," adds Slaathaug.
complete pay equity.
The $1.4 million in pay equity
"We did quite well, given the eco-
adjustments will mean-notes Local
nomic situation out here, but it's just
101 MEF Vice Pres. Nancy Clifford—
the beginning," sums up Clifford. "We
additional raises averaging better than
Well-planned rallies reflected the organization and determination of San Jose's
won't rest until we've won full pay
9.6% over two years for workers in
AFSCME members.
equity for all of our people."
Landmark Pact Caps Three-Year Struggle
The eight-day strike that brought the national news
factor, the study would have helped perpetuate
also testified before the city council, proving that
media pouring into this rapidly growing West Coast
wage discrimination."
San Jose could afford to fund pay equity.
city was but the most recent act in a long drama.
In July, 1981 the Local 101 chapter won
As the July 5 strike deadline approached, the
It was early in 1979-after months of prelim-
agreement from the city to bargain over the results
city sought to make city workers fund the pay
inary work-that some 225 Local 101 Municipal
of the study. The results-which proved that tra-
equity raises themselves-by offering minimal gen-
Employees Federation (MEF) clericals staged a
ditionally female jobs were paid some 15% less
eral raises. But the union held firm.
"sick-out" to press the city to fund a $65,000 job
than traditionally male jobs of comparable worth-
And when the city council backed off from a
evaluation study.
came out in December, just weeks before a new
tentative agreement on July 12, 40 activists took
Crucial to the success of the struggle was the
city council was to take office in January.
over their meeting. Within an hour they were joined
winning of a joint labor-management job evaluation
Once again, unified and determined action en-
at City Hall by 200 other strikers, many of whom
committee and the agreement not to consider as a
sured that bargaining began before the old city
then marched with lit candles to the mayor's home.
factor what workers in traditionally underpaid jobs
council left office. It did, two days before Christmas.
Almost a year ago, San Jose's confidential em-
earn from other employers.
The union's militancy continued, with such
ployees' unit president Rosemary Strucss looked
"That was crucial," explains Council 57 Busi-
efforts as a mass rally on National Secretaries Day
ahead, noting, "We could make history."
ness Agent Bill Callahan. "If we hadn't banned
this past April and many other actions.
She and her union brothers and sisters in San
consideration of this 'comparable marketability'
AFSCME Research Director Linda Lampkin
Jose have done just that.
We Must Get Ready to Take On
Foes Within as Well as Without
by Jackie Presser
chestrated media, newspapers,
International-
TV or radio-organized by cap-
Vice-President
tive political spokesmen who
LAS VEGAS, NEVADA-
are and have been the advo-
The IBT will convene here the
cates of "Get the Teamsters.'
week of June I for the purpose
Millions upon millions of the
of electing a General President
taxpayers dollars have been
and Executive Board. This will
wasted on anti-Teamster witch
be the 22nd International Con-
hunts for the purpose of seeing
vention, representing 78 years
the attackers' names in print or
of history for the benefit of
their pictures on the evening
mankind.
news.
All of us, Teamster represen-
The attacks on the Teamsters
tatives from the highest level to
by our enemies are attacks on
the Conferences, Joint Councils
have mounted attack after- at-
you, the members, and your
and Local Unions, officers, bus-
tack on the Teamsters. Persecu-
families
the members that
iness agents, stewards and
tion now prolonged over 25
we speak for. We no longer can
rank-and-file members, can be
years has not penetrated and
afford to let the leadership of
proud of the overall ac-
will not penetrate the fortress of
our International Union be at-
complishments that have con-
this great International Union.
tacked time and time again,
tributed so significantly to the
As we gather in Las Vegas,
without a total response from
standard of living for the work-
we pay homage to those
all Teamsters. Our voices must
ing men and women of our na-
Teamsters who made our his-
be heard and our votes will
tion.
tory and because of God Al-
have to be counted from every
The Teamsters were there
mighty's call, are no longer with
county and state across the
from the horse and buggy to the
us. We humbly acknowledge
U.S.
gasoline age to the electrical
those departed leaders who
We must organize ourselves
age-we were there with the
have created what we all repre-
as never before to stop once
start of the auto industry and
sent today-2 million working
and for all the disgracing of this
the birth of the air age. We were
Americans and their families.
great American institution, the
there for the birth of the atomic
All of us, every single Teams-
IBT.
and hydrogen age and we are
ter, must join together as never
We must confront our
still there going through the
before to be prepared to fight
enemies in the Congress and the
birth of the space age.
for what we have believed in
news media, and most of all we
The Teamsters stood fast
from the very founding of the
must expose the real serpent,
through the First World War,
IBT seventy-eight years ago.
the concealed agents of Com-
the Great Depression and the
The serpent coils of our ongo-
munism and Socialism.
Second World War.
ing enemies are once again ris-
We must cleanse our union
There is no segment of our
ing to attack. The venom
once and for all of cell blocks of
nation's history in this century
started over these past 5 years
organized, anti-American union
in which you as Teamsters have
will start to spread as never
dissidents. We started out in the
not played a major role as
before, attacking our leadership
streets, and if that is where we
spokesmen for organized labor.
and our very foundations:
must start from once again-the
The history of this nation paral-
These are those amongst us
advantage is ours. We didn't
lels the history of the IBT:
today who do not advocate the
have an international structure
Teamsters from all corners of
Teamster
philosophy
of
speaking for 2 million working
America were weaned on fight-
unionism.
They
preach
Americans then
we didn't
ing for what they believed in.
unionism, but practice Com-
have five Conferences and 44
Teamster officers and orga-
munism and Socialism. They
Joint Councils and qualified/
nizers from the beginning have
disguise themselves as Brothers
elected representatives from
had to take to the streets and
and Sisters, while in truth they
every district in this country to
alleys to fight for workers'
are enemies dedicated to To-
speak and to stand shoulder to
rights, decent working condi-
tally Destroy our Union and all
shoulder for this great cause.
tions and benefits for members
free unions,
We do have all of this now
and families. As our nation
We have been victorious over
and more coming. Let's use it
changed, so changed the struc-
our enemies for the past 78
for the preservation of this
ture and membership of the
years. We have beheaded the
American institution, the Inter-
IBT. When we went from horse
serpent time and time again,
national Brotherhood of
and wagon, we went to the gas
and we Teamsters will not be
Teamsters.
caught sleeping when the ser-
President Reagan's goal is a
age to represent those who left
one era to go to the next
pent is once again at large.
new beginning for America
we have been there time and
We no longer can tolerate the
we Teamsters ask the
baseless, unjustified attacks
President for a new beginning
time again.
Teamsters and their leaders
from Communist Socialist or-
for the Teamsters.
have stood strong and united
against the tyranny of Nazism
and Communism. Teamsters
UD
TEAMSTER
have always been and will con-
tinue to be the leaders for a
democratic free nation. We
have always been the advocates
of free enterprise, as well as the
innovators of better workers"
representation. Teamster gains
from 40c/hour to $12/hour, from
60 hour work weeks to 40 hour
work weeks, from no benefits
to total benefits, from a handful
of working Americans to over 2
million working Americans
that is the history of the
Teamsters.
Ronald Reagan addressing the annual meeting of the Ohio Con-
Government administrations
ference of Teamsters.