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Memorandum from Bryce Harlow to Dwight D. Eisenhower and Richard Nixon Regarding Congressional Reaction to the Farewell Address
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16972232
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Memorandum from Bryce Harlow to Dwight D. Eisenhower and Richard Nixon Regarding Congressional Reaction to the Farewell Address
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Eisenhower, Dwight D.: Papers, Post-Presidential
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1961-03-17
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HArLow Bryce N
CONFIDENTIAL
March 17, 1961
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
The
1021ma
RICHARD M. NIXON
I attach several items of interest compiled by Steve Hess, some
of which might be exploitable by certain of the boys on the Hill
and have been passed along to them with that thought in mind.
There is an interesting development, Mr. President, involving your
"Farewell Address." At least two vigorous young Republicans in the
House (Bob Michel of Illinois and Brad Morse of Massachusetts) have
interested themselves in your warning to America against excessive
power being accumulated by the military-industrial complex and are
girding their loins to raise a rumpus through the Congressional
investigation route. Nation magazine, of all things, has suddenly
interested itself in the same thing and has run a column on the
subject written by Jerry Greene, one of the most conservative cor-
respondents in Washington. Congressional Quarterly, widely read,
will run a whole spread on this in its next issue. The point is,
this part of the Address turns out to be curiously yeasty, and
one can expect some fall-out from it in the Congressional-political
area over coming months. All of the interested parties (except
Nation, of course!) have been in touch with me about this: I have
quietly, without attribution, sought to add fuel to this still small
flame.
The Congressional Leaders have at last hired Bob Humphreys as their
full-time staff man, much to my relief and gratification. He should
do a splendid job, provided they will give him running room, and I
would anticipate that within the next month the public imprint of
Ev and Charlie will be noticeably more powerful and positive. There
is a growing undercurrent of discontent, especially among the new
House Republicans (a very large class approximating 40), but in-
cluding Tom Curtis who is a veritable bulldog, over the leadership
(and party) image now being projected by the Leaders, and this
could evolve into a serious problem for Charlie, Johnny Byrnes and
Les, but my hope is that Bob Humphreys' imaginative help will ease
this strain before it reaches serious proportions.
- 2 -
THE
You recognize in this, of course, the old problem in the House --
that of keeping new members feeling useful and as part of the
team. What is needed is assignment to the new freshman class,
and to our very attractive young leaders, such as Byrnes, Ford,
Laird, Rhodes and Frelinghuysen, speaking and other public chores
so they will not only feel more a part of things but also will
brighten the party image. Charlie is acutely aware of this need,
having seen it intimately in his struggle with Joe Martin, and
I am hopeful that he will move in reasonable time to meet it.
The National Chairmanship problem remains substantially as it
was, as far as I can determine, with no clear decision as to
Thrus Morton's successor or as to when Thrus will step aside.
Halleck is stoutly for Ray Bliss but would be willing to have
an attractive front man with Bliss in second place, if this turns
out to be preferred. Bill Miller of New York begins to be talked
about for the post but ought to be subject to the same disability
as Thrus -- re-election problems in 1962. Barry Goldwater still
stands for Bliss, I am informed, as does Ev Dirksen, but more
important than any of this is the continuing confusion and lack
of tight forward planning. The National Committee career staff
is considerably discombobulated by all of this, Thrus being
rarely at the Committee, Hal Short serving really as Acting
Chairman, and no one quite sure where authority truly lies and
what the continuing policies and programs are to be. In sum,
the problem is no less difficult than it was last January, as
all of us feared would be the case. A tough party fight over
this spot seems definitely in prospect.
As a side note, Arthur Summerfield is chairman of the June 1
dinner here being put on at the Armory by the Senate and House
Republican Campaign Committees. I need hardly report that he is
throwing himself heart and soul into this effort; it is safe to
predict, knowing him, that he will turn it into a real extrava-
ganza. The Democratic Party will put on a big party here only
three days before. Art swears that he is going to outdo the
competition. I have no doubt at all that he will.
There was extraordinary tribute inherent in the passage of the
5-star bill. One complaining voice only was raised among the
537 members in both Houses -- that of Dale Alford, who opposed
the bill because he represents Little Rock, Arkansas, and con-
tended that the South ought, by opposing this bill, to register
disapproval of the use of force in the Little Rock school fracas.
No one paid him the slightest heed.
and possibly related to the preeding paragraph!
Library
- 3 -
Incidentally, Alford is potentially an opponent of Wilbur Mills
as a result of Arkansas redistricting, but Mills tells me (1) that
Alford has promised not to oppose him, preferring to run for
governor, and of perhaps equal interest Mills says (2) that
Faubus now states categorically, that he will not run against
Fulbright. Rumors are extant that Mills will receive a judgeship
from the new Administration in order to remove him from the Ways
and Means Committee before the medical care fight next year.
The talk is that Mills would be inclined to accept because his
wife's health is poor and because he got enough of the day-to-
day political struggle during the Rules Committee fight early
this year, in which he had to pick between standing with Sam
Rayburn and standing with his constituency (he chose Rayburn).
All conservative-minded people would, of course, be aghast if
Mills should leave the Committee; his departure would be a blow
to Congressional responsibility worse than the packing of the
Rules Committee. Mills' successor would be leftist Cecil King
of California.
Kennedy's legislative program faces real trouble in the House.
Conservatives have an excellent chance to control the minimum
wage bill when it hits the House Floor next week; the school bill
is in deep trouble, as of course you know, over the Catholic and
race issues as well as teacher salaries; farm legislation is in
traditional travail; the measure to reduce tourist buying abroad
from $500 to $100 has been called back, even after tentative Ways
and Means Committee approval, for second thinking by the State
Department; the backdoor financing part of the distressed areas
bill will almost surely be defeated in the House; defense reor-
ganization is stymied for at least a year; medical care for the
aged is likewise deferred to next year and still faces a tough
time; highway financing has run up against the same huge lobby
from truckers that defeated a like attempt some five years ago;
mutual security faces its traditional Armageddon, with the
minority far more intransigeant than heretofore; the peace corps
increasingly comes up against somber second thoughts and will
likely be entwined in a whole web of restrictive amendments before
it escapes the Congress; improving economic prospects are de-
pressurizing most key domestic measures of whatever kind, and
more and more the minority in both Houses begins to veer about
to slash at the Democratic jugular. There will surely be a loud
outcry over the budget amendments due in a week or ten days, be-
cause a substantial deficit will be forecast; civil rights
legislative pledges are still to be redeemed; a Pentagon roil
Library S.
- 4 -
One
begins to develop as the Army, Navy and Marines develop deep
resentments over Air Force influence in the new defense scheme;
things abroad look progressively bleaker; Soapy Williams looks
more and more like a really profitable minority target; White
House moves to control the regulatory commissions, to close the
mouths of Administration people, to take care of cronies and
relatives and rejected candidates (see enclosures), and White
House inability to persuade Congress to cooperate, lay the
foundation for severe criticism in the months ahead. At the
moment the popularity of the new President appears to be high
because of the ease with which the public confuses motion with
progress -- but it is deeply meaningful that here, in mid-March,
the only substantive bill that has yet been passed by Congress
turns out to be the unanimously accepted 5-star bill for Dwight D.
Eisenhower -- a bill for which the groundwork had been laid be-
fore the new Administration took office. I foresee growing
troubles for this new crowd that will warm the cockles of the
Republican hearts all across the country, and I gladly report
that everywhere on the Hill politicians still report a Republican
morale and an eagerness to work wonderful to behold. If only the
Party can cleanse itself of (1) negativism, (2) the big business
stigma, (3) the hard-hearted image, and can come up with a
genuine national issue (such as toeing in the union monopoly
might conceivably be), I anticipate startling Democratic re-
verses in 1962 and later. Tom Curtis even reports that there
is a genuine possibility of electing a Republican mayor in
St. Louis; Sam Rayburn most uncomfortably confided that no person
alive can foretell the Texas special election; Jim Mitchell's
prospects seem good in New Jersey, provided the primary challenge
can be surmounted; Mumma's replacement (John Kunkel) in Pennsylvania
seems certain of victory -- and so, given a little imagination
and energy the Democratic bloom ought soon to fade.
Nate Twining, of course retired, is on the precipice of letting
out a violent complaint about new trends in national defense.
He fully appreciates the possibility of severe reaction against
him by the new Administration leaders but feels duty bound to
protest. He could trigger off an unending series of attacks on
Kennedy and McNamara in the defense area; as indicated, the
Pentagon soil grows increasingly fertile for this kind of thing.
By next week, Hess having gotten fully under way, we hope to have
a few suggested notes that you might usefully send to various
- 5 -
Members of the Senate and House and perhaps to some of the press.
It is time that the boys here know that the two of you are watch-
ful of their antics, it seems to me.
Sincerely,
Library OF
Bit
Bryce N. Harlow
Enclosures