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Parental Leave 1991
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Parental Leave 1991
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Records of the White House Office of the Chief of Staff to the President (George H. W. Bush Administration)
John Sununu Issues Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
1998-0004-F[2]
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Chief of Staff, White House Office of
Series:
Sununu, John, Files
Subseries:
Issues Files
OA/ID Number:
29166
Folder ID Number:
29166-002
Folder Title:
Parental Leave 1991
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
G
15
25
3
4
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
(George Bush Library)
Document No.
Subject/Title of Document
Date
Restriction
Class.
and Type
01. Paper
Parental Leave (2 pp.)
n.d.
P-5
Collection:
Record Group:
Bush Presidential Records
Open on Expiration of PRA
Office:
Chief of Staff, White House Office of
(Document Follows)
Series:
Sununu, John, Files
Subseries:
Issues Files
By If (NLGB) on 10/28/05
WHORM Cat.:
File Location:
Parental Leave 1991
Date Closed:
1/5/2005
OA/ID Number:
29166-002
FOIA/SYS Case #:
1998-0004-F[2]
Appeal Case #:
Re-review Case #:
2005-0426-S
Appeal Disposition:
P-2/P-5 Review Case #:
Disposition Date:
AR Case #:
MR Case #:
AR Disposition:
MR Disposition:
AR Disposition Date:
MR Disposition Date:
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C.-2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act - [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
P-1 National Security Classified Information [(a)(1) of the PRA]
(b)(1) National security classified information [(b)(1) of the FOIA]
P-2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
(b)(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of an
P-3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
P-4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
(b)(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
(b)(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
P-5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(5) of the PRA]
(b)(6) Release would constitute'a clearly unwarranted invasion of
P-6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
(b)(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed of
(b)(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
gift.
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
(b)(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
PRM. Removed as a personal record misfile.
PARENTAL LEAVE
POLICY PRINCIPLES
1.
Ensure responsiveness, while enhance flexibility in the
workplace to critical family needs.
2.
Reject one-size-fits all federal response; no one
federal mandate.
POLICY PROPOSAL
Work with the Congress to pursue new legislation embodying a new
approach to family leave -- having flexibility and choice as
essential hallmarks.
This legislation could have employers choose, within 2 years
of enactment, a means of delivery of minimal family (or
parental) leave benefits to their workforce. The choices
could include some combination of the options discussed
below:
(a) a modification of the Stenholm/Hatch "preferred rehire"
legislation; or
[Stenholm/Hatch is taken from the Veterans Reemployment
Rights law, but Stenholm/Hatch is not as generous to
employees. It is supported by Family Research Council and
will not be opposed by many in the business community,
including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. It provides
eligible employees of all employers -- no small business
threshold -- the opportunity to leave employment for up to 6
years to care for a newborn or newly adopted child, or up to
2 years to care for a sick child, parent or spouse. Instead
of the job guarantee in the Dodd/Clay bill, the employee
would only be eligible for the position if such a position
is available when the employee returns. If the position is
not available, the leave-taking employee would be guaranteed
to be rehired for the next identical or equivalent position
that opens up. There are exemptions and conditions for
reemployment set out in the bill.]
Possible modifications include:
employers and many allies on the Hill consider the
time period of 6 years to be excessive
employees and their advocates view the exemptions
as too generous for employers
(b) a modification of the Dodd/Clay legislation for a
minimal amount of unpaid, job-protected leave for legitimate
family purposes; or
[Modifications could be made to the Democrat bill, reducing
the amount of leave to 4 or 6 weeks, and making many of the
pro-employer modifications, i.e. employee notification of
intent to take or return from leave, enforcement provisions,
vesting requirements or changes to the continuation of
health benefits, made by legislation introduced by Rep.
LaFalce or Rep. Penny -- important allies to the
Administration on this issue.]
(c) a cafeteria style benefit plan in which one option is
family leave; or
[These employee fringe benefit plans allow employees to
choose their own benefits from a smorgasbord of fringe
benefits, i.e. older employees choosing extra health
benefits, younger employees choosing health club
memberships, etc Unfortunately, these plans are complex
and difficult to administer and only a fraction of employers
offer them. Oregon's parental leave law exempts companies
who offer cafeteria plans with an option being family leave
as an incentive for companies to provide them.]
(d) a collective bargaining agreement where family leave is
provided; or
[Unions advise the Department that their collective
bargaining agreements contain minimal family and medical
leave provisions and, in fact, are more generous than the
legislation. To include this option would be a signal of
Administration recognition and support for seeking to
address this issue within the context of labor management
negotiations.]
(e) the ability to use existing paid sick or annual leave
for purposes of family leave.
[Each company can now establish their own policy on how sick
leave, which is voluntarily provided, can be used by
employees -- whether it would include leave to care for
someone other than the employee. This legislative option
would permit an employer who is providing paid leave that
can be used for family purposes a means to meet the federal
minimum standard in a manner that is not very intrusive or
burdensome.]
Some exemptions could be established for companies facing dire
economic circumstances, national security or public safety
exemptions, employee waiver, among other exemptions.
Coverage of congressional employees should be pursued.
FAMILY LEAVE LEGISLATION
3/13/91
Bill:
HR. 2
S.5
HR. 1270
S. 418
Introduced:
January 3, 1991
January 14, 1991
March 5, 1991
February 7, 1991
Sponsor:
Clay (D-MO)
Dodd (D-CT)
Stenholm (D-TX)
Hatch (R-UT)
Short Title:
Family and Medical Leave Act 1991
Family and Medical Leave Act 1991
Protection for Individuals Who
American Family Protection Act 1991
Leave Work for a Family Purpose.
Cosponsors:
19 Republicans
4 Republicans
2 Republicane
0 Republicans
151 Democrats
34 Democrate
1 Democrat
0 Democrate
170 Total
38 Total
3 Total
0 Total
Referrals:
House Education & Labor
Senate Labor & Human Resources
House Education & Labor
Senate Labor & Human Resources
House Administration
House Administration
House Post Office &
Civil Service
Schedule:
3/12 - House Post Office
Currently none
Currently none
Currently none
3/13 - House Post Office
3/19 - House Education & Labor
Companion:
S.5
HR. 2
S. 418
HR. 1270
Provisions:
Employers with 50 or more
Same as HR. 2
Provides eligible employees (14
Same as HR. 1270 with two
employees must provide eligible
months or 2000 hours) the
exemptions: 1) where
employees (worked 1 year or 1000
opportunity to leave for up to 6
circumstances have changed to
hours) with up to 12 weeks of
years to care for a newborn or
make it unreasonable for the
leave within any 12 month period
newly adopted child or up to 2
employer to rehire the employee
for the birth or adoption of a
years to care for a sick child,
on leave, or 2) where disciplinary
child, sickness of a child, a
parent or spouse. All employere
action against the employee has
spouse, or a parent, or for
(no small business exception)
been commenced.
personal medical conditions.
would be required to provide a
The leave-taking employee would
first right refusal to employees
be able to return to the same or
for purposes of reemployment at
similar job and would be eligible
the same or similar position.
for continued health insurance
benefits. Also, would establish a
commission to review the small
business exemption.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 15, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD
FROM:
ANDY MITRUSI
SUBJECT:
George Bush Campaign Remark on Parental Leave
Shown on June 15, Nightline
Vice-President George Bush, September 9, 1988:
"We also need to assure that women don't have to worry about
getting their job back after having a child or caring for a child
during a serious illness. This is what I mean when I talk about
a gentler nation." "
Services of Mead Data Central
PAGE
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1ST STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1988 The Washington Post
September 21, 1988, Wednesday, Final Edition
SECTION: OPINION EDITORIAL; PAGE A18
LENGTH: 484 words
HEADLINE: Mr. Bush on Family Leave
BODY:
GEORGE BUSH has deftly revived the mainly Democratic legislation he opposes
to require businesses above a certain size to provide unpaid parental leave.
Both House and Senate committees had approved such legislation, which then
stalled. In the House, even many Democrats -- reluctant to offend business by
voting for a "labor" bill that wasn't going anywhere -- wanted the Senate to act
first, which the Senate seemed unlikely to do.
But two weeks ago, Mr. Bush, as part of a shift in positions that also
saw him endorse an increase in the minimum wage, said: "We also need to
assure that women don't have to worry about getting their jobs back after having
a child or caring for a child during a serious illness
We've got to do
something about that."
The purring Democrats propose to give him a chance. If not a bill, they'd be
happy with a Republican vote against. Moderate Republicans in both houses,
having successfully eased the terms of the bills, have joined in sponsoring
them. With so many women in the work force, they no more than Mr. Bush's
advisers want the party to be the naysayer on this issue.
The bills would require employers to allow parents (not just mothers, women's
groups insisted) up to 10 weeks of leave every two years to care for children
when born, adopted or seriously. ill. The employer would be required to keep up
any health insurance payments previously made and to guarantee the employee the
same or a comparable job on her or his return. The House bill would also require
leave to care for a sick parent, and both would require leave if the employee
became ill.
The bills would cover only employees who had worked for a company for a year,
and the Senate bill only companies with more than 20 employees, exempting nearly
90 percent of all businesses and more than half of all workers. The House would
exempt even more. Many larger businesses already provide some family leave. Thus
the cost of the legislation would be modest; not all women could even afford all
the unpaid leave it would provide. The opponents mainly fear what might follow.
They see it as part of a broader effort by Congress to require business to
provide benefits the government cannot afford. A higher minimum wage would
be one such; mandatory health insurance another; paid family leave someday a
possible third.
The Republican platform thus called for steps to "encourage employers
to voluntarily address their employees' child care needs," and the Bush
campaign is exploring tax incentives. But these would again cost money the
government doesn't have. The problem of paid benefits can be left for later.
Unpaid maternity leave is a modest requirement in a society as dependent as this
on women's work. Small business is amply not to say excessively protected. The
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(c) 1988 The Washington Post, September 21, 1988
pending legislation may not be what Mr. Bush had in mind, but Congress should
thank him and pass it anyway.
TYPE:
EDITORIAL
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES; BIRTH; FRINGE BENEFITS; MINIMUM WAGE; U.S. CONGRESS
NAMED-PERSONS:
GEORGE BUSH
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Nation
Why Wait a
Taking Time
Week to Kill?
For Children
The gun lobby overwhelms an
With Bush's blessing, workers
attempt to restrict handguns
may win parental leave
"G
uns don't kill; people do." The sim-
G
eorge Bush has discovered women:
ple logic of that refrain from the
National Rifle Association would suggest
that they work (hence his proposal in
July for a $2.2 billion child-care tax cred-
that the nation's 2.8 million-member gun
it) and, now, that they have children. At-
lobby would support any move to keep the
tempting to close what remains of his
wrong people from acquiring deadly
once cavernous gender gap, Bush last
weapons. Not so. The N.R.A. invariably
week came out in favor of unpaid leave for
goes to war against any attempt to limit
parents on the job. Parting company with
the avalanche of handguns that are used
the Reagan Administration and his run-
to kill 21,000 Americans annually. Last
ning mate, Dan Quayle, Bush surprised a
week the gun lobby triumphed in its latest
gathering of the Illinois Federation of Re-
campaign, a $4 million effort against a
publican Women, saying, "We need to en-
sensible congressional proposal to
sure that women don't have to worry
strengthen existing federal restrictions on
the sale of handguns. The legislation
about getting their jobs back after having
would have required gun dealers to wait
a child or caring for a child during a seri-
ous illness."
seven days before completing a sale, giv-
Suddenly, parental-leave legislation
ing police time to determine whether a
that House Democrats were afraid to
buyer is a convicted felon, an illegal alien,
schedule because it was sure to fail was
a drug abuser or a mental patient. Last
put on the calendar. The bill, first intro-
week the House meekly bowed to N.R.A.
duced by Democratic Congresswoman
pressure and killed the proposed waiting
Pat Schroeder in 1986, would require em-
period by a vote of 228 to 182.
ployers of more than 50 people to allow
The legislation was inspired in part
men or women up to ten weeks of leave to
by Sarah Brady, wife of White House
care for a newborn, a seriously ill child or
Press Secretary James Brady, who re-
Sarah Brady viewing confiscated weapons
an ailing parent. When House Majority
mains an invalid seven years after being
The House eagerly grabbed a fig leaf.
Whip Tony Coelho took a head count this
hit by one of John Hinckley's bullets dur-
ing the attempt to assassinate President
week, he found so much new support
the Brady amendment and replace it with
among moderates that he has decided to
Reagan. She has led a series of fights for
McCollum's phantom plan. Even leading
schedule a vote as soon as possible.
tighter gun laws. The Brady amendment
Democrats from states where the N.R.A.
Bush's endorsement came a week af-
enjoyed broad support from gun-control
is strong, like House Majority Leader
opponents, including an unusual coalition
ter a coalition of women's groups urged
Tom Foley of Washington and House
Michael Dukakis to put more effort into
of eleven national police organizations.
Whip Tony Coelho of California, support-
passing the bill. They also demanded that
Even the President praised the idea of a
ed the gun lobby. They contended, as has
Bush drop his opposition to it. The Vice
waiting period. citing how well it has
George Bush, who boasts that he is a life
President is no doubt aware that 10 mil-
worked in California. But with elections
member of the N.R.A., that such restric-
lion more women than men will vote on
only six weeks away, many Congressmen
tive legislation should be left to the states.
Nov. 8. As National Women's Political
who favored the proposal could not ignore
But only 22 states require waiting periods.
the powerful N.R.A..
Caucus Chair Irene Natividad warns,
A gun buyer in a hurry need only cross a
"No one can get elected without us, not to
Florida Republican Congressman Bill
state line to speed his purchase.
McCollum Jr. offered a way out of the
the Senate, not to the House and certainly
That disparity caused Illinois Repub-
not to the presidency."
quandary. He proposed replacing the
lican Henry Hyde, one of the House's
waiting-period requirement with a provi-
Opponents of the bill, especially
most conservative legislators, to abandon
sion to give all 275,000 federally licensed
small-business owners, fear that tempo-
his normal states' rights stance. "These
gun dealers in the U.S. instant access to a
rary replacements would be costly and
guns are ambulatory," Hyde argued.
nationwide list of convicted felons. Pro-
less productive. Says Texas Republican
"This is a national problem. If we made it
Congressman Dick Armey: "Parental
spective gun buyers could be fingerprint-
a little more difficult for someone who is
ed and the samples sent electronically to
leave is really nothing but a form of yup-
angry and wants to kill, maybe we would
Washington for an instantaneous check
pie welfare financed by other American
save some lives." Demonstrating how the
against the FBI's millions of prints.
workers." In a letter to his colleagues, Ar-
issue cuts across both ideology and geog-
But there is no master list of convicted
mey describes the slippery benefits slope
raphy, Speaker Jim Wright of Texas
felons, no way to make such data quickly
that might follow, warning that parents
joined Hyde in opposing the McCollum
and widely available, and no speedy
would soon be demanding paid parental
proposal, despite his home state's animus
leave, then health benefits, then mandat-
means of sending and matching finger-
to gun control.
ed day-care services. "I shudder to think
prints. A network to provide such infor-
Their logic did not prevail against the
mation could take years to create and cost
what would come beyond that," he writes.
N.R.A.'s cold cash. Collectively, the Con-
Sweden, perhaps.
up to $500 million: making it available to
gressmen who voted to doom the waiting
gun dealers could violate civil liberties.
If Congress gets to the measure this
period have received $1.167,908 from the
Beyond that, McCollum's system would
month, as planned. parental leave may
gun lobby in the past five years. The 70%
become a reality. With the outlook for a
not prevent gun sales to illegal aliens and
of Americans who support tighter gun
the mentally ill.
Democratic S2 billion-plus day-care plan
controls are rarely as passionate. vocal or
Still. a majority of House members
increasingly bleak. the bill may be the
generous.
By Ed Magnuson.
reached for this fig leaf. They voted to kill
only solid legislation women get this year
Reported by Hays Gorey/Washington
for their 10 million-vote differential.
F
26
TIME. SEPTEMBER 26. I
PAGE
5
1ST STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
The Associated Press
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press. These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Associated Press.
September 10, 1988, Saturday, AM cycle
LENGTH: 794 words
HEADLINE: Bush Hints at New Policies to Win Over Women, Conservative
Democrats
BYLINE: By TERENCE HUNT, AP White House Correspondent
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
KEYWORD:
Bush's Week
BODY:
Following a political road map to battleground states, Republican George
Bush is zigzagging across America on a made-for-television tour hinting at new
policies to win support from women and conservative Democrats.
He concentrated last week on pivotal states - California, Texas, Illinois and
Pennylvania - in his quest for the 270 electoral votes needed to capture the
White House, and made passes through Washington, Oregon and Kentucky.
After a weekend resting in Washington, Bush returns to the campaign trail
Monday after announcing a national security advisory task force that will
include former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, former U.N. ambassador
Jeane Kirkpatrick and Brent Scowcroft, former White House national security
adviser.
A surprise name on the list, according to campaign sources, will be Zbigniew
Brzezinski, who was President Carter's national security adviser.
From Washington, Bush will head for some major industrial states on an
itinerary that includes New Jersey, Illinois, Missouri, California and Ohio
before he returns home by Friday.
"I mean to win this election," a newly energized Bush repeatedly declared
against highly telegenic backgrounds. At each event, campaign aides carefully
checked camera angles to give photographers and television cameramen the best
shots.
With public opinion surveys showing him edging ahead of Democrat Michael
Dukakis, Bush seemed more confident and at ease on the stump. He rejected
charges that he was waging a negative campaign.
His campaign message was tailored to fit the place and the audience.
Wooing conservative Democrats in East Texas, Bush was a hardliner on
abortion, the death penalty, gun control and prison furloughs. He pounced on
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The Associated Press, September 10, 1988
Dukakis again for vetoing a bill aimed at requiring public school teachers to
lead students in reciting the Pledge of Allegiance.
Attacking Dukakis as "a card-carrying member of the ACLU" and "a progressive,
liberal Democrat," Bush said, "It's time to have a Texan in the White House,
one who shares your values."
It was a different message that Bush brought to Rockford, Ill., for an
address Friday before 200 members of the Illinois Federation of Republican
Women.
Observing that women earn an average 70 cents for every dollar earned by
men, Bush said, "There's only one amount that a woman should earn for every
dollar earned by a man - and that is one dollar."
In an apparent departure from the Reagan administration's policy of opposing
parental job leaves, Bush declared, "We also need to assure that women don't
have to worry about getting their jobs back after having a child or caring for a
child during a serious illness." He did not specify what he had in mind.
He reiterated in an interview that he opposes abortion except in cases of
rape, incest or when the mother's life is threatened. Significantly, however, he
said his opposition to abortion is "not a litmus test that everybody has to
agree with." Most polls show a majority of Americans are pro-choice.
In another important election-year shift aimed at winning blue-collar votes,
Bush also signaled he is ready to endorse an increase in the minimum wage,
which has been frozen at $3.35 an hour for seven years.
The Democrats already are moving an increase through Congress. A Senate bill
proposes an increase to $4.55 by 1991, while a House bill proposes $5.05 by
1992.
"I'm talking to some of our experts and I'm going to do what's fair," Bush
said. He said he would insist on some minimum-wage differential, perhaps a
training wage or a sub-minimum wage for teen-agers.
Trying to duplicate President Reagan's success at gaining coverage on the TV
evening news shows, Bush went to great lengths to appear in colorful settings
for the cameras.
He stained his tie filleting a white sea bass at a wholesale fish company in
San Diego, paraded with Mickey Mouse at Disneyland, Calif., confronted a Jeering
union crowd at a Portland, Ore., shipyard, watched the fiery destruction of
nuclear-missile engines in Texas and appeared at the Marigold Festival at Pekin,
Ill.
To keep the focus on themes of his choosing, Bush did not hold any news
conferences with the campaign press corps last week. He ignored a reporter who
used a traffic cone as a megaphone to shout questions.
Not everything went Bush's way, though.
In Louisville, Ky., Bush flubbed by telling an American Legion convention
that Sept. instead of Dec. was the anniversary of the Japanese attack
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The Associated Press, September 10, 1988
on Pearl Harbor.
Another embarrassment was the disclosure that Jerome Brentar, co-chairman of
the Bush '88 Coalition of American Nationalities, was a defender of former
Ohio autoworker John Demjanjuk, who was convicted in Israel as a Nazi war
criminal. Brentar resigned under fire.
LEXIS® NEXIS® LEXIS® NEXIS
Services of Mead Data Central
PAGE
9
1ST STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
The Associated Press
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press. These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Associated Press.
September 13, 1988, Tuesday, PM cycle
SECTION: Business News
LENGTH: 558 words
HEADLINE: House Democrats Urge Bush to Support Family Leave Bill
BYLINE: By JILL LAWRENCE, Associated Press Writer
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
KEYWORD:
Family Leave
BODY:
Political jockeying over family issues 15 taking a new turn in the wake of
Republican presidential nominee George Bush's remark that women with
newborns should not face loss of their jobs if they take a few weeks off.
House Democrats jumped on Bush's comment Monday and urged the vice
president to support a family leave bill that both chambers are expected to vote
on this month.
"We would welcome your support for and participation in the consideration of
the bill 50 that it may be enacted into law this year," five legislators, backed
by Democratic leaders, told Bush in a letter.
The Family and Medical Leave Act would require employers of more than 50 to
grant unpaid, job-protected leaves to parents of newborn, newly adopted or
seriously ill children; seriously ill employees; and workers who must care for
sick parents.
Democratic nominee Michael Dukakis, a longtime supporter of the measure,
reiterated his view in a letter Monday to Rep. Patricia Schroeder, D-Colo., and
Sen. Christopher Dodd, D-Conn., two of the bill's chief sponsors.
The Massachusetts governor said the bill would "bring us one step closer to a
more humane workplace for all Americans."
In the letter to Bush, Schroeder and four other House members said the
Reagan administration has opposed the family leave act since its introduction in
1985 by Schroeder and Rep. William Clay, D-Mo.
"However, the press has reported a willingness on your part to reverse this
historically held position and endorse family and medical leave legislation,"
the lawmakers said.
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The Associated Press, September 13, 1988
Last Friday before a GOP women's group, Bush departed from his text and
also from the administration's hard-line opposition to government-mandated
family leaves.
"Look, we also need to assure that women don't have to worry about getting
their jobs back after having a child or caring for a child during a serious
illness," he told the Illinois Federation of Republican Women in Rockford,
Ill.
Bush did not elaborate on the remark at the time, but his campaign is
developing a more detailed proposal.
The letter to Bush was signed by Clay, Schroeder and Reps. Pat Williams,
D-Mont.; Norman Mineta, D-Calif.; and Augustus Hawkins, D-Calif. Mineta is
chairman of a leadership task force on the bill and Hawkins 15 chairman of the
Education and Labor Committee.
Dukakis, in his letter to Schroeder and Dodd, left no doubt he agrees that
job-protected leave should be available to men as well as women and for
personal illness as well as a child's medical crisis.
"A father who needs a few weeks to care for his sick son, a worker who has
cancer, or a mother who brings home a new baby - they should not have to
sacrifice their jobs," Dukakis wrote.
The House bill, which counts 16 Republicans among its 151 co-sponsors, would
require employers to make 10-week leaves available to parents of newborn or
newly adopted children. Medical leaves of up to 15 weeks would have to be
available. Businesses employing fewer than 50 would be exempt for at least three
years.
The small business community is fighting the family leave bill on the grounds
that it would create hardships for their companies and that the government
shouldn't dictate employee benefits.
The General Accounting Office, the investigative arm of Congress, has
estimated the bill would cost businesses less than $200 million.
LEXIS' NEXIS® LEXIS® NEXIS
C131004 PAY. MATERNITY LEAVE/PATERNITY LEAVE
But two weeks ago, Mr. Bush, as part of a shift in positions that also
saw him endorse an increase in the minimum wage, said: "We also need to
assure that women don't have to worry about getting their jobs back after
child or caring for a child during a serious illness.
yot to do something about that. "
We've
09/21/88 WASHINGTON POST
Bush last week came out in favor of unpaid leave for parents on the
job. Parting company with the Reagan Administration and his running mate,
Dan Quayle, Bush surprised a gathering of the Illinois Federation of
Republican Women, saying, "We need to ensure that women don't have to
worry about getting their jobs back after having a child or caring for a
child during a seriousness illness."
09/26/88 TIME
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1ST STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
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October B, 1988, Saturday, BC cycle
SECTION: General News
LENGTH: 1475 words
HEADLINE: Campaign '88 -- The Issues Going for the critical middle -- values VS.
'squeeze'
BYLINE: By DAVID E. ANDERSON
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
KEYWORD:
Family
BODY:
In the fight for the critical middle of the American electorate, Republican
George Bush and Democrat Michael Dukakis have adopted differing strategies.
Bush is appealing to voters' values and Dukakis their wallets.
For both candidates the strategies carry risk but also the potential for
great electoral pickings as nearly half the voting population earns between
$20,000 and $50,000 a year and Americans increasingly define themselves as
middle class rather than working class or blue collar.
Bush, in a campaign that has stressed values -- especially his hammering on
the ''pledge issue'' -- hopes to appeal to the potent patriotism of the
electorate, while Dukakis, stressing the economic anxieties of the same
voters, has put forward a series of ''family issue'' plans aimed at relieving
what he has called the ''squeeze'' on middle Americans.
In both campaigns, the family and social issues arena is a sharply different
one from four years ago, when President Reagan, campaigning for re-election, hit
hard on such issues as abortion, prayer in the schools, pornography and federal
aid to religious and private schools.
This year, however, such issues -- even the emotional debate over abortion --
have moved more to the margins, replaced by questions of the federal role in day
care, parental leave, college tuition, the cost of housing and health insurance.
And the Pledge.
From the beginning -- with his appearance before the GOP platform writing
committee in New Orleans in early August -- Bush made clear that the election
was ''about ideology,' and he swept out of New Orleans and into the fall
campaign challenging Dukakis for vetoing legislation that would require public
school teachers to lead their children in the Pledge of Allegiance each morning
and for being ''a card-carrying member of the ACLU (American Civil Liberties
Union)
For a month, Bush hammered at the theme, calling Dukakis's ''out of the
mainstream'' of America and associated with ''far left'' organizations like
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the ACLU, and criticizing the Massachusetts governor for his 1977 veto of the
pledge bill.
"I believe that our schoolchildren should have the right to say the Pledge
of Allegiance to the flag of the United States,'' Bush said in an August
appearance in Houston. don't know what his ( Dukakis's) problem is with the
Pledge of Allegiance.'
Dukakis's ''problem,'' the Democratic nominee responded, was that -
according to an advisory opinion from the Supreme Judicial Court in
Massachusetts and the state attorney general -- the law was unconstitutional.
The Massachusetts legislature, however, overrode Dukakis's veto and the law
remains, albeit unenforced, on the state's statute book.
encourage children to say the Pledge of Allegiance,'' he said. ''I say
the Pledge of Allegiance. That's not the issue and the Republicans know it.''
Dukakis went on to suggest that Bush was not committed to the rule of
law.
''If the vice president is saying that if he were president and the United
States Supreme Court said a law was unconstitutional and the attorney general
said the law was unconstitutional, and he'd sign it anyway, then that raises
very serious questions about what it means to take the oath of office,' he
said.
''The highest form of patriotism 15 a dedication and a commitment to the
Constitution of the United States and the rule of law,'' he said.
As the pledge issue grew thin, Bush began a variation on the theme, this
time pointing to Dukakis's membership in the ACLU, the 68-year-old civil
liberties group that has defended people and groups ranging from Col. Oliver
North and American Nazis who wanted to march in largely Jewish Skokie, 111., to
draft resisters during Vietnam and parents and children who on religious or
conscience grounds oppose being forced to recite prayers in the public schools.
Bush's attacks appear to be playing well with the partisan crowds who
attend his rallies but also have drawn some criticism of the GOP nominee for
impugning Dukakis's patriotism and calling forth images of the smear tactics
used by the late Sen. Joseph McCarthy, R-Wis., during his anti-communist crusade
in the 1950s.
The heated debate over patriotism has tended to obscure some very real
differences between the candidates in the bread-and-butter family issues.
Fueled in part by demographics and in part by economics, a range of family
issues such as day care, parental leave, the cost of education, housing and
health care have moved to near the top of voters economic concerns.
With the large Baby Boom generation -- those born between 1946 and 1960 --
now raising families, and with women making up a larger part of the electorate,
both Dukakis and Bush are offering proposals to meet the demands of these
voters.
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One analysis of past voter participation, for example, noted that in the 1986
election, there were 6 million more women voters than men. Estimates for the
1988 turnout have predicted that 10 million to 11 million more women than men
are likely to vote.
''No one can get elected without us, not to the Senate, not to the House and
certainly not to the presidency,'' said Irene Natividad, chairwoman of the
National Women's Political Caucus.
And surveys show that the family issues underscore differences between men
and women voters.
Ethel Klein, in a ''gender gap'' survey for Business and Professional Women,
found that while both men and women support the proposed $2.5 billion child care
program recently before Congress, the bill drew the support of 68 percent of the
women and only 60 percent of the men.
Similarly, 66 percent of women but only 58 percent of men favor federal
legislation that would require businesses to provide family leave' --
periods of time away from work after the birth or adoption of a child or in the
case of extended illness without loss of job rights.
Dukakis has tried to make these issues a central part of his appeal to the
voters, stressing, in the face the budget deficit, 'partnerships'' between
government and the private sector aimed at keeping down the cost of such
programs.
''WE need a president who cares when youngsters who have the energy and
ambition and the skills to go to college are denied that opportunity because
their parents are being victimized by Republican economic policies that leave
the rich getting richer, the poor getting poorer and those in the middle -- and
that means most of us -- being squeezed,' Dukakis said in announcing a
detailed plan to help families meet rising tuition costs.
Bush, for his part, recognizing such issues could be political trouble, has
developed the theme of ''a kinder, gentler America'' and outlined a series of
proposals generally making use of the tax codes - especially tax breaks -- as a
means of paying for his versions of the same programs without huge additional
outlays.
The difference between the two is exemplified in their approach to day care.
Dukakis has outlined a $2.5 billion day care program, similar to the
proposed Act for Better Child Care, in which federal funds would be used by the
states to help parents pay for daycare outside the home, provide grants and
loans to organizations to set up new centers and provide training funds for
child-care providers.
Bush has proposed a $2.2 billion a year ''toddler tax credit'' worth up to
$1,000 for each child under four in families with less than $10,000 in income,
with the income scale sliding upward to families with $20,000 in income in the
fourth year.
The proposal has been criticized by day care advocates such as the Children's
Defense Fund as inadequate -- $1,000 when childcare costs average about $3,000
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a year -- failing to address the issue of quality and standards and the need for
new centers.
Dukakis supports legislation requiring employers to permit workers to take
unpaid family leave' I while Bush wants ''to encourage private efforts to
establish flexible standards to follow through on important family-related
work'' but does not believe government should impose the requirement on
employers.
Dukakis has also unveiled a program that would require most employers to
provide a minimum level of health insurance to extend coverage to the 37 million
Americans currently without protection.
Bush has not yet outlined a health plan but has said 'we will continue to
increase government services as conditions permit'' and in his first debate with
Dukakis said he would allow people to ''buy into'' Medicaid, the program that
provides health services to the poor.
One of the sharpest differences between the two candidates is on the
emotional social issue of abortion, although neither has made it central to
their campaigns. Bush backs efforts to make abortion illegal again and
Dukakis supports the 1973 Supreme Court decision that made most abortions
legal.
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2ND STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Proprietary to the United Press International 1988
October 8, 1988, Saturday, BC cycle
SECTION: General News
LENGTH: 477 words
HEADLINE: Campaign '88 -- The Issues Bush V5. Bukakis on family and social
issues
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
KEYWORD:
Family-Issues
BODY:
Here is a comparison between Democrat Michael Dukakis and Republican
George Bush on a series of family and social issues:
The Pledge of Allegiance:
Dukakis: Vetoed a 1977 Massachsuetts law requring teachers to lead pupils
in reciting the pledge after advisory opinions said the law was unconstitutional.
and violated a 1943 Supreme Court ruling. The state legislature overrode
Dukakis's veto and the bill remains law, although not enforced.
Bush: Has said he would have signed the law.
Abortion:
Dukakis: Supports the 1973 Supreme Court decision making abortion legal and
opposes current restrictions that deny Medicaid coverage to poor women for
abortions.
Bush: Opposes the 1973 decision and favors a constitutional amendment that
would again make abortion illegal except in cases of rape and incest. Supports
current restrictions on Medicaid coverage of the poor and would impose criminal
penalties on doctors -- but not the women - who perform abortions.
Day Care:
Dukakis: Supports a $2.5 billion proposal to help fund state programs
subsidize child care for low and middle income families. The program would
require centers to meet federal health and safety standards, staff
qualifications and child-teacher ratios.
Bush: Has proposed a $1,000 'toddler tax credit'' to assist families with
$10,000 or less income to pay for child care.
Family Leave:
Dukakis: Supports legislation that would require employers to allow workers
to take unpaid leave without the threat of losing their job at the time of the
birth or adoption of a child or in the event of long-term serious illness of a
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family member.
Bush: Wants to encourage the private sector to be more flexible in
meeting workers family requirements but opposes laws making family leave a
requirement.
Health Care:
Dukakis: Has called for passage of a universal health care program under
which most employers would be required to provide a certain minimum level of
health insurance coverage to all their workers.
Bush: Bush says he would allow the 37 million Americans currently without
health coverage to ''buy into Medicaid,' the federal health program for the
poor.
Death Penalty:
Dukakis: Opposes the death penalty.
Bush: Supports the death penalty has argued that he would like to see it
extended to what he calls 'kingpin'' drug dealers and drug-related murderers.
Housing and the Homeless:
Dukakis: Said he supports a federal commitment to new construction and
rehabilitation of low and moderate income housing but has not spelled out the
specific details or cost of a program.
Bush: Said he supports full funding of the McKinney Act, which provides
federal money for shelters for the homeless and a voucher program for the poor
to pay for housing in the private market.
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It was a different message that Bush brought to Rockford, Ill., for an
address Friday before 200 members of the Illinois Federation of Republican
Women.
Observing that women earn an average 70 cents for every dollar earned by
men, Bush said, "There's only one amount that a woman should earn for every
dollar earned by a man and that is one dollar."
In an apparent departure from the Reagan administration's policy of opposin
parental job leaves, Bush declared, "We also need to assure that women don't
have to worry about getting their jobs back after having a child or caring for
a child during a serious illness." He did not specify what he had in mind.
09/10/88 ASSOCIATED PRESS
"Look, we also need to assure that women don't have to worry about getting
their jobs back after having a child or caring for a child during a serious
illness," he told the Illinois Federation of Republican Women in Rockford,
Ill.
09/13/88 ASSOCIATED PRESS
But two weeks ago, Mr. Bush, as part of a shift in positions that also
saw him endorse an increase in the minimum wage, said: "We also need to
having a child or caring for a child during a serious illness
assure that women don't have to worry about getting their jobs back after We've
got to do something about that."
09/21/88 WASHINGTON POST
Dukakis supports legislation requiring employers to permit workers
to take unpaid "family leave" while Bush wants "to encourage private
efforts to establish flexible standards
to follow through on
important family-related work" but does not believe government should
impose the requirement on employers.
10/08/88 UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL