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Tony Snow Subject Files
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George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
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Speechwriting, White House Office of
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Snow, Tony, Files
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Subject File, 1988-1993
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[Press Releases, 11/91]
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6
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
November 12, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE ASIA SOCIETY
Waldorf Astoria Hotel
New York, New York
7:20 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much. And John
Whitehead, thank you, sir. John has served this country with great
distinction over the years, and it's great to join him and Nancy here
this evening, the other distinguished leaders here with me, and all
of you -- so many ambassadors from countries in Asia, charges, United
Nations contingents, Washington D.C. contingents. And I'm just
delighted to be here with all of you.
It's also a pleasure to see Asia Society President
Robert Oxnam, and then Vice Chairman Peter Aaron. To you, and to the
distinguished men and women in this audience, greetings -- and my
thanks for this opportunity to speak with you on topics of great
concern to us all. And I heard you were having broccoli SO I asked
to speak before the dinner. (Laughter.) I hope this doesn't really
foul things up, but I feel strongly about that. (Laughter.) No, but
seriously, we do have to go back, and I'm very pleased for this
accommodation and I hope you'll all understand.
But as you know, I have just returned from Rome, that
NATO meeting, and The Hague for an EC meeting. There, I worked with
other Western leaders to help build a post-Cold-War world that's
characterized by mutual security, democracy, individual liberty, free
enterprise, and unfettered international trade. I want to talk
tonight about those topics, with the accent on Asia.
But first, for audiences here and in Asia, I think it's
important to discuss once again why I will not travel to the region
this month, later this month. As President, I must serve the entire
nation in the domestic and foreign arenas. Sometimes those
obligations clash. When we planned our trip a couple of months ago,
worked out the schedule, Congress had planned to adjourn early in
this month. I believe it was November 2nd, possibly November 4th.
Now the members say that they will wrap up by November 22, but who
knows? We will reschedule the trip, but I will not leave while
Congress is wrapping up a session. It can commit too much mischief
in times like that. (Laughter.)
I saw Home Alone, that movie -- (laughter) -- and I just
don't feel comfortable -- (laughter) -- leaving Congress home alone.
But make no mistake, however, I will not turn my back on my
responsibility to do the nation's business here and abroad. And in
times of economic pain, I certainly will not give up an opportunity
to work with our allies to create new markets, new jobs and new
opportunities for American workers -- in agriculture, in
manufacturing and in service industries.
And I certainly will not permit us to retreat into a
kind of Fortress America, which will doom us to irrelevance and
poverty. The notion that we can separate domestic and foreign policy
rests upon a stubborn fantasy that we can live as an isolated island
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surrounded by a changing and developing world. We tried
isolationism, and we ended up fighting two bloody world wars.
We tried economic isolationism -- protectionism -- and
we helped set off a worldwide depression. I remain deeply committed
to building closer ties with the Asia-Pacific region. Although much
of our nation's heritage comes from Europe, our future points
equally, importantly, toward Asia.
Asia's transformed itself in the space of a generation
into the most rapidly growing region on the face of the Earth. Asia-
Pacific nations enjoyed staggering real economic growth in the decade
of the '80s: The Australian economy grew 41 percent; Japan's nearly
52 percent; Malaysia almost 60 percent; Hong Kong -- there are many
here from Hong Kong tonight -- 89 percent; Singapore, 93 percent;
Taiwan, 116 percent and South Korea, 150 percent.
The Asia-Pacific region has become our largest and
fastest growing trade partner. We conduct more than $300 billion
worth of two-way trade annually. Together, we generate nearly half
-- listen to this one -- together we generate nearly half of the
world's gross national product. American firms have invested more
than $61 billion in the region, and that figure will grow. Asians
have invested more than $95 billion in the United States. In
everything from automobiles to microchips, from baseball to
Australian rules football, we grow closer each day.
A few years ago, it was fashionable to refer to the 20th
century as the American Century and the 21st as the Pacific Century,
as if we were engaged in some long-term competition with our Asian
allies. I don't see it that way. The United States will remain
large and powerful, but in years to come, we will deepen our
partnership with our Asian friends in building democracy and freedom.
We'd be here forever if I tried to tick off our
interests and activities, country by country. so, forgive me, but
instead, I will address three central issues in our relationships
with the nations of the region: security, democracy, and trade.
In the area of security, Asia's variety has spawned a
diverse pattern of political and strategic cooperation. Our custom-
made agreements and relationships provide a strong foundation for
future security.
Let me give you a few examples of how we seek to build
the peace. The conflict in Indochina has preoccupied this nation for
years. Finally, we've entered into a period of healing and
constructive cooperation. We will work step by step to resolve the
painful issues left by that war. The ASEAN nations, Japan, Australia
and the U.N. Security Council's permanent members recently forged a
Cambodian peace process that promises free elections in a nation
previously rent by tyranny and genocide. Just yesterday, for the
first time in 16 years, we sent an accredited diplomat to Cambodia,
to participate in the peacemaking arrangements.
We envision normal relations with Vietnam as the logical
conclusion to a step-by-step process that begins by resolving the
problems in Cambodia and by addressing thoroughly, openly and
conclusively the status of American POW-MIAs.
Today, I am announcing that we will upgrade our
relations with Laos, and that we soon will place an ambassador in
Vientiane.
The Republic of Korea has moved to build better ties
with North Korea while boldly challenging the North to abandon its
menacing nuclear weapons program, which is the greatest threat to
regional peace.
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We welcome recently organized efforts involving us and
the Japanese and the Soviets, Chinese and Koreans to bring North
Korea's nuclear program under international supervision. Meanwhile,
we will maintain our military presence in the south as long as the
people want and need us.
In laying the foundation for peace through our global
partnership, we have worked closely with Japan in the area of foreign
aid. We are the world's two foremost providers of such aid. We also
cooperate on development assistance, more and more on environmental
protection, trade, arms control, refugees and regional peace. We've
urged the Soviet Union to take a progressive attitude toward the
Northern Territories in its discussions with Japan.
The Japanese have joined us in trying to lead the Soviet
Union and Eastern Europe toward free enterprise. They support more
than 45,000 U.S. military forces in Japan with $3 billion in annual
host nation contributions. Japan contributed nearly $13 billion
to the multinational forces for the Gulf war, 10 billion of which
went to the United States. This required new taxes -- a very tough
thing for any politician to ask of working people -- but Japan
deserves praise for choosing the right course.
To the south, Australia casts a presence far larger than
its relatively small population would suggest. It takes justifiable
pride in its long tradition of defending democracy, and its economic,
political and cultural presence helps unite the Asia-Pacific region
with the rest of the world.
We can help ensure future peace in the region and defend
our interests through a range of military arrangements. Bilateral
alliances, access agreements and structures such as the five-power
defense arrangement give us the flexibility we need.
While we must adjust our force structure to reflect
post-Cold-War realities, we also must protect our interests and
allies. In this light, we cannot afford to ignore the important
sources of instability: in North Korea; in Burma, where socialist
despotism holds sway, despite, I might say I might add, despite
the heroic efforts of freedom fighters like Nobel Laureate Aung San
Suu Kyi; in China and other states that resist the worldwide movement
toward political pluralism -- and that contribute to the
proliferation of dangerous weapons.
Let me mention just a few words regarding China. China
is vitally important. It is our policy to remain engaged. We
believe this is the way to effect positive change in the world's most
populous nation. That's exactly what Secretary of State Jim Baker is
doing there this week.
Fortunately, the key to future stability in the region
lies not with arms, but with ballots. Democracy has swept across
Asia -- with some notable exceptions, such as Burma, China, North
Korea, and Vietnam. Yet we remain engaged in the region, and
especially in China. If we retreat from the challenge of building
democracy, we will have failed many who have worked hard, even died,
for the cause.
The United States will support democracy wherever it
can, understanding that nations adopt political freedom in their own
ways, in manners consistent with their histories and cultures. After
decades of uncertainty, the future really does seem full of hope, and
even the intransigent few seem likely to join the rest of the world
in building a commonwealth of freedom.
Then this brings us then to the third focal point, and a
crucial ingredient in a stable, free society: and I'm talking, of
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course, about economic prosperity. No nation can ignore the
incredible vitality of this region -- or afford to. Yes, we disagree
on some important trade issues, but we also recognize a more
important fact: Our fates and values have become linked forever.
Contrary to the opinions of American protectionists,
free trade requires efforts by all parties involved. Too often,
trade disputes bring out the worst in people. Japan bashing --
you've heard that expression -- Japan bashing has become a minor
sport in some places in the United States, and some in Japan have
become equally scornful of the United States. Both our nations must
reject those who would rather seek out scapegoats than tackle their
own problems.
We made a good start: The Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation Group encourages growth and trade. The Uruguay Round of
GATT talks remains the single most important vehicle for advancing
the cause of free trade and fending off the scourge of protectionism.
We call upon Japan and Korea to work with us in breaking down old
barriers to trade, opening up markets in manufacturing, services and
agriculture. Our Structural Impediments Initiative, those talks have
helped lower barriers to trade and investment. But we need to give
those talks new life -- give them them a kick -- and create a better
climate in Japan for U.S. businesses.
The fact is that Japan, which nearly half a century ago
became a focal point of American hatred, has become one of our
closest and most treasured allies. I enjoyed a warm and constructive
relationship working with Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu. And I look
forward to spending time with my old friend, Prime Minister Kiichi
Miyazawa -- significantly, a man steeped in Western and Eastern
culture and superbly equipped to build bridges of culture and trade
between our two great nations.
Together, we can build an even more prosperous and
spectacular future -- but only if we take up the tough, rewarding
task of promoting worldwide economic liberty. We seek a vibrant
international economic system that unites markets on every continent.
We in the United States also must strengthen our
economy. We level an unacceptably high effective tax rate on capital
gains. Germany -- no capital gains tax. The complicated Japanese
tax averages about one percent. This puts our own business people,
our own entrepreneurs and venture capitalists at a huge and shameful
disadvantage compared to our Asian trading partner.
We run an enormous and growing budget deficit, which
inflames political divisions within our own country. We must take
powerful action to reduce that deficit while nourishing economic
growth. To compete internationally we must modernize our banking
industry and make our industrial base more competitive. We must work
with our allies to build a stable and sound monetary regime.
Perhaps most important, we must build human capital. We
have an obligation to prepare future generations for life in the 21st
century. The integrated global economy will demand more of us than
ever before, and our schools must meet the challenge.
Technological change can do much more than make our
lives more comfortable. It can sweep away totalitarianism and forge
the foundation for lasting liberty. We live in an age of liberation
technology, and no technology does more for the cause of freedom than
the means of mass communication. No wall is high enough and no
government sufficiently despotic to shut off what some call a
revolution of electrons. As we compete with our allies in this area,
we must remember that information feeds intellect, and good
information fosters freedom.
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Let me close by summarizing our general approach to
relations with Asia. Our administration sees six keys to promoting
lasting peace in the Asia-Pacific region: progressive trade
liberalization; security cooperation; a shared commitment to
democracy and human rights; educational and scientific innovation;
respect for the environment; and an appreciation of our distinct
cultural heritages.
Americans have always looked to the horizons for their
destiny, even from our earliest days. And we've grown great because
we've welcomed people from every continent and every country, and
we've tried to make use of their distinct talents when they come
here, while constructing a common culture.
Today, we celebrate that diversity, and celebrate the
prospect that in years to come, we will develop with our Asian
friends even greater ties of trade and culture.
I look forward to traveling soon to Asia, to advance
these important principles and to expand market opportunities for
tens of thousands of American workers and businesses. As President,
I will continue building ties with our allies because those ties mean
peace at home and jobs for American men and women.
I want to thank the Asia Society for its vital
contributions to the cause of peace, prosperity and understanding. I
look forward to your help as I seek to build closer bonds of
affection and interest with the peoples of the vast, marvelous,
varied Asia-Pacific region.
Thank you all. And may God bless our Asian-Pacific
friends and the United States of America. Thank you very very much.
(Applause.)
END
7:43 P.M. EST
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
November 13, 1991
TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
I hereby report to the Congress on developments since
the last Presidential report on May 30, 1991, concerning the
national emergency with respect to Iran that was declared in
Executive Order No. 12170 of November 14, 1979, and matters
relating to Executive Order No. 12613 of October 29, 1987.
This report is submitted pursuant to section 204 (c) of the
International Emergency Economic Powers Act, 50 U.S.C. 1703 (c),
and section 505 (c) of the International Security and Development
Cooperation Act of 1985, 22 U.S.C. 2349aa-9(c) This report
covers events through September 30, 1991. My last report,
dated May 30, 1991, covered events through March 31, 1991.
1. No amendments have been made to the Iranian
Transactions Regulations ("ITRs"), 31 CFR Part 560, or the
Iranian Assets Control Regulations ("IACRs"), 31 CFR Part 535,
since my last report.
2. The Office of Foreign Assets Control ("FAC") of the
Department of the Treasury continues to process applications for
import licenses under the ITRs. The great majority of licenses
issued by FAC involve the importation of nonfungible Iranian-
origin goods, principally carpets, which were located outside
of Iran prior to the imposition of the embargo and that did
not result in any payment of benefit accruing to Iran after
the effective date of the embargo.
During the reporting period, the Customs Service has
continued to effect numerous seizures of Iranian-origin
merchandise, mostly carpets, for violation of the import
prohibitions of the ITRs. FAC and Customs Service investiga-
tions of these violations have resulted in forfeiture actions
and the imposition of civil monetary penalties. Numerous
additional forfeiture and civil penalty actions are under
review.
FAC worked closely with the Customs Service during the
reporting period to develop procedures to more expeditiously
dispose of cases involving the seizure of noncommercial
importations of nonfungible Iranian goods by certain first-time
importers. The opportunity for immediate reexportation of such
goods, under Customs supervision and upon payment of a mitigated
forfeiture amount, has been made available in appropriate cases
to reduce the total cost of the violation to those importers.
3. The Iran-United States Claims Tribunal ("the
Tribunal"), established at The Hague pursuant to the Algiers
Accords, continues to make progress in arbitrating the claims
before it. Since my last report, the Tribunal has rendered
14 awards, for a total of 521 awards. of that total, 354 have
been awards in favor of American claimants: 216 of these were
awards on agreed terms, authorizing and approving payment of
settlements negotiated by the parties, and 138 were decisions
adjudicated on the merits. The Tribunal has issued 34 decisions
dismissing claims on the merits and 78 decisions dismissing
claims for jurisdictional reasons. of the 55 remaining awards,
three approved the withdrawal of cases and 52 were in favor of
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2
Iranian claimants. As of September 30, 1991, payments on awards
to successful American claimants from the Security Account held
by the NV Settlement Bank stood at $2,040,683,379.21.
The Security Account has fallen below the required balance
of $500 million 34 times. Iran has periodically replenished the
account; as required by the Algiers Accords, by transferring
funds from the separate account held by the NV Settlement Bank
in which interest on the Security Account is deposited. Iran
has also replenished the account twice when it was not required
to do so by the Accords. Iran has not, however, replenished the
Security Account to the required balance of $500 million since
the November 29, 1990, report. In order to facilitate Iran's
compliance with this obligation, the United States amended the
ITRs to authorize the case-by-case licensing of Iranian oil
imports, provided that the importer certifies that the oil to
be imported is in settlement of an outstanding claim against
Iran, or the proceeds from the sale of the oil are otherwise to
be deposited into the Security Account. FAC has licensed eight
such transactions, of which seven have been completed, resulting
in a transfer to the Security Account of $220,492,464.96. As of
September 30, 1991, the total amount in the Security Account was
$426,278,225.26, and the total amount in the interest account
was $14,331,443.56. The aggregate amount that has been
transferred from the interest account to the Security
Account is $832,872,986.47.
4. The Tribunal continues to make progress in the
arbitration of claims of U.S. nationals for $250,000.00 or
more. Since the last report, 13 large claims have been decided.
Over 80 percent of the nonbank claims have now been disposed
of through adjudication, settlement, or voluntary withdrawal,
leaving 95 such claims on the docket. The largest of the
large claims, the progress of which has been slowed by their
complexity, are finally being resolved, sometimes with sizable
damage awards to the U.S. claimant.
5. As anticipated by the May 13, 1990, agreement
settling the claims of U.S. nationals against Iran for less
than $250,000.00, the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission
("FCSC") has begun its review of 3,112 claims. The FCSC has
issued decisions in 212 claims and expects to complete its
adjudication of the remaining claims by September 1993.
6.
In coordination with concerned Government agencies,
the Department of State continues to present United States
Government claims against Iran, as well as responses by the
United States Government to claims brought against it by
Iran. Since the last report, the United States Government
has settled two cases with Iran, resulting in a payment to
Iran of $416,000.00. Additionally, the Department of State
has represented the United States before the full Tribunal
in a case involving an interpretive dispute.
7.
Only two bank syndicates remain with claims against
Dollar Account No. I at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York.
One of the syndicates has reached a settlement that will be paid
soon. The other syndicate has not expressed an intention to
pursue its claim against Iran. Appropriate steps will be taken
to return the account balance to Iran following payment pursuant
to the settlement.
8.
The situation reviewed above continues to implicate
important diplomatic, financial, and legal interests of the
United States and its nationals and presents an unusual
challenge to the national security and foreign policy of the
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3
United States. The IACRs issued pursuant to Executive Order
No. 12170 continue to play an important role in structuring
our relationship with Iran and in enabling the United States
to implement properly the Algiers Accords. Similarly, the ITRs
issued pursuant to Executive Order No. 12613 continue to advance
important objectives in combatting international terrorism.
I shall continue to exercise the powers at my disposal to deal
with these problems and will continue to report periodically
to the Congress on significant developments.
GEORGE BUSH
THE WHITE HOUSE,
November 13, 1991.
# # #
Are
Civil Ralits
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
November 21, 1991
STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT
Today I am pleased to sign into law S. 1745, the "Civil
Rights Act of 1991. This historic legislation strengthens the
barriers and sanctions against employment discrimination.
Employment discrimination law should seek to prevent
improper conduct and foster the speedy resolution of conflicts.
This Act promotes the goals of ridding the workplace of
discrimination on the basis of race, color, sex, religion,
national origin, and disability; ensuring that employers can
hire on the basis of merit and ability without the fear of
unwarranted litigation; and ensuring that aggrieved parties have
effective remedies. This law will not lead to quotas, which are
inconsistent with equal opportunity and merit-based hiring; nor
does it create incentives for needless litigation.
Most of this Act's major provisions have been the subject
of a bipartisan consensus. Along with most Members of the
Congress, for example, I have favored expanding the right to
challenge discriminatory seniority systems; expansion of the
statutory prohibition against racial discrimination in
connection with employment contracts; and the creation of
meaningful monetary remedies for all forms of workplace
harassment outlawed under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act
of 1964. Similarly, my Administration has concurred in proposed
changes to authorize expert witness fees in Title VII cases;
to extend the statute of limitations and authorize the award
of interest against the U.S. Government; and to cure technical
defects with respect to providing notice of the statute of
limitations under the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of
1967. I am happy to note that every one of these issues is
addressed in the Act that becomes law today.
It is regrettable that enactment of these worthwhile
measures has been substantially delayed by controversies over
other proposals. S. 1745 resolves the most significant of these
controversies, involving the law of "disparate impact," with
provisions designed to avoid creating incentives for employers
to adopt quotas or unfair preferences. It is extremely
important that the statute be properly interpreted -- by
executive branch officials, by the courts, and by America's
employers -- so that no incentives to engage in such illegal
conduct are created.
Until now, the law of disparate impact has been developed
by the Supreme Court in a series of cases stretching from the
Griggs decision in 1971 to the Watson and Wards Cove decisions
in 1988 and 1989. Opinions by Justices Sandra Day O'Connor and
Byron White have explained the safeguards against quotas and
preferential treatment that have been included in the
jurisprudence of disparate impact. S. 1745 codifies this theory
of discrimination, while including a compromise provision that
overturns Wards Cove by shifting to the employer the burden of
persuasion on the "business necessity" defense. This change in
the burden of proof means it is especially important to ensure
that all the legislation's other safeguards against unfair
application of disparate impact law are carefully observed.
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These highly technical matters are addressed in detail in the
analyses of S. 1745 introduced by Senator Dole on behalf of
himself and several other Senators and of the Administration
(137 Cong. Rec. S15472-S15478 (daily ed. Oct. 30, 1991) i
137 Cong. Rec. S15953 (daily ed. Nov. 5, 1991)) These
documents will be treated as authoritative interpretive guidance
by all officials in the executive branch with respect to the law
of disparate impact as well as the other matters covered in the
documents.
Another important source of the controversy that delayed
enactment of this legislation was a proposal to authorize jury
trials and punitive damages in cases arising under Title VII.
S. 1745 adopts a compromise under which "caps" have been placed
on the amount that juries may award in such cases. The adoption
of these limits on jury awards sets an important precedent, and
I hope to see this model followed as part of an initiative to
reform the Nation's tort system.
In addition to the protections provided by the "caps,"
section 118 of the Act encourages voluntary agreements between
employers and employees to rely on alternative mechanisms such
as mediation and arbitration. This provision is among the most
valuable in the Act because of the important contribution that
voluntary private arrangements can make in the effort to
conserve the scarce resources of the Federal judiciary for those
matters as to which no alternative forum would be possible or
appropriate.
Finally, I note that certain provisions in Title III,
involving particularly requirements that courts defer to the
findings of fact of a congressional body, as well as some of
the measures affecting individuals in the executive branch,
raise serious constitutional questions.
Since the Civil Rights Act was enacted in 1964, our Nation
has made great progress toward the elimination of employment
discrimination. I hope and expect that this legislation will
carry that progress further. Even if such discrimination were
totally eliminated, however, we would not have done enough to
advance the American dream of equal opportunity for all.
Achieving that dream will require bold action to reform our
educational system, reclaim our inner cities from violence and
drugs, stimulate job creation and economic growth, and nurture
the American genius for voluntary community service. My
Administration is strongly committed to action in all these
areas, and I look forward to continuing the effort we celebrate
here today.
GEORGE BUSH
THE WHITE HOUSE,
November 21, 1991.
# # #
Civil
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
November 21, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT CIVIL RIGHTS BILL SIGNING CEREMONY
The Rose Garden
1:18 P.M. EST
Welcome to the White House. And may I salute the
members of the Cabinet who are here today, members of the Congress
-- many members of Congress, distinguished guests.
Today, we celebrate a law that will fight the evil of
discrimination while also building bridges of harmony between
Americans of all races, sexes, creeds and backgrounds.
For the past few years, the issue of civil rights
legislation has divided Americans. No more. From day one, I told
the American people that I wanted a civil rights bill that advances
the cause of equal opportunity. And I wanted a bill that advances
the cause of racial harmony. And I wanted a bill that encourages
people to work together. And today I am signing that bill, the Civil
Rights Act of 1991.
Discrimination, whether on the basis of race, national
origin, sex, religion or disability, is worse than wrong. It's an
evil that strikes at the very heart of the American ideal. This
bill, building on current law, will help ensure that no American will
discriminate against another.
For these reasons, this is a very good bill. Let me
repeat: this is a very good bill. Last year -- back in May of 1990
in the Rose Garden, right here, with some of you present, I appealed
for a bill I could sign. And I said that day that I cannot and will
not sign a quota bill. Instead, I said that the American people
deserved a civil rights bill that -- number one, insisted that
employers focus on equal opportunity -- not on developing strategies
to avoid litigation. Number two, they deserved a bill that was
based upon fundamental principles of fairness -- that anyone who
believes their rights have been violated is entitled to their day in
court -- and that the accused are innocent until proved guilty. And
number three, they deserved a bill that provided adequate deterrent
against harassment based upon race, sex, religion, or disability.
I also said that day back in 1990 that "this
administration is committed to action that is truly affirmative,
positive action in every sense, to strike down all barriers to
advancement of every kind for all people." And in that same spirit,
I say again today: I support affirmative action. Nothing in this
bill overturns the government's affirmative action programs.
And unlike last year's bill -- a bill I was forced to
veto -- this bill will not encourage quotas or racial preferences
because this bill will not create lawsuits on the basis of numbers
alone. I oppose quotas because they incite tensions between the
races, between the sexes, between people who get trapped in a numbers
game.
This bill contains several important innovations. For
example, it contains strong new remedies for the victims of
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discrimination and harassment, along with provisions capping damages
that are an important model to be followed in tort reform. And it
encourages mediation and arbitration between parties before the last
resort of litigation. Our goal and our promise is harmony -- a
return to civility and brotherhood -- as we build a better America
for ourselves and our children.
We had to work hard for this agreement. This bill
passed both Houses of Congress overwhelmingly with broad support on
both sides of the aisle. A tip of the hat goes to Senator Kennedy
and former Congressman Hawkins, who, way back in February of 1990,
got the ball rolling -- and I congratulate and thank particularly
Senators Dole, Danforth and Hatch, Congressmen Michel, Goodling and
Hyde for ensuring that today's legislation fulfills the principles
that I outlined in the Rose Garden last year.
No one likes to oppose a bill containing the words
"civil rights" -- especially me -- and no one in Congress likes to
vote against one, either. I owe a debt of gratitude to those who
stood with us against counterproductive legislation last year -- and
again earlier this year -- as well as to those who led the way toward
the important agreement we've reached today. I'm talking about
Democrats, I'm talking about Republicans and those outside the
Congress who played a constructive role. And to all of you, I am
very, very grateful, because I believe this is in the best interest
of the United States.
But to the Congress I also say this: The 1991 Civil
Rights bill is only the first step. If we seek -- and I believe that
every one of us does -- to build a new era of harmony and shared
purpose, we must make it possible for all Americans to scale the
ladder of opportunity. If we seek to ease racial tensions in
America, civil rights legislation is, by itself, not enough. The
elimination of discrimination in the workplace is a vital element of
the American Dream, but it is simply not enough.
I believe in an America free from racism, free from
bigotry.
I believe in an America where anyone who wants to work
has a job.
I believe in an America where every child receives a
first-rate education
a place where our children have the same
chance to achieve their goals as everyone else's kids do.
I believe in an America where all people enjoy equal
protection under the law where everyone can live and work in a
climate free from fear and despair
...
where drugs and crime have
been banished from our neighborhoods and schools.
And I believe in an America where everyone has a place
to call his own -- a stake in the community, the comfort of a home.
I believe in an America where we measure success not in
dollars and lawsuits -- but in opportunity, prosperity and harmony.
I believe in the ideals we all share -- ideals that made America
great: decency, fairness, faith, hard work, generosity, vigor, and
vision.
The American Dream rests on the vision of life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness. In our workplaces, in our schools, or
on our streets, this dream begins with equality and opportunity. Our
agenda for the next American Century -- whether it be guaranteeing
equal protection under the law, promoting excellence in education, or
creating jobs -- will ensure for generations to come that America
remains the beacon of opportunity in the world. Now, with great
MORE
- 3 -
pride, I will sign this good, sound legislation into law. Thank you
very much.
(The bill is signed.) (Applause.)
Q
Sir, are you concerned about the feeling of a sense
of disarray because of the Counsel's memo?
THE PRESIDENT: The which?
Q
Boyden Gray's idea on affirmative action.
THE PRESIDENT: Listen to what I say, and don't get off
-- too caught up. It's all worked out and feels good. I think it's
very sound legislation.
END
1:26 P.M. EST
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Camp David, Maryland)
EMBARGOED FOR RELEASE
UNTIL 10:00 A.M. EST
THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1991
TEXT OF REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN THANKSGIVING ADDRESS TO THE NATION
Camp David, Maryland
From Camp David, Barbara and I would like to wish all Americans a
joyous Thanksgiving. This holiday has always had a special
meaning for the Bush family, as it does for most Americans.
Thanksgiving captures our spirit as a people: our determination,
our generosity, our industry, and our faith.
Thanksgiving brings to mind the joys of plenty and the anguish of
want. As Americans celebrated Thanksgiving in 1777, George
Washington and his troops huddled along the banks of the Delaware
River. Buffeted by the brutal cold, haunted by British troops
massed over the horizon, they stopped to offer humble words of
thanks and praise, and to dedicate themselves to the cause of
building a land of prosperous liberty. That simple moment helped
establish the American character. Our Founders' faith and
determination transformed this land from a patchwork of colonies
into a Republic of ideals.
This Thanksgiving, many of us join friends and family around the
table; others share time by phoning loved ones far away; and all
of us will think of others. In places of worship across the
land, people contribute canned goods or turkeys or clothing.
They share their blessings with people suffering through tough
times. And that's as it should be. Americans always have
expressed their thanks by serving others.
Many people wonder how a President understands what goes on
outside Washington, especially to people struggling to make ends
meet. of course, statistics paint a sobering picture:
unemployment, tight credit, lower home values, sluggish job
growth. But real life speaks far more eloquently than bare
numbers. I have traveled to 48 states since becoming President:
talking, meeting people, listening, learning. I will continue
traveling around our great country because that's one way a
President stays in touch with people.
Recently, many Americans have written me, saying they want me to
know and understand that hard times have hurt them. They don't
pull any punches. One man, who lost his job in September,
described how he and his wife struggle to support two children at
home, pay the bills and keep up their property while he seeks
work. "Mr. President," he wrote, "now is the time to come to the
aid of the American people The American people need to know
that you mean what you say.' A woman, who typed beneath her
signature the words, "Average Middle American," was just as
blunt. Her husband recently lost his job, and she wrote that
"it's pretty thorny out there."
Well, I do understand. I am concerned. And I want to help.
I know that for a person out of a job, the unemployment rate is
100 percent.
- more -
2
As a Nation, we need to address today's problems and tomorrow's
promise in a new world united in economic competition -- not
frozen in nuclear conflict.
Over the years we have built a strong foundation for progress in
this new, revitalized world. Inflation is down. Interest rates
have fallen to the lowest level in years. This year we will
export billions of dollars more in goods and services than ever
before, and that means good jobs for American men and women.
This doesn't mean that we ought to sit back and hope for the
best. We must take strong steps to move ahead. I have asked
Congress to pass an important series of initiatives to boost our
economy. These include tax incentives to unleash investment,
reforms to help our banks do their job, proposals to set loose a
revolution in American education, initiatives to keep health care
costs down. Taken together, these proposals would let Americans
do more, produce more, dream more, dare more. They would create
more jobs, good jobs, for American workers.
Unfortunately, Congress did not send me a comprehensive package
of economic growth measures. But we can't take "no" for an
answer.
Now, I know we're about to enter an election year. And I know
that both parties will spend a lot of time taking tough shots at
one another. In our system of government, the opposition will
attack the President aggressively. There is nothing new about
this. But when people are hurting, a President cannot accept
politics as usual.
Congress left town after a particularly bitter session. We now
have a few weeks in which elected officials can cool off and hear
from the people they serve. In this time we can build a
foundation for greater prosperity. I will continue taking what
independent steps I can to help the economy like fighting to
create opportunities in foreign markets for American workers.
I'll make sure that Administration agencies do everything they
can to help the people, from getting unemployment checks out to
easing the credit crunch. And I will insist that we get the
money in our transportation bill out right away to build roads,
fix bridges and create jobs.
When I give the State of the Union Speech in January, I will ask
Congress to lay aside election-year politics at least long enough
to enact a common-sense series of economic growth measures.
I will ask politicians to restrain their personal ambitions at
least long enough to get the job done. Afterward, the normal
election-year battling can resume.
Politicians should remember that hot rhetoric won't fill an empty
stomach. It won't create a job. It won't get the people's
business done. Americans don't care about finger pointing in
Washington, and they certainly have no tolerance for politicians
who use tough times for political advantage. So I will continue
to place top priority on the issues you care about: building a
growing economy, world-class schools, and what our Founders
called "public tranquility" -- a kinder, gentler nation rid of
crime and united by bonds of brotherhood and service.
Every day, as I confront the tasks ahead of us, I think of the
people we serve -- the family struggling to make ends meet;
police risking everything to keep peace on the streets. I thank
God for our teachers, who must serve as psychologists, doctors,
social workers and peacekeepers before getting a chance to teach
the three Rs. And I do care about the people who write me
letters, especially people in trouble, people out of work.
- more -
3
Finally, I also remember the American people I have seen in every
state and on virtually every continent: People who will not take
no for an answer, people with a zest for life; people who love
their country.
Americans don't ignore tough realities; we tackle them. We don't
wallow in self-pity or despair; we shove obstacles aside and make
life better. Optimism, opportunity, realism, determination:
These are oxygen to us; they let our society live and breathe.
America grew strong with the help of the greatest resource on
Earth, the American people. As we look ahead, we should be as
realistic about our strengths as we are about our problems.
Every time I talk with Americans, I see our strength and I feel
all the more determined to do what you elected me to do: foster
growth, keep the peace, and maintain our stature as the world's
greatest Nation -- the standard by which all other countries
measure themselves.
Two years ago, I talked to the Nation on the Eve of Thanksgiving
about the challenges posed by the collapse of communism. We met
those challenges.
One year ago today, Barbara and I stood in the sands of Saudi
Arabia, looking into the eyes of the finest men and women this
country has ever known. I wondered whether I would have to send
those young people into battle. We were a Nation on edge,
anxious about what lay ahead in the Persian Gulf. No one knew
how it would work out.
But look at what they did; what we did. We pulled together. We
fought for principle. We stood up to aggression. And when our
men and women returned home, remember how we felt: proud,
excited, confident, even relieved -- all because we knew that we
did the right thing.
Today, democracy is on the march around the globe. Nations long
enslaved have begun experimenting with liberty, exploring their
own promise as free people. America led the way to this new
world. We met the test of world leadership.
Just as we've met every challenge in the past, we will meet those
that confront us today. As we do, let us remember who we are and
what we've done. Let's give thanks for our blessings, for our
families and our faith. Let's dedicate ourselves to the hard
work this moment demands. Let's pledge to join hands in common
purpose.
That's the Thanksgiving spirit, and it has lifted us since the
pilgrims first celebrated it more than three centuries ago. Now
let's call upon that spirit today to help those in need. Let's
call upon that spirit as we move toward a new year and look
forward to a new century.
Thank you. May God bless all of you and our great land, the
United States of America.
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Camp David, Maryland)
EMBARGOED FOR RELEASE
UNTIL 10:00 A.M. EST
THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1991
TEXT OF REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN THANKSGIVING ADDRESS TO THE NATION
Camp David, Maryland
From Camp David, Barbara and I would like to wish all Americans a
joyous Thanksgiving. This holiday has always had a special
meaning for the Bush family, as it does for most Americans.
Thanksgiving captures our spirit as a people: our determination,
our generosity, our industry, and our faith.
Thanksgiving brings to mind the joys of plenty and the anguish of
want. As Americans celebrated Thanksgiving in 1777, George
Washington and his troops huddled along the banks of the Delaware
River. Buffeted by the brutal cold, haunted by British troops
massed over the horizon, they stopped to offer humble words of
thanks and praise, and to dedicate themselves to the cause of
building a land of prosperous liberty. That simple moment helped
establish the American character. Our Founders' faith and
determination transformed this land from a patchwork of colonies
into a Republic of ideals.
This Thanksgiving, many of us join friends and family around the
table; others share time by phoning loved ones far away; and all
of us will think of others. In places of worship across the
land, people contribute canned goods or turkeys or clothing.
They share their blessings with people suffering through tough
times. And that's as it should be. Americans always have
expressed their thanks by serving others.
Many people wonder how a President understands what goes on
outside Washington, especially to people struggling to make ends
meet. of course, statistics paint a sobering picture:
unemployment, tight credit, lower home values, sluggish job
growth. But real life speaks far more eloquently than bare
numbers. I have traveled to 48 states since becoming President:
talking, meeting people, listening, learning. I will continue
traveling around our great country because that's one way a
President stays in touch with people.
Recently, many Americans have written me, saying they want me to
know and understand that hard times have hurt them. They don't
pull any punches. One man, who lost his job in September,
described how he and his wife struggle to support two children at
home, pay the bills and keep up their property while he seeks
work. "Mr. President," he wrote, "now is the time to come to the
aid of the American people
The American people need to know
that you mean what you say. A woman, who typed beneath her
signature the words, "Average Middle American," was just as
blunt. Her husband recently lost his job, and she wrote that
"it's pretty thorny out there."
Well, I do understand. I am concerned. And I want to help.
I know that for a person out of a job, the unemployment rate is
100 percent.
- more -
2
As a Nation, we need to address today's problems and tomorrow's
promise in a new world united in economic competition -- not
frozen in nuclear conflict.
Over the years we have built a strong foundation for progress in
this new, revitalized world. Inflation is down. Interest rates
have fallen to the lowest level in years. This year we will
export billions of dollars more in goods and services than ever
before, and that means good jobs for American men and women.
This doesn't mean that we ought to sit back and hope for the
best. We must take strong steps to move ahead. I have asked
Congress to pass an important series of initiatives to boost our
economy. These include tax incentives to unleash investment,
reforms to help our banks do their job, proposals to set loose a
revolution in American education, initiatives to keep health care
costs down. Taken together, these proposals would let Americans
do more, produce more, dream more, dare more. They would create
more jobs, good jobs, for American workers.
Unfortunately, Congress did not send me a comprehensive package
of economic growth measures. But we can't take "no" for an
answer.
Now, I know we're about to enter an election year. And I know
that both parties will spend a lot of time taking tough shots at
one another. In our system of government, the opposition will
attack the President aggressively. There is nothing new about
this. But when people are hurting, a President cannot accept
politics as usual.
Congress left town after a particularly bitter session. We now
have a few weeks in which elected officials can cool off and hear
from the people they serve. In this time we can build a
foundation for greater prosperity. I will continue taking what
independent steps I can to help the economy like fighting to
create opportunities in foreign markets for American workers.
I'll make sure that Administration agencies do everything they
can to help the people, from getting unemployment checks out to
easing the credit crunch. And I will insist that we get the
money in our transportation bill out right away to build roads,
fix bridges and create jobs.
When I give the State of the Union Speech in January, I will ask
Congress to lay aside election-year politics at least long enough
to enact a common-sense series of economic growth measures.
I will ask politicians to restrain their personal ambitions at
least long enough to get the job done. Afterward, the normal
election-year battling can resume.
Politicians should remember that hot rhetoric won't fill an empty
stomach. It won't create a job. It won't get the people's
business done. Americans don't care about finger pointing in
Washington, and they certainly have no tolerance for politicians
who use tough times for political advantage. So I will continue
to place top priority on the issues you care about: building a
growing economy, world-class schools, and what our Founders
called "public tranquility" -- a kinder, gentler nation rid of
crime and united by bonds of brotherhood and service.
Every day, as I confront the tasks ahead of us, I think of the
people we serve -- the family struggling to make ends meet;
police risking everything to keep peace on the streets. I thank
God for our teachers, who must serve as psychologists, doctors,
social workers and peacekeepers before getting a chance to teach
the three Rs. And I do care about the people who write me
letters, especially people in trouble, people out of work.
- more -
3
Finally, I also remember the American people I have seen in every
state and on virtually every continent: People who will not take
no for an answer, people with a zest for life; people who love
their country.
Americans don't ignore tough realities; we tackle them. We don't
wallow in self-pity or despair; we shove obstacles aside and make
life better. Optimism, opportunity, realism, determination:
These are oxygen to us; they let our society live and breathe.
America grew strong with the help of the greatest resource on
Earth, the American people. As we look ahead, we should be as
realistic about our strengths as we are about our problems.
Every time I talk with Americans, I see our strength and I feel
all the more determined to do what you elected me to do: foster
growth, keep the peace, and maintain our stature as the world's
greatest Nation the standard by which all other countries
measure themselves.
Two years ago, I talked to the Nation on the Eve of Thanksgiving
about the challenges posed by the collapse of communism. We met
those challenges.
One year ago today, Barbara and I stood in the sands of Saudi
Arabia, looking into the eyes of the finest men and women this
country has ever known. I wondered whether I would have to send
those young people into battle. We were a Nation on edge,
anxious about what lay ahead in the Persian Gulf. No one knew
how it would work out.
But look at what they did; what we did. We pulled together. We
fought for principle. We stood up to aggression. And when our
men and women returned home, remember how we felt: proud,
excited, confident, even relieved -- all because we knew that we
did the right thing.
Today, democracy is on the march around the globe. Nations long
enslaved have begun experimenting with liberty, exploring their
own promise as free people. America led the way to this new
world. We met the test of world leadership.
Just as we've met every challenge in the past, we will meet those
that confront us today. As we do, let us remember who we are and
what we've done. Let's give thanks for our blessings, for our
families and our faith. Let's dedicate ourselves to the hard
work this moment demands. Let's pledge to join hands in common
purpose.
That's the Thanksgiving spirit, and it has lifted us since the
pilgrims first celebrated it more than three centuries ago. Now
let's call upon that spirit today to help those in need. Let's
call upon that spirit as we move toward a new year and look
forward to a new century.
Thank you. May God bless all of you and our great land, the
United States of America.
# # #