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Ford Press Releases - Elections, 1972-1973
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4525533
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Ford Press Releases - Elections, 1972-1973
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This file contains Spiro Agnew.
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Gerald R. Ford Congressional Papers
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The original documents are located in Box D7, folder "Ford Press Releases - Elections,
1972-1973" of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the
Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Digitized from Box D7 of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
NEWS
CONGRESSMAN
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
March 13, 1972
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
Mr. Jack Anderson is to be condemned for dragging the name of the President
of the United States before the Senate Judiciary Committee on the basis of evidence
which is so unreliable that it would be barred from every court of law in the
Nation.
Mr. Anderson has used the universally discredited technique of multiple
hearsay to substantiate his charges, a gimmick which involves the presentation of
evidence three or four times removed from the source.
It is virtually impossible to verify the accuracy or the veracity of this
kind of evidence, and Mr. Anderson knows it. He has shown no reservations in using
it to support his charges before the Senate Judiciary Committee.
He has denigrated countless numbers of dedicated public servants over the
years by this illegitimate evidentiary technique, and now his list has been expanded
to include the President of the United States. I am dismayed by the fact that this
irresponsible individual has been permitted to make his charges on such a transparent
basis, virtually unchallenged by members of the Judiciary Committee or his colleagues
in the press. Were Mr. Anderson required to produce substantive evidence of
probative value in the I.T.T. case, he surely would be unable to do so.
Without multiple hearsay evidence, Jack Anderson is a man without a case.
###
Full Distribution
0 Office Capy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR RELEASE AT 12 NOON WEDNESDAY--
April 12, 1972
House Republican Leader Gerald R. Ford today introduced a proposed
Constitutional Amendment providing for the holding of a nationwide Presidential
primary election every four years.
Ford's Amendment is identical with one introduced in the Senate March 13 by
Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield of Montana and Sen. George Aiken, R-Vt.
It calls for a national Presidential primary the first Tuesday after the
first Monday in August in the year preceding the expiration of the regular term of
the President and Vice President.
The person receiving the greatest number of votes cast by registered voters
of his party affiliation--a plurality of at least 40 per cent--would become his
party's official candidate for President.
If either of the parties failed to give its highest vote-getter at least
40 per cent, a runoff election would be held between the two top vote-getters of
the party on the 28th day after the day on which the primary election was held.
Only persons eligible to vote in the primary election could vote in the
runoff.
To get on the primary ballot in all the States, a major party candidate
would be required to file petitions signed by qualified voters equal to one per
cent of the vote cast in the last election for presidential candidates of his
party in each of 17 States.
For candidates of minor parties--which did not have electors on the ballot
in 17 states but polled at least 10 per cent of the vote cast nationwide--the
requirement would be one per cent of the total vote cast throughout the nation in
the last election.
Only persons registered by party affiliation could vote in the primary, and
there could be no crossovers.
Ford commented: "After observing the antics of presidential hopefuls in
the various State primaries this year, it seems to me we should put an end to this
chaotic situation by having one same-day primary throughout the Nation. Unlike
the present primaries, the national primary I propose would decide something. It
would, with a runoff if necessary, give us our presidential candidates."
Ford emphasized that the major political parties would continue to nominate
LIBRAR
vice presidential candidates and adopt party platforms.
###
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR RELEASE AT 12 NOON WEDNESDAY--
April 12, 1972
House Republican Leader Gerald R. Ford today introduced a proposed
Constitutional Amendment providing for the holding of a nationwide Presidential
primary election every four years.
Ford's Amendment is identical with one introduced in the Senate March 13 by
Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield of Montana and Sen. George Aiken, R-Vt.
It calls for a national Presidential primary the first Tuesday after the
first Monday in August in the year preceding the expiration of the regular term of
the President and Vice President.
The person receiving the greatest number of votes cast by registered voters
of his party affiliation--a plurality of at least 40 per cent--would become his
party's official candidate for President.
If either of the parties failed to give its highest vote-getter at least
40 per cent, a runoff election would be held between the two top vote-getters of
the party on the 28th day after the day on which the primary election was held.
Only persons eligible to vote in the primary election could vote in the
runoff.
To get on the primary ballot in all the States, a major party candidate
would be required to file petitions signed by qualified voters equal to one per
cent of the vote cast in the last election for presidential candidates of his
party in each of 17 States.
For candidates of minor parties--which did not have electors on the ballot
in 17 states but polled at least 10 per cent of the vote cast nationwide--the
requirement would be one per cent of the total vote cast throughout the nation in
the last election.
Only persons registered by party affiliation could vote in the primary, and
there could be no crossovers.
Ford commented: "After observing the antics of presidential hopefuls in
the various State primaries this year, it seems to me we should put an end to this
chaotic situation by having one same-day primary throughout the Nation. Unlike
the present primaries, the national primary I propose would decide something. It
would, with a runoff if necessary, give us our presidential candidates."
Ford emphasized that the major political parties would continue to nominate
vice presidential candidates and adopt party platforms.
###
A affice Capy
MEMO TO:
Mr. Ford
FROM:
Paul
DATE:
Saturday, July 22
11:50 a.m.
After 12:30, please call following statement in to 333-0390,
Committee for Re-election of the President:
"Spiro Agnew will add strength to the Republican ticket in 1972,
as he did in 1968. The President was wise not to split up a
winning team. The Vice President has been forthright and courageous
and deserves wide-spread support."
MEMO TO:
Mr. Ford
FROM:
Paul
DATE:
Saturday, July 22
11:50 a.m.
After 12:30, please call following statement in to 333-0390,
Committee for Re-election of the President:
"Spiro Agnew will add strength to the Republican ticket in 1972,
as he did in 1968. The President was wise not to split up a
winning team. The Vice President has been forthright and courageous
and deserves wide-spread support."
Full Distribution
Office Copy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
August 16, 1972
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
The Tower-Kemp compromise Republican Convention rule change regarding state
representation at future conventions appears to properly distribute representation
between the small states and the large.
I have long felt that the present bonus system discriminates against the
large states, such as Michigan. The Tower-Kemp compromise eliminates this kind
of discrimination. It seems to me it is fair to both large states and small.
While I cannot speak for the Michigan delegation, I believe the Tower-Kemp
compromise because it is national in scope is worthy of the most careful
consideration by the Convention Rules Subcommittee.
###
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
August 16, 1972
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
The Tower-Kemp compromise Republican Convention rule change regarding state
representation at future conventions appears to properly distribute representation
between the small states and the large.
I have long felt that the present bonus system discriminates against the
large states, such as Michigan. The Tower-Kemp compromise eliminates this kind
of discrimination. It seems to me it is fair to both large states and small.
While I cannot speak for the Michigan delegation, I believe the Tower-Kemp
compromise because it is national in scope is worthy of the most careful
consideration by the Convention Rules Subcommittee.
###
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
November 8, 1972
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
Republicans will build toward a majority in the U. S. House of Representatives.
beginning with the gains we made on Nov. 7.
While the net pickup of seats by the GOP was not all I had hoped for, the
fact remains that we have narrowed the gap.
My guess is that the House Republican leadership will be able to put together
a winning combination for the President on most key votes in the House. We may well
have a working majority while not a numerical one.
###
FORD is LIBRARY GERALD
Frell Distribution
OFFICE COPY
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE-
Monday, April 30, 1973
Remarks by Rep. Gerald R. Ford on Watergate Affair
The resignations were a necessary first step by the White
House in clearing the air on the Watergate Affair -- and this does
not imply guilt on the part of any White House official who has
resigned.
I am also pleased that the President is going to address
the Nation on this matter and that he has named Elliot Richardson
as attorney general with the responsibility of uncovering the whole
truth about the Watergate case.
I have the greatest confidence in the President, and I am
absolutely positive he had nothing to do with this mess.
I also have tremendous confidence in Elliot Richardson. He
is a man of great integrity. The American people can rest assured
that with Richardson directing the Watergate investigation and
prosecution all of the facts will come to light and all of those
involved will be exposed. Now we can expect that fact will be
separated from fiction --- and this certainly needs doing.
The Watergate Affair may have an adverse impact on the
Republican Party in the 1974 election, but if so it would be most
tragic and undeserved. I would emphasize that no Republican member
of Congress was in any way involved in the Watergate Affair.
###
FORD i LIBRARY GERALD
office Capy
NEWS
CONGRESSMAN
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
REL EASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
Monday, April 30, 1973
Remarks by Rep. Gerald R. Ford on Watergate Affair
The resignations were a necessary first step by the White
House in clearing the air on the Watergate Affair --- and this does
not imply guilt on the part of any White House official who has
resigned.
I am also pleased that the President is going to address
the Nation on this matter and that he has named Elliot Richardson
as attorney general with the responsibility of uncovering the whole
truth about the Watergate case.
I have the greatest confidence in the President, and I am
absolutely positive he had nothing to do with this mess.
I also have tremendous confidence in Elliot Richardson. He
is a man of great integrity. The American people can rest assured
that with Richardson directing the Watergate investigation and
prosecution all of the facts will come to light and all of those
involved will be exposed. Now we can expect that fact will be
separated from fiction -- and this certainly needs doing.
The Watergate Affair may have an adverse impact on the
Republican Party in the 1974 election, but if so it would be most
tragic and undeserved. I would emphasize that no Republican member
of Congress was in any way involved in the Watergate Affair.
###
GERALD FORD LIBRARY
Office Capy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN FADER
RELEASE
-FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
Tuesday, May 1, 1973
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
President Nixon demonstrated with his speech on the Watergate Affair
that he fully deserves the trust and confidence of the American people.
It was fitting and proper that the President assume responsibility for
the Watergate Affair - - and it was a most courageous act.
Now that the President has given Attorney General-designate Elliot
Richardson the authority to appoint a special prosecutor, there remains no
doubt that the entire truth about the Watergate Affair will be revealed,
I think it appropriate, therefore, that the American people now lay
aside their concern with Watergate and turn their attention - as the
President is doing - - to matters of greater moment to the Nation.
###
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
office Copy
REPUBLICAN RESEARCH COMMITTEE
1620 LONGWORTH HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D.C. 20515
202/225/5107
RELEASE: Sunday
Contact: Martha Phillips
May 13, 1973
(0) 202-225-5107
(H) 301-654-7128
HOUSE GOP SETS UP TASK FORCE ON ELECTION REFORM
WASHINGTON, Congressional Republicans today announced the
establishment of a 15-Congressman Task Force on Election Reform. Rep BiH Frenzel
(Minn.) will be chairman of the study group.
According to Frenzel, "Republican Members of Congress are dismayed by the
Watergate revelations of Illegal campaign practices. The Task Force will focus
on seeking various ways to Highten and revise federal campaign laws to discourage
abuse by ensuring swift and impartial enforcement procedures."
Other Members of the Task Force, in addition to Frenzet, are Reps.
Edward C. Blester, Jr. (Pa.), Clarence J. Brown (Ohio), Clair W. Burgener (Calif.),
M. Caldwell Butler (Va.), Philip M. Crane (111.), David W. Dennis (Ind.), Lou Frey
(Fla.). Harold V. Froelich (Wisc.), James F. Hastings (N.Y.), John E. Hunt (N.J.),
Edward Hutchinson (Mich.), William J. Keating (Ohlo), Trent Lott (Miss.), and
Matthew J. Rinaldo (N.J.).
The Task Force plans to examine federal laws pertaining to campaign
contributions and expenditures, reporting procedures and enforcement. Their
findings and recommendations will be reported back to the House Republican
Conference.
Announcing the establishment of the Task Force was Rep. Barber B. Conable, Jr.
(N.Y.) who is Chairman of the House Republican Research Committee. The Task Force
will operate under the aegis of the Research Committee.
Other topics on the Task Force agenda include voter registration legislation,
election fraud, electoral college reform, selection procedures for Vice-Presidential
candidates, and presidential primaries.
-30-30-30-
GERALD FORD LIBRARY
Galleries only
OFFICE COPY
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
Tuesday, May 22, 1973
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
I commend the President for his forthright statement, which
is his honest recollection of any and all aspects of the Watergate
Affair. This statement should clear the air as far as all
allegations involving the President are concerned.
I accept the President's statement that he neither approved
nor had knowledge of any unethical and illegal activities undertaken
on his behalf in connection with the 1972 presidential campaign, or
of the Watergate coverup.
With regard to the President's orders concerning national
security leaks, the President acted properly in his attempts to plug
such leaks. No government, including a democracy, can function
effectively if highly sensitive information is disclosed. No
President can effectively carry out his responsibilities for the
conduct of our foreign affairs if the confidentiality of high level
negotiations is not preserved.
###
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
-FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
Tuesday, May 22, 1973
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
I commend the President for his forthright statement, which
is his honest recollection of any and all aspects of the Watergate
Affair. This statement should clear the air as far as all
allegations involving the President are concerned.
I accept the President's statement that he neither approved
nor had knowledge of any unethical and illegal activities undertaken
on his behalf in connection with the 1972 presidential campaign, or
of the Watergate coverup.
With regard to the President's orders concerning national
security leaks, the President acted properly in his attempts to plug
such leaks. No government, including a democracy, can function
effectively 1f highly sensitive information is disclosed. No
President can effectively carry out his responsibilities for the
conduct of our foreign affairs if the confidentiality of high level
negotiations is not preserved.
###
O OFFICE COPY
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
June 6, 1973
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
The President's appointment of Former Defense Secretary
Melvin Laird as his chief domestic adviser is an excellent move
and is most welcome news. The President could have made no better
choice.
I am pleased that Gen. Haig has decided to resign his
commission and to remain on the White House staff. Alexander Haig
is a most capable individual.
There is no question but that both of these actions strengthen
the White House staff and should lead to a big improvement in
White House relations with Congress.
###
GERALD FORD LIBRARY
Office Capy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
June 6, 1973
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
The President's appointment of Former Defense Secretary
Melvin Laird as his chief domestic adviser is an excellent move
and is most welcome news. The President could have made no better
choice.
I am pleased that Gen. Haig has decided to resign his
commission and to remain on the White House staff. Alexander Haig
is a most capable individual.
There is no question but that both of these actions strengthen
the White House staff and should lead to a big improvement in
White House relations with Congress.
###
NEWS
CONGRESSMAN
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford regarding Watergate and the Banking and Currency
Committee
(Memo to Fifth District News Media: I understand that an attempt will be made
by Bob Kleiner at a press conference Monday morning to tie me in with Watergate.
The following statement is my comment on any charges that might be made in
connection with the House Banking and Currency Committee vote last Oct. 3
against a committee investigation of the Watergate Affair.)
"On Oct. 3, 1972, the House Banking and Currency Committee voted 20 to 15
against conducting an investigation of the June break-in and bugging of Democratic
National Headquarters.
"All 14 Republican members of the committee voted against the proposed
investigation. So did six Democrats. Had these six Democrats voted with other
Democratic members of the committee to proceed with the investigation, the vote would
have been 21 to 14 to go ahead with the probe. It is therefore ridiculous for
Fifth District Democrats--or for that matter, for Democrats anywhere--to charge that
Republicans blocked an investigation of Watergate by the House Banking and Currency
Committee.
"The motivation of the committee Democrats who voted against the investigation
was the same as that of the Republicans. The investigation would have interfered
with the proper prosecution of the suspects arrested in connection with the
Watergate break-in and would have been interpreted as infringing on their
constitutional right to a fair trial.
"The White House did not even discuss this matter with me in advance of the
Oct. 3 meeting of the Banking and Currency Committee. The House Republican
Leadership did meet with Republican members of the committee on Sept. 26 and 27 in
the Office of the Republican Whip (Rep. Leslie Arends, R-I11.) but these meetings
took place at the request--I emphasize, at the request--of the committee Republicans
and not on the initiative of the leadership or the White House. The Republican
committee members wanted to discuss with the leadership the problem that confronted
them--the fact that public committee hearings could jeopardize the rights of the
Watergate defendants. I never received a request from the White House that the
House Republican Leadership meet with Republican members of the House Banking and
Currency Committee. For anyone to try to tie me in with Watergate because of the
vote Oct. 3, 1972 in the Banking and Currency Committee against an investigation of
Watergate is utterly ridiculous. Such charges are a complete fabrication without
any basis in fact."
###
Statement of A. Robert Kleiner, Chairman, Fifth Congressional
District Democratic Committee, Press Conference, Monday,
July 2, 1973, 9:00 A.M., Continental Room, Pantlind Hotel,
Grand Rapids, Michigan.
The time has come for Congressman Ford to account to
the voters of the Fifth District as to his part in covering up the
illegal burglary of the Watergate Democratic offices.
Under oath, and with an offer to take a lie-detector
test, John Dean has accused Gerry Ford of stalling a Congressional
investigation of Watergate at the request of the White House
during last fall's presidential election.
Mr. Ford says Mr. Dean "is not correct" and says "tc the
best of my recollection, the White House never talked to me
about this matter. Either John Dean or Mr. Ford is not telling
the truth. They can't both be right.
GERRY FORD SHOULD, AND WE CHALLENGE HIM To,
VOLUNTARILY APPEAR BEFORE THE SENATE ERVIN COMMITTEE
AND TESTIFY UNDER OATH AS TO THE FACTS SURROUNDING HIS
ACTIVITIES IN STOPPING THE INVESTIGATION LAST FALL.
Mr. Ford's accounting to the voters should not stop there.
He should tell US why he has not expressed one word of concern
about the immoral and unconstitutional acts of Mr. Nixon and the
White House gang. Just a few of them include:
1. The establishment of a National Surveillance
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
Agency to violate the constitutional rights
of the United States citizens.
2. The White House "plumbers" unit that stole
documents from Dr. Ellsberg's physician and
other illegal acts.
3. Circulating false documents about the morals
of Democratic Presidential candidates.
4. Compiling a list of political "enemies" and
the use of the Internal Revenue Service and
other Federal agencies to harrass and intimi-
date them.
5. White House spending of $2,000,000 in cash
for various illegal schemes.
6. Having the acting director of the FBI destroy
evidence.
7. Ordering the CIA.to delay an FBI investigation.
8. The promise of executive clemency in an
effort to buy perjury and obstruct justice.
Mr. Ford has continued in his role as Congressional errand
boy and apologist for the corrupt Nixon administration. The
voters deserve better than that.
If Mr. Ford understands his oath of office to "uphold and
defend the Constitution of the United States" we could expect
him to condemn these acts and take the lead in seeing that they
FORD
are stopped. We hope he will give US the facts under oath and
take some leadership in protecting US from these police state tactics.
LIBRAR
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR RELEASE AT 12 NOON FRIDAY-
August 3, 1973
It has come to my attention that some of my constituents
mistakenly believe I have reversed my position regarding release of
the Presidential tapes dealing with Watergate. I have not changed my
position one iota. I believe the White House could have selected out
those portions of the tapes relating to Watergate and that the
President should have made those portions of the tapes available to
the Ervin Committee and to Mr. Cox, the Special Prosecutor. I
subsequently said I believed the Supreme Court on constitutional
grounds would uphold the President's right to withhold the tapes. I
simply meant to say that I think the President is on sound legal
ground in withholding the tapes. I still believe he should have
released them.
###
Fifth District Media
0 OFFICE COPY
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR RELEASE AT 12 NOON FRIDAY-
August 3, 1973
It has come to my attention that some of my constituents
mistakenly believe I have reversed my position regarding release of
the Presidential tapes dealing with Watergate. I have not changed my
position one iota. I believe the White House could have selected out
those portions of the tapes relating to Watergate and that the
President should have made those portions of the tapes available to
the Ervin Committee and to Mr. Cox, the Special Prosecutor. I
subsequently said I believed the Supreme Court on constitutional
grounds would uphold the President's right to withhold the tapes. I
simply meant to say that I think the President is on sound legal
ground in withholding the tapes. I still believe he should have
released them.
###
FORD : LIBRARY GLRALD
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR RELEASE AT 12 NOON FRIDAY-
August 3, 1973
It has come to my attention that some of my constituents
mistakenly believe I have reversed my position regarding release of
the Presidential tapes dealing with Watergate. I have not changed my
position one iota. I believe the White House could have selected out
those portions of the tapes relating to Watergate and that the
President should have made those portions of the tapes available to
the Ervin Committee and to Mr. Cox, the Special Prosecutor. I
subsequently said I believed the Supreme Court on constitutional
grounds would uphold the President's right to withhold the tapes. I
simply meant to say that I think the President is on sound legal
ground in withholding the tapes. I still believe he should have
released them.
###
QERALD FORD VIBRARY
Full Distribution
O OFFICE COPY
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
September 26, 1973
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
I believe deeply in the American principle that a man should be presumed
to be innocent unless proved to be guilty.
I favor a House investigation of the charges against Vice-President Agnew
because fairness dictates that he should be permitted this opportunity to defend
himself in open hearings.
The Vice-President is being tried in the news media due to the many leaks
concerning the charges against him. It would seem impossible that he could get
a fair hearing in the courts under the circumstances. I therefore think the
House should grant his request for a full investigation of the charges against
him.
This investigation should be carried out by a select committee especially
appointed for that purpose. Such a committee could concentrate on the
investigation. That would appear preferable to having the matter handled by
the House Judiciary Committee, which has many other items of business to deal
with in the course of its regular duties.
In my view, the House should act as soon as possible on the
Vice-President's request and should act affirmatively, in line with the Calhoun
case of 1826-27. The Calhoun case established a precedent which should guide
us now.
###
GERALD
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
September 26, 1973
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
I believe deeply in the American principle that a man should be presumed
to be innocent unless proved to be guilty.
I favor a House investigation of the charges against Vice-President Agnew
because fairness dictates that he should be permitted this opportunity to defend
himself in open hearings.
The Vice-President is being tried in the news media due to the many leaks
concerning the charges against him. It would seem impossible that he could get
a fair hearing in the courts under the circumstances. I therefore think the
House should grant his request for a full investigation of the charges against
him.
This investigation should be carried out by a select committee especially
appointed for that purpose. Such a committee could concentrate on the
investigation. That would appear preferable to having the matter handled by
the House Judiciary Committee, which has many other items of business to deal
with in the course of its regular duties.
In my view, the House should act as soon as possible on the
Vice-President's request and should act affirmatively, in line with the Calhoun
case of 1826-27. The Calhoun case established a precedent which should guide
us now.
# # #
House Gallerus only
O OFFICE COPY
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
Wednesday, October 10, 1973
Comment by Rep. Gerald R. Ford on Agnew Resignation
My reaction when I heard the news was initially one of
disbelief and then of great sadness. I can only conclude that
he resigned from the Vice-Presidency for the reason stated in a
letter from him delivered to me on the floor of the House
Wednesday afternoon: "After an extremely difficult weighing of
all the factors, my deep concern for the country required this
decision." I would only add the comment that the vacancy in the
office of Vice-President now should be filled with the greatest
possible dispatch.
###
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
Wednesday, October 10, 1973
Comment by Rep. Gerald R. Ford on Agnew Resignation
My reaction when I heard the news was initially one of
disbelief and then of great sadness. I can only conclude that
he resigned from the Vice-Presidency for the reason stated in a
letter from him delivered to me on the floor of the House
Wednesday afternoon: "After an extremely difficult weighing of
all the factors, my deep concern for the country required this
decision." I would only add the comment that the vacancy in the
office of Vice-President now should be filled with the greatest
possible dispatch.
###
FORD is LIBRARY GERALD
0
OFFICE COPY
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
Oct. 12, 1973
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
I feel deeply honored. If the Congress sees fit to approve the nomination,
I will serve the Nation in the post of Vice-President to the best of my ability
and do my utmost to deserve the trust and faith of the American people. There is
a
compelling need right now to unite the people of this country. If there is
anything I can do to further that end, I will strive mightily to do it.
FORD is LIBRARY
Galleries only
O OFFICE COPY
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1973
STATEMENT BY VICE PRESIDENT-DESIGNATE GERALD R. FORD
The compromise agreed to by the President and Sens. Ervin
and Baker is an eminently sensible way of avoiding a
constitutional crisis over the issue of the tapes. At the same
time it serves the truth by making basic information available
to the Ervin Committee and the court, and it does this without
undermining the doctrine of executive privilege. I think
Sen. Stennis is an excellent choice to listen to the tapes and
authenticate the President's summary of the contents. Sen. Stennis
is a man of the highest integrity. I believe this compromise will
be acceptable to the American people. I hope Mr. Cox does not
persist in refusing to accept it.
###
FORD is LIBRARY GERALD
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1973
STATEMENT BY VICE PRESIDENT-DESIGNATE GERALD R. FORD
The compromise agreed to by the President and Sens. Ervin
and Baker is an eminently sensible way of avoiding a
constitutional crisis over the issue of the tapes. At the same
time it serves the truth by making basic information available
to the Ervin Committee and the court, and it does this without
undermining the doctrine of executive privilege. I think
Sen. Stennis is an excellent choice to listen to the tapes and
authenticate the President's summary of the contents. Sen. Stennis
is a man of the highest integrity. I believe this compromise will
be acceptable to the American people. I hope Mr. Cox does not
persist in refusing to accept it.
###
ASSURIT
O OFFICE COPY
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
THURSDAY
Nov. 1, 1973
STATEMENT BY VICE PRESIDENT-DESIGNATE GERALD R. FORD
For Release at
Both appointees are men of the highest caliber.
I became acquainted with Leon Jaworski and came to know his abilities when he
served as a member of the legal staff of the Warren Commission. I was most impressed
with him then, and I heartily approve of him now in the role of special prosecutor.
Sen. Saxbe has had excellent experience as an attorney general in Ohio and an
outstanding record as a United States Senator. I think he will make a top-flight
Attorney General of the United States.
######
FORD is LIBRARY GERALD
STATEMENT BY THE HONORABLE GERALD R. FORD
MINORITY LEADER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
BEFORE THE SENATE COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ADMINISTRATION
THURSDAY, NOV. 1, 1973
ADVANCE FOR RELEASE AT 10:00 A.M, E.S.T.
This is a new experience for me, I realize it is also a new experience for you,
and for the American people. I feel that I am among friends however I ask you only
to treat me as true friends treat one another, with directness, with candor, without
favor and without guile, in full and mutual awareness of the solemn oath we have all
taken to the Constitution and our responsibility to the people of this great Republic.
Before going further, I must add my gratitude to the two distinguished Senators
who ably represent my home State in the United States Senate. Together, Phil Hart,
Bob Griffin and I have spent a combined total of 57 years in Washington trying to
outdo one another in doing things for Michigan -- and none of us is ready to concede
that contest yet. But I want to take this opportunity to acknowledge publicly, before
trying to exchange a vote for a gavel, that Michigan and Grand Rapids have given me
far more than I could ever give them.
Yet I am deeply conscious that today the Congress and the citizens we represent
are embarking upon an historic voyage into uncharted waters. I come before you as
the nominee of the President to fill a vacancy in the office of Vice President of the
United States under the provisions of the 25th Amendment to the Constitution, for which
65 Senators and 368 Members of the House voted in 1965 and which the Legislatures of
48 States subsequently ratified.
I might note that the State where I was born, Nebraska, was the first to ratify
the 25th Amendment.
As you might guess, I have recently reviewed the debate on the 25th Amendment
and there is little doubt that most of our attention in framing it was centered on the
question of Presidential succession, on filling a vacancy in the Presidency.
Section 2, which dealt with the problem of filling a vacancy in the Vice Presidency,
was a subsidiary issue in our minds, despite the fact that on 16 previous occasions,
for a total of 37 years in our Constitutional history, the nation has been without a
Vice President.
Vice Presidents have died and they have resigned, but our circumstances today
DRD
are unprecedented. Until now they have always been elected, at first separately but
GERA
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most of the time together with the President, by an Electoral College chosen for
that purpose by all the people. One Vice President, Richard Mentor Johnson, was
elected by the Senate in 1837 under the 12th Amendment when the electoral vote was
tied.
This is the first time in history that both the Senate and the House of Repre-
sentatives have been required to advise and consent to the President's nomination of
a Vice President.
These are not ordinary times nor, I suppose, will the times ever be ordinary
when the 25th Amendment must be invoked. I want to assure you, the members of this
committee and all my colleagues in the Congress, that I fully appreciate and share
your determination to consider with the utmost diligence qualifications and fitness
for the second office of the Republic. For the sake of the country we all love, for
your sakes and certainly for mine, I would not want it otherwise.
I am a member of this Congress. I have a vote and a responsibility under the
will
Constitution the same as yours. Under the circumstances, I/vote "Present" when my
nomination is before the House. I am used to this. Custom has compelled me to do
it in the last 5 votes for Speaker, when I lost to the Honorable John McCormack and
the Honorable Carl Albert.
You know, life plays some funny tricks on people. Here I have been trying
with might and main for 25 years to become Speaker of the House. Suddenly, I'm a
candidate for President of the Senate, where I could hardly ever vote and where I'll
never get a chance to speak.
When I was asked by the President for my recommendations for Vice President
I really did suggest Hugh Scott and Mel Laird and one other whose name I won't
tell --- but the President didn't pay any attention to my advice.
I know you are going to have a lot of questions for me, but there are two big
ones perhaps I can answer at the start.
First, what makes you, Jerry Ford, qualified to be Vice President of the
United States? Second, what kind of a Vice President would you hope to be?
Let me take the second question first. How do I regard the office of the
Vice Presidency -- in the climate and context of right now, and in terms of the future.
History isn't much help here, except recent history, through which we have all lived.
There are only three living Americans who have held this high office, and three
weeks ago at the White House one of them told me he wanted me to take the job.
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The first two telephone calls I got after that announcement were from the
two other former Vice Presidents. And for their generous good wishes I will always
be grateful.
Events at home and abroad have moved so swiftly since that night that I have
not had much time for scholarly homework on the duties of the Vice Presidency, or
even to collect my own feelings at the sudden change in my own style of life.
My thoughts have been mixed -- pride in the confidence which President Nixon
has shown for me and deep satisfaction that apparently it is shared by hundreds of
other old friends and colleagues, in the Congress, and throughout the country. I
have felt a touch of sadness at the thought of leaving the House of Representatives
which has been my home for nearly half my life.
I have also felt something like awe and astonishment at the magnitude of the
new responsibilities I have been asked to assume. At the same time I have a new and
invigorating sense of determination and purpose to do my best to meet them.
Since I first ran for Congress in 1948 -- the same year one of the greatest
Vice Presidents ever to succeed to the Presidency was renewing his lease on the White
House by whacking the Republican 80th Congress with hammer and tongs -- I have believed
that public office is a public trust. I believe that any man or woman who wins the
votes of a majority of his fellow citizens has a solemn obligation to serve them
faithfully and well, and to do them as much honor as they have done him.
Now I'm contemplating the first public office to which I would not be elected
by the people, but by my peers in the Congress as the people's agents. As the first
candidate to be so chosen, I recognize and welcome the fact that this committee, as
it should, will inquire fully into my worthiness to have the trust of the Nation.
In this century, 32 men have been chosen by the two major parties as candidates
for Vice President, and 19 of them have served in the House or the Senate or both.
Of the 15 who won, 9 have served in the Congress and I believe there is no better
training school for this job than service in the Congress. I am proud to be a Member
of Congress, and if I were to express my new ambition in a nutshell, that ambition of
mine is to earn the respect as well by all the American people as I hope I have with
my good friends in the 5th District of Michigan.
Like that of most men and women who serve in Congress, my public life has been
an open book -- carefully reread every two years by my constituents. Likewise, the
door to my office in Washington has been open, not only to my constituents but to any
-4-
citizens who have wanted to discuss with me their views and their problems relating
to legislation and the Federal government -- or even just to satisfy their curiosity
as to what a Congressman looks like. These contacts with people have represented a
large part of my job, and since 1965 when I became Minority Leader of the House by
the "landslide margin" of 73 to 67 such contacts have become more and more national
in character. I not only think an open door is a duty, but I have learned a lot from
the people who have passed through it, both from those who agree with me and from those
who don't.
Perhaps the worst misgivings I have about the Vice Presidency are that such
contacts with all kinds of people would be more difficult --- and that my friends might
stop calling me Jerry.
Not only has my public life been an open book but in the last three weeks my
private life has been opened as well. Once I told the President I'd accept -- I guess
I told him as much -- I made a firm decision, I decided to make available to this
Committee and to the House Committee on the Judiciary, without reservation except
reliance on their good judgment, every record relating to my public service, my personal
finances, my health and the health of my wife and children, and to respond as fully
and accurately as possible to every reasonable inquiry.
I asked all public officials, Federal, State and local, and all persons or
agencies that have custody of normally private records regarding me to make them
fully and speedily available, including all of my campaign finances, office and personal
bank accounts --- even our children's savings accounts -- my income tax records and
confidential financial disclosure reports required by House rules, all correspondence
of my Congressional Office and the records of my certified public accountant in Grand
Rapids, including a statement of my Net Worth. It has been a monumental job, just
locating and digging out the records I have, all in a very short time. I have answered
every request unreservedly, and I want to give such answers because of the great
importance of the present inquiry.
I believe you and the Congress and the American people must become fully satis-
fied that I am worthy of your trust and that I am fit to perform the duties of the
Vice Presidency.
I am not a saint, and I'm sure I have done things I might have done better or
differently or not at all. I have also left undone things that I should have done.
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But I believe and hope that I have been honest with myself and with others, that I
have been faithful to my friends and fair to my opponents, and that I have tried my
best to make this great government work for the good of all Americans.
President Eisenhower had a very simple rule ---- I have never heard of a better
one for people in public office who have to make decisions: get all the facts and
all the good counsel you can, and then do what's best for America.
My old law professor at Yale, Eugene V. Rostow, who had a distinguished tour
of duty at the State Department during the Johnson Administration, took the time to
write me a warm and inspiring letter upon my nomination. I would like to share some
of his words with you, because the master still says things much better than his
pupil:
"Constitutionally and politically, the first and most important
requirement for the post, I should say, is that the Vice-President
be capable of discharging the duties of the Presidency, should fate
call him to that office. I am opposed to any other criterion in the
selection of Vice-Presidents, above all in these times of difficulty
and danger at home and abroad. The nation has never needed strong
Presidents more urgently, as the Middle East crisis of the last few
months demonstrates. A critical factor of that most dangerous con-
frontation was the President's resolute public and private diplomacy,
notably his threat to use force if need be. The basic question to ask
about a prospective Vice-President is whether he has the character and
insight to do what Theodore Roosevelt and Harry Truman did when they
were called to the Presidency.
"While in office, the Vice-President should serve as a vital part
of the President's administration. He should have no independent
responsibility for policy, save as the President's adviser and agent.
That is the idea behind the Twelfth Amendment, in my opinion. The
Vice-President's duties and functions as the President's roving halfback
cannot and need not be defined with precision. They will depend upon
circumstance -- on the nature of the pressing business before the country,
and on the temperaments and special talents of the two men. Some Presi-
dents have used their Vice-Presidents wisely and well; others, as we all
know, have ignored them.
"In your case, it is apparent that President Nixon could well enlist
your experience, and your influence in Congress, to help rebuild the
relationship of confidence and cooperation between President and Congress
which should characterize our constitutional order at its finest moments."
The Constitutional duties of a Vice President are few, and his statutory duties
while numerous do not really define his role. It is trite and cynical to sum it all
up by saying the Vice President does whatever the President wants him to, and no more.
I have a different idea, I hope a broader one. It is based on the uniqueness of my
situation and, above all, on the greatest single need of our country today.
I realize, of course, that almost exactly a year ago President Nixon and Vice
President Agnew were elected by majorities of the people in 49 of the 50 States. Not
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only that, but the President was running on his record of four years. He was re-
elected by a massive majority who approved of his program and his policies as they
had been tried and tested over that period. I fought hard for those programs in the
Congress as Republican Leader in the House. I defended them vigorously all over
the country and on the campaign trail, and for that I have no apologies. If being
for his President and for his party and for its candidates disqualified anyone from
becoming Vice President, then we'll never have another Truman, Nixon, Johnson or
Humphrey.
But while I feel a strong obligation to recognize the Presidential mandate
of 1972, I am also very much mindful of the Congressional mandate on the same election
day. The very same Americans who gave the Republican President a margin of 17,838,725
votes also gave the Senate a Democratic majority of 56 to 42, with one Independent
and one Conservative, and the House a Democratic majority of 243 to 192.
The Founding Fathers in 1787 never intended -- and the American people in
1972 never intended - to paralyze and cripple the government in Washington. But
responsible citizens and leaders in both parties are beginning to worry about our
national government becoming seriously weakened by partisan division.
I have served in one Republican Congress and a dozen Democratic Congresses.
I have served during three Democratic and two Republican Presidencies. In the course
of 25 years I've stood with the Congress when it was right and with the President
when he was right, in my judgment, regardless of which party controlled the executive
branch or the legislative branch of government.
I know from firsthand experience that almost without exception the people in
their wisdom send to Congress men and women who are reasonable, who prefer action
to inaction, who are capable of compromise, who love their country and who are con-
cerned for the future of the oldest representative republic on earth.
I know these men and women can work together because I have worked together
with them the best years of my life.
So I come back to the first question: What makes you, Jerry Ford, qualified
to be Vice President of the United States?
My answer is that I believe I can be a ready conciliator and calm communicator
between the White House and Capitol Hill, between the re-election mandate of the
Republican President and the equally emphatic mandate of the Democratic 93rd Congress.
I believe I can do this -- not because I know much about the Vice Presidency - but
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because I know both the Congress of the United States and the President of the United
States as well and as intimately as anybody who has known both for a quarter century.
I count most of the members of the Senate and of the House as my friends. They
have been wonderfully kind and helpful during these hectic days in volunteering sup-
port and encouragement to me. The President of the United States has been my friend
from the time he was a second-termer from California in the House and took time to
make a freshman from Michigan feel welcome. He has always been truthful to me, as
have my good friends in the Congress. I have never misled them even when they might
have wanted to hear something gentler than the truth. And if I change jobs that is
the way I intend to continue.
Truth is the glue that holds government together, and not only government,
but civilization itself.
So gentlemen, I readily promise to answer your questions truthfully. I know
you will not pull any punches -- the American people will never forgive any of us if
you do. Through my testimony it is my intention to replace misunderstanding with
understanding and to substitute truth for untruths.
We have all taken the same oath before God and under the Constitution, and
we are today charged with the duty of trying and testing a new Amendment to that
Constitution for the first time. Many of us had a voice and a vote in bringing about
the 25th Amendment. From that debate I would like to quote two distinguished
Senators -- anonymously, since I hope you will not throw too many of my own words
from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD back at me.
One, a Republican, noted that "The security of our nation demands that the
office of the Vice President should never be left vacant for long." Another, a
Democrat, observed that "At a time of national crisis, the public would not tolerate
the playing of politics in the choice of a Vice President."
I agree with both these distinguished Senators, and I also agree with the only
American who has ever served consecutively as Speaker of the House and as President
of the Senate, John Nance Garner.
"Men who have known how to compromise intelligently have rendered great service
to their country," said "Cactus Jack", probably sitting right in the Capitol Office
which I now occupy as Minority Leader. "The most constructive laws on our statute
books have been put there by intelligent compromise that does not mean that men
-8-
have to abandon fundamentals or basic principles."
So my platform, gentlemen, is always to support truth and intelligent com-
promise. And I pledge to you and to the American people that if confirmed, then,
as President Eisenhower did, I will do what I believe is best for America. I will
do it as President Lincoln did, "with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see
the right."
Thank you for your courteous attention.
###
Office Capy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
Nov. 9, 1973
Comment by Vice President-Designate Gerald R. Ford on White House meeting of Nov. 9
It was a full and frank discussion with the President, indicating his total
cooperation with the court.
Under the circumstances, no details can be given out without the authority of
the court.
####
1090 LIBRARY GENALD
U.S. HOUSE
OF REPRESENTATIVES
REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE
REP. JOHN J. RHODES, (R.-ARIZ.) CHAIRMAN
1616 LONGWORTH HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING
TELEPHONE 225-6168
10
93rd
Congress
December 4, 1973
First Session
Statement No. 21
HOUSE REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE STATEMENT ON
H.R. 8053, THE VOTER REGISTRATION ACT
The House Republican Policy Committee strongly opposes the passage
of H.R. 8053, the Voter Registration Act. Although the bill attempts to
simplify procedures for registration and to facilitate participation in
the political process, it will wreak havoc with election administration
procedures, cause chaos in the political process and reduce overall voter
turnout.
H.R. 8053, the "Postcard Registration Bill", would establish a
Voter Registration Administration in the General Accounting Office, which
would initiate a voter registration program through the Postal Service.
Between 120 and 60 days prior to the close of registration, the Postal Service
would deliver registration forms to every household in the United States; the
forms would be available also in post offices and other public places. Citizens
could register to vote in federal elections by filling out and mailing these
cards to local registration officials.
The Voter Registration Act would, thus, mandate mail registration to
the detriment of more effective methods of registration. State election
officials have testified that it would not benefit the poor, minorities and
other groups, a large portion of whom are unregistered at present, and that
the Act might well reduce overall voter registration.
GERALD
LIBRARY
(OVER)
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The bill would create an administrative nightmare. Many of the postcards
would be illegible and incomplete. By creating dual registration systems, many
voters, understandably confused, would fail to register. Duplicate and fraudu-
lent registrations would mushroom. Consequently, most state and local election
officials, fearing that the bill will cause breakdowns in the election admini-
stration process, oppose its passage, and have said they will not adopt this
system for state and local elections.
H.R. 8053 would establish yet another federal bureaucracy with almost
unlimited authority to spend up to $100 million annually of the taxpayers'
money; the power to rig and manipulate the electoral process is apparent.
Since the passage of the Voting Rights bill of 1965 the States have done a good
job of improving voter registration systems. H.R. 8053 would reverse the
progress and dilute the power of the States. It is but another attempt by
the Federal Government to derogate the authority of the States.
The House Republican Policy Committee urges defeat of H.R. 8053, the
Voter Registration Act.