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Michigan Motel and Resort Association Convention, Grand Rapids, MI, September 25, 1965
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4525873
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Michigan Motel and Resort Association Convention, Grand Rapids, MI, September 25, 1965
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Gerald R. Ford Congressional Papers
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Vietnam War, 1961-1975
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1965
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The original documents are located in Box D18, folder "Michigan Motel and Resort
Association Convention, Grand Rapids, MI, September 25, 1965" of the Ford
Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential
Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
LB.J.
Reading Text
Michigan Motel and Resort Association Convention
Hos.
Virgin
Initation
GrandRapids, Michigan September 25, 1965
the Tat gREi
Thank you for inviting me to share this evening with you.
The generous words of introduction remind me that very often
introductions are more memorable than the speeches they precede. For
example, I've been told that the Governor of the Virgin Islands was once
introduced at a political rally with these unforgettable words: "Now,
ladies and gentlemen, I present the Virgin of the Governor Islands!"
The political scene has perhaps lost forever the oldtime, table-
pounding, three-hour orator. He wore a halo of self-righteousness,
made full use of platitudes, generalities and sheer lung power.
He lived a strange and often uncertain life. His trail led
him to village bandstands, country stores, dinghy auditoriums. He was
at times the victim of ripe tomatoes, rotten eggs, and human tormentors.
All this has changed, except for the occasional heckler.
One evening I began my speech by saying, "I'm pleased to see
such a dense crowd here tonight." An outspoken critic in the back of
the room called out, "Don't be too pleased, Congressman, we ain't all
GERALD FORD LIBRARY
dense. 111
Digitized from Box D18 of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
Grand Rapids 9/25/65
-2-
Quite often, I speak at non-partisan banquets. Democrats,
Republicans, and independents are in the audience.
At times I've appeared on the same platform with a speaker from
the other political party. On one occasion, theDemocrat speaker
suggested that in our debate we omit any mudslinging. I told him that
was a fine idea and said, "If you refrain from telling any lies about
the Republican Party, I promise not to tell the truth about the
Democrats.
It is always a pleasure to talk with people in the world of
business. You are rugged individualists. Individualism is an
American trait.
For example, every year many Americans ignore an Internal Revenue
Service warning not to write in a small blank space at the top of
the income tax form. Giving the government the cold shoulder, they
write this message in the forbidden space "I'll write any damned
place I please!"
FORD is LIBRARY
Grand Rapids 9/25/65
-3-
We all know that Michigan's history is linked with the great
American Indian. The ways things have been going in the 1960's we
might ask whether the Indian in those days was superior to the white
man.
Recalling history, I can only say that when the Indians were
running things, they had no taxes, they had no debts, and the women
did all the work. How could you improve on that!
Now, that I'm in deep trouble with the ladies here, I can only
try to salvage the situation by tellingyou of a conversation I had
with a woman member of the Congress.
She had sat through a speech I made in Washington. Afterwards,
she came to the head table and said: "I thoroughly enjoyed your remarks.
I don't know why, but whenever I make a speech I seem so nervous---but
when you speak, you seem so unconscious!"
*
*
*
In a serious mood, I will discuss with you the Viet Nam war...
the roots of its beginning its escalation its meaning to America
and the rest of the free world.
FORD & LIBRARY 074870
Grand Rapids 9/25/65
-4--
This year was still young when the American people were perhaps
for the first time shocked into some sense of being at war.
Lae February, soldiers-- the wounded living, and the dead
began arriving in the United States aboard huge jet transports---- coming
home froma place called Viet Nam.
As the casualty lists mounted as the heaviest Communist assaults
yet against American installations were stepped up...as our military
forces in the air struck hard in North Viet Nam...not only Americans,
but people everywhere experienced a sudden chill.
There were sudden fears that a so-called bruch-fire conflict---
perhaps through miscalculation, could flare into a holocaust that would
blot out civilization as we know it.
The Nation and the world soon learned that this is the most
curious, baffling, frustrating war the United States has ever had to
fight.
As the size and scope of the war expanded, the United States
faced four possible courses of action.
GERALD LIBRARY R.EORD
Grand Rapids 9/25/65
-5-
We could retreat and withdraw.
We could concentrate our military efforts against Communist
guerrillas in South Viet Nam.
We could make an all-out assault against the enemy's heartland
in North Viet Nam.
Or, we could strengthen our military efforts---on the land, in
the swamps, in the air, and at sea---with the goal of showing the
Communist enemy we mean business.
Let us consider each of these alternatives.
By withdrawing from Viet Nam, United States honor and prestige
would be struck a devastating blow. Our influence in the form of
helping to ward off Communist aggression against the entire mainland
of South East Asia would probably be overwhelmed by Red China. Our
11
defense line would be brought back all the way to Pearl Harbor.
The scond alternative that of concentrating on guerrilla
war in South Viet Nam--proved ineffective, In fact, it would mean a
FORD if LIBRARY CERALD
Grand Rapids 9/26/65
-6-
tremendous drain on our economy, a great loss of life and military
equipment, and a long and drawn-out conflict in swamp and jungle.
The third alternative---an all-out assault on North Viet Nam,
including attacks against non-military targates---could, according to
some experts, result in massive retaliation by Red China. It could
lead to a senseless ground war. And it might mean the kind of casualities
to possibly trigger a public outcry in the United States for the use
of nuclear weapons.
Our fourth possible alternative-- the strengthening of air, sea
and land military operations- aimed at proving to the Communist
enemy that it would be folly to continue aggression is the plan I
personally favor. It is this type of operation I believe will bring
North Viet Nam to the conference table under our terms.
And now let us delve more deeply into the Viet Nam war's
history. It should be remembered that the involvement of the United
States in Viet Nam occurred shortly after the end of World War II. It
began with a decision by the Truman Administration to provide economic
and military aid.
FORD & BAR
Grand Rapids 9/25/65
-7-
In 1954, a fragile, delicate peace was achieved by the Geneva
agreements. During the Eisenhower Administration Viet Nam was
partitioned into a Communist north and a non-Communist south.
Contrary to most expectations, South Viet Nam survived for
six years. Defense Secretary Mc Namara has described South Viet Nam's
history during this period from 1954 to 1960 as a "success story."
The late President John F. Kennedy referred to it as a "near miracle."
The Adminstration taking office in 1961 faced acute difficulties
in the neighboring nation of Laos. While there were sporadic guerrilla
attacks in Viet Nam, Communist forces had launched a full-scale
offensive in Laos---threatening the government.
After months of fighting and high-level diplomatic foot-shuffling
in the State Department, a declaration of neutrality was signed. It is
a worthless document. Laos today is ripe for picking by the Communists
whenever they choose.
The resoluteness of the United States was tested in Laos. At the
time it was revealed as being weak.
FORD in LIBRARY GERALD
Grand Rapids--9/25/65
-8-
The Administration said it would not permit aggression against
Laos to succeed...it did permit aggression.
The Administration said it would refuse to negotiate until a
cease-fire was in effect...it did negotiate.
The method used by the Administration to deal with the problem of
Communist aggression against Laos is reflected in today's Viet Nam
situation.
As the military efforts of the United States in Viet Nam have
broadened, the promouncements by President Johnson defining our
objective have been progressively watered-down.
The past July 28, the President seemed to disregard the independence
of South Viet Nam as an objective.
Declaing that the purposes of the 1954 Geneva agreements are still
our own, he asserted that the people of South Viet Nam shall have the
right to shape their own destiny in free elections in the south and
in all Viet Nam under international supervision.
FORDO is LIBRARY 07/830
Grand Rapids, 9/25/65
-9-
This statement raises the disquieting possibility of accepting now
in Viet Nam the type of election which the United States rejected a
decade ago---an ektion which would be stacked and subverted in advance.
The president now tells the Nation. in his words "this is really
war." To what degree miscalculation on the part of the enemy has brought
about this state of affairs, no one can be sure.
I emphasize at this point, that I am attempting to give you an
objective, factual appraisal of the situation as it is now in
Viet Nam, without engaging in political partisanship.
Many times I have stated publicly that I support the President
in firmess against Communist aggression in South East Asia or elsewhere.
However, I believe tat this time that neither the Congress nor the
public is being adequately informed about the Nation's involvement in
Viet Nam.
Liason between the Executive and Legislative branches is insufficient
considering the crucial nature of the problem in Viet Nam.
Under present circumstances, Congress is being by-passed as
far as any effective participation, or decisbn-making, is concerned.
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
Grand Rapids, ; 9-25-65
-10-
President Johnson is running the war. I sincerely hope his
decisions are right because the situation is serious.
In the tradition of the late Senator Arthur Vandenberg, I believe
our best course lies in a bi-partisanship approach to foreign policy.
Bi-partisan does not mean, however, that the opposition political
party may not offer proposals to the Adminstration; nor that the
oppostion may not criticise Administration actions.
Guided by the single standard of the security and well-being
of the Nation, I will continue--with other members of my party--to
offer suggestions and to criticise.
Criticism, when well-founded, helps the Nation to steer a
surer and steadier course..and to attain its objectives without
unnecessary loss or delay.
I urge a national unity in our Nation's determined efforts
to combat Communist aggression in Viet Nam and elsewhere.
As President Eisenhower 80 aptly stated: "more closely than ever
before, American freedom is interlocked with the freedom of other people.
LIBRARY
Grand Rapids, 9/25/65
-11-
In the task of maintàining unity, the greatest responsibility falls to
those who, like ourselves, retain the most freedom and the most strength." "
Thank you.
* * *
FORD i LIBRARY 076839
Excerpts from a speech by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
Michigan Motel and Resort Association Convention, Grand Rapids 9/25/65
As the size and scope of the war expanded, the United States faced four
possible courses of action.
*By withdrawing from Viet Nam, United States honor and prestige would have
been struck a devastating blow. Our influence, in the form of helping
ward off Communist aggression against the entire mainland of Southeast
Asia, would probably be overwhelmed by Red China. Our defense line would
by at Pearl Harbor.
*The second alternative--that of concentrating on guerrilla war in South
Viet Nam--proved ineffective. If continued it could have meant a great
drain on our economy, a tremendous loss of life and military equipment,
and a long, drawn-out conflict in swamp and jungle.
*The third alternative---an all-out assault on North Viet Nam, including
attacks against non-military targets---could result in massive retaliation
by Red China, according to some experts. It could mean the kind of ground
war that would possibly trigger a public shout in the United States for
the use of nuclear weapons.
* Our fourth possible alternative--the strengthening of air, sea and land
military operations aimed at proving to the Communist enemy we mean
business and it would be folly to continue the aggression is the plan I
personally favor. It is this type of operation I believe will bring North
Viet Nam to the negotiation table under our terms.
*
*
*
Many times I have stated publicly that I support the President in firmness
against Communist aggression in Southeast Asia or elsewhere.
However, I believe at this time that neither the Congress, nor the public,
are being adequately informed about the Nation's involvement in Viet Name
Under present circumstances, Congress is being by-passed as far as any
effective participation, or decision-making, is concerned. President Johnson
is running the war. I sincerely hope his decisions are right because the
situation is serious.
*
*
*
Our best course lies in a bi-partisanship approach to foreign policy. This
does not mean however that the opposition party may not offer proposals to the
Administration nor criticise Administration actions,
Well-founded criticism helps the Nation to steer a surer and steadier course
in foreign policy and to attain its objectives without unnecessary loss or delay!
#########
GERALD LISAARY