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Wagner College, April 2, 1966
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4525919
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Wagner College, April 2, 1966
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Gerald R. Ford Congressional Papers
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1966
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The original documents are located in Box D20, folder "Wagner College, April 2, 1966" of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Better "Wold Old myths & new Realites new myths & Old Rialities FORD SPEECH FOR PRESENTATION AT WAGNER COLLEGE, SATURDAY, APRIL 2, 1966 VIETNAM--mere mention of that unfortunate country immediately evokes a grim picture of death, destruction, and desolation. (VI-ET-NAM) VIETNAM VIETNAMA-t the uttering of those three syllables immediately focuses attention on the problems that lie at the heart of United States foreign policy--how best to meet the ever-pressing challenge of world communism and help satisfy the rising expectations of long-suffering peoples. The struggle in Vietnam is, of course, twofold. It is a war that must be fought on two broad fronts-the military and the social. The military struggle cannot really be won unless the basic economic and social needs of the people can be met. Republe of agree with the avowed objectives of the Administration on Vietnam--to thwart Communist aggression so the South Vietnamese can live in freedom and independence. & agree with efforts to achieve this kind of a a settlement at the conference table. agree, too, that we must accept the results of any free, supervised South Vietnamese elections following a settlement at the conference table--whatever those results might be. However, I emphasize that the elections must be free and carefully supervised. Jam firmly opposed to any proposal that representatives of the National Liberation Front--which is just that, a front--be given seats in a coalition government to be imposed on the South Vietnamese. I can't understand why President Johnson has not repudiated this type of settlement, as Vice President Numplifey has done. BERALD FORD (MORE) Digitized from Box D20 of The Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library -2- WAGNER COLLEGE SPEECH FOREIGN POLICY While supporting the President generally on Vietnam, Republicans feel it our duty as the loyal opposition to point to weak spots in Administration handling of that situation: A. We are continuing to pour more and more men into Vietnam and yet we are not making fully effective use of our conventional air and sea power. There are plans in the Pentagon to increase our troop commitment in Vietnam to as 240,000. much as 300,000 or 400,000 from the present 235,000. There is danger that if we try to match the enemy on a purely manpower basis, we will be drawn into a huge land war in Asia with Red China as the ultimate opponent. The most men we/had in Korea at the height of the war there was 325,000. 1. The Administration has made many mistakes on the political scene in Vietnam, and the unrest that has followed has interfered greatly with proper Househ prosecution of the war by the Vietnamese government. Itelieve be that President Johnson's quickie conference with Prime Minister Ky at Honolulu was instrumental in fomenting the troubles that currently are shaking the Ky government. 2. We are critical, too, of the constant attempts by President Johnson to lay the Vietnam war at the door of his two predecessors in office--President Blame Eisenhower and the late President Kennedy. We all know that President Johnson has made decisions while in office that have greatly magnified the United we Vietnam recently had have States presence in South until now "Yankee Go Home" demonstrations there. I am not saying American help should have been withheld. I am simply saying the President should own up to the fact that this is an undeclared war which HE is runningx as the elected commander-in-chief. (MORE) -3- WAGNER COLLEGE SPEECH - FOREIGN POLICY I might also point out that U. S. forces now are spread-shin in the world because of our heavy involvement in Vietnam. Yet Defense Secretary Robert S. McNamara contends that divisions which have been depleted by deployment of men to Vietnam are stronger than ever. I find that kind of statement difficult to fathom. There also has been a continuous shift of men and materiel from Europe to We must thwar Communist aggression in Vieta Republica believe Vietnam over a period of more than 18 months. As a result, our combat readiness in Europe currently is at a lower level than at any time since before the Berlin that ground ave dispatched there, the President should crisis of 1961. to advice bis Chiefs of Staff. would Clearly, we were not ready in February, 1965, to make the tremendous stepup and reducentive enemyle in aid that we have since given South Vietnam. The consequence has been an ability fight. The follow-on result would be that fewer Americans would have imperiling of our positionix in Europe, XEXXXXXX accentuated by France's impending be seat to Vietham and ordered into withdrawal from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Let me talk now about the foreign aid program because, as I mentioned earlier, a campaign to win over the hearts and minds of the South Vietnamese is vital in our continuing struggle with world communism. Let me interject here, too, that our struggle with world communism is a ceaseless one only because the big Communist powers will it so. I have seen films depicting the efforts of our people in Vietnam to work with the South Vietnamese in harvesting rice crops and promoting good health and sanitation programs. Many of our people are doing an excellent job, but the total effort falls far short of the mark. This is particularly true in the area of health and medicine. I can tell you on the basis of a first-hand report to me by an American surgeon who recently completed a voluntary tour of duty among South Vietnamese GERALD FORD LIBRARY (MORE) -7- WAGNER COLLEGE SPEECH - FOREIGN POLICY about in considering a possible U. S. policy change involving Red China because the Red Chinese insist on being shut off from the rest of the world. It may be that exchange programs, carefully screened for jokers and against one-sidedness, would be useful in acquainting Red China with the Free World in general and with America in particular. But if Humphrey is talking about diplomatic recognition of Red China in the near future and for admission of Red China to the United Nations, then he is pursuing a sadly mistaken course. What is involved in trying to get Red China to adopt settement the kind of "peaceful co-existence" policy theoretically being pursued by the Soviet Union in its relations with the U. S.? If we can believe the Red Chinese rulers, they don't want U. S. recognition or admission to the UN unless Taiwan's membership in the UN is withdrawn, the U. S. is branded by the UN as the aggressor in the Korean War, U. S. protection is withdrawn from Formosa (Taiwan), and Formosa is surrendered to Red China. The Republican view of Red China is that we must continue to contain her and to frustrate by various means all her attempts to extend her sphere of influence in Asia. When I say "by various means," I am saying that open warfare is not necessarily the tool that must be employed. War is always the last resort of a peace-loving nation like ours. It is ridiculous to talk about U. S. recognition of Red China or admission of Red China to the UN because we certainly are not going to meet the aforementioned conditions laid down by the Red Chinese. We are not going to abandon Formosa to them. (MORE) hat x N Betty World. 2 Old myths of new Realthes new myth & OM Realthes BORD SPEECH FOR PRESENTATION AT MAGNER COLLEGE, SATURDAY, APRIL 2, 1966 1 VIETNAM--mere sention of that unfortumate country immediately evokes 6 grim picture of death, destruction, and desclation. VIETMAM--the uttering of those three syllables immediately fecuses attention on the problems that lie at the heart of United States foreign pplicy-how best to meet the ever-pressing challenge of world communism and help satisfy the rising expectations of long-suffering peoples. The struggle in Vistman is, of course, twefold. It is a war that anot be fought on two broad fronts-the military and the social. The milizery struggle cannot really be von unless the basic economic and social needs of the people can be net. Republisons agree with the avowed objectives of the Administration on Vistnam-to thwart Communist aggression so the South Vietnamese can live is freedom and independence. We agree with efforts to achieve this kind of a settlement at the comference table. We agree, 100, that we must sccept the results of any free, supervised South Vistnamess elections following a settlement at the comference table--whatever these results might be. However, I emphasize that the elections must be free and carefully supervised. Republicans are firaly opposed to any proposal that representatives of the National Liberation Front--which is just that, a front--be given seats in a coalition government to be imposed on the South Vietnamese. I can't understand why President Johnson has not repudiated this type BERALO FORD FIBRARY settlement, as Vice President Numphrey has done. (MORE) -2- WAGNER COLLEGE SPEECH - POREIGN POLICY While supporting the President generally on Vietnam, we Republicans feel it our duty as the loyal opposition to point to weak spots in Administration handling of that situation: 1. We are continuing to pour more and more men into Vietnam and yet we med Way was are not making fully effective use of our conventional air and sea power. There are plans in the Pentagon to increase our troop commitment in Vietnam to as much as 300,000 or 400,000 from the present 235,000. There is danger that if we try to match the enemy on a purely manpower basis, we will be drawn into a huge land war in Asia with Red China as the'ultimate opponent. The most men we had in Kores at the height of the war there was 125,000. 1. The Administration has made many mistakes on the polítical scene in Vietnam, and the unrest that has followed has interfered greatly with proper matular prosecution of the war by the Vietnamese government. 10 may be that President Johnson's quickie conference with Prime Minister Ky at Homolulu was instrumental in fomenting the troubles that currently are shaking the Ky government. 2. We are critical, too, of the constant attempts by President Johnson to lay the Vietnam war at the door of his two predecessors in office--President and Kisenhower and the late President Kennedy. We all know that President Johnson has made decisions while in office that have greatly magnified the United States presence in South Vietnam until now we have "Yankee Go Home" demonstrations there. I am not saying American help should have been withheld. I am simply sayang the President should own up to the fact that this is an undeclared war which HE is runningx as the elected commander-in-chief. BERALOR FORD LIBRARY (MORE) +3- WAGNER COLLEGE SPEECH FOREIGN POLICY I might also point out that U. S. forces now are spread this in the world because of our heavy involvement in Vietnam. Yet Defense Secretary Robert S. McNamara contends that divisions which have been depleted by deployment of men to Vietnam are stronger than ever. I find that kind of statement difficult to fathom. There also has been a continuous shift of men and materiel from Europe to we wort aggression in Victura We Repobt Vietnam over a period of more than 18 months. As a result our combat readiness in Buscope currently is at a lower level than at any time since before the Berlin that belies ground forces 400 disparated chows, the President / crisis of 1961. pay steeer hood on aduses / Johns Chicks of Statt, 1 advice would Clearly, we were not ready in Fabruary, 1965, to make the tremendous stepup in air and respower workhich 1 in aid that we have since given South Vietnam. The sensequence has been an w Hgire: The Pottow ew result would to chas Lever HOUL4 imperiling of our positionix in Europe, accentuated by France's impending and ordered into Battley withdrawal from the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. Let me talk now about the foreign aid program because, as I mentioned earlier, a campaign to win over the hearts and minds of the South Vietnamese is vital in our continuing struggle with world communism. Let me interject here, too, that our struggle with world communism is a ceaseless one only because the big powers will it so. I have seen films depicting the efforts of our people in Vietnam to work with the South Vietnamese in harvesting rice crops and promoting good health and sanitation programs. Many of our people are doing an excellent job, but the total effort falls far short of the mark. This is particularly true in the area of health and medicine. I can tell you on the basis of a first-hand report DO me by an American surgeon who recently completed & voluntary tour of duty among South Vietnamese (MORE) 7. WAGNER COLLEGE SPEECH - FOREIGN POLICY about in considering a possible U. S. policy change involving Red China because the Red Chinese insist on being shut off from the rest of the world. It may be that exchange programs, carefully screened for jokers and against one-sidedness, would be useful in acquainting Red China with the Free World in general and with America in particular. But if Humphrey is talking about diplomatic recognition of Red China in the near future and for admission of Red China to the United Nations, then he is pursuing a sadly mistaken course. what is involved in trying to get Red China to adopt somewhat the kind of "peaceful co-existence" policy theoretically being pursued by the Soviet Ucion in its relations with the U. S.7 If we can believe the Red Chinese rulers, they don't want U. S. recognition or admission to the UN unless Taivan's membership in the UN is withdrawn, the U. S. is branded by the UN as the aggressor in the Korean War, U. S. protection 10 withdrawn from Formosa (Taiwan), and Formosa is surrendered to Red China. The Republican view of Red China is that we must continue to contain her and to frustrate by various means all her attempts to extend her sphere of influence in Asia. When I say by various means," I am saying that open warfare is not necessarily the tool that must be employed. War is always the last resort of & peace-loving nation like ours. It 18 ridiculous to talk about U. S. recognition of Red China or admission of Red China to the UN because we certainly are not going to meet the aforementioned conditions laid down by the Red Chinese. we are not going to abandon Formosa to them. GERALD LIBRARY (MORE)