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Input - Richard Cheney
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Input - Richard Cheney
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Michael Raoul-Duval Papers
Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter Debates Files
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Presidential campaign, 1976
Debates and debating
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The original documents are located in Box 29, folder "Input - Richard Cheney" of the
Michael Raoul-Duval Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Michael Raoul-Duval donated to the
United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives
collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in
the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are
presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject
to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
9/14 Cheney, Baker, Balley, Greener, Jones.
Spencer.
find out what Cannthers
told Newsweek
Feeter 2 voter Qs
(
is P smart enough
FORD LIBRARY & 928839
2
is carter for real -or - flakly
P gring after Carter
c
use humor
2
occasionally say Now that is wrong."
"that is a very serious evror..."
:
P must take notes while Carter
talking
need to come up w/ one-luiers.
get veto statistic from Greener
# Carter vetues as govenor
plus avg. /gean.
P. has to laugh.
when Juney Can ter says wage t
+ will hune at and by ^ price
controls - burness new rains
pring
when P says t
FORD is LIBRARY CERALO
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 8, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DICK CHENEY
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
FROM:
MIKE DUVAL Mike
SUBJECT:
DEBATES
Dick, I hate to raise this problem with you, but Bill
Carruthers called me and said that Don Penny had called
Carruthers' office (here at the White House) this morning
and said that he will be directing the President in pre-
paration for the debates, and that these orders came
from the President himself. Penny demanded that Dorance
Smith (of Carruthers' office) advise him of where the
negotiations are vis-a-vis staging, cameras, etc.
If Don does assume such a role, we will likely lose
Carruthers. I feel very strongly that such a trade-off
would be enormously harmful for the President.
In addition, I believe it could be destructive to have
Don involved in the negotiations. Barry Jagoda (Carter's
television man) is volatile enough as it is, and any involve-
ment by Don could be very disruptive.
It may very well be that there is a constructive role for
Don. For example, once we go through some rehearsals with
the President, Don could quietly review the tapes and sug-
gest to the President where his answers could be improved.
I nevertheless think it's crucial, in terms of a public
perception (any involvement by Don will get into print),
that he have a very limited, in-house role or none at all.
I think Bill is the best man to stay in control of the TV
preparation. In addition, it's important to recognize that
we're not dealing with a set speech situation. The President
should have certain ideas implanted in his mind in terms of
response, and certainly should be given certain techniques
to use, but the more natural he is in responding, the better
he is going to come across.
In terms of the use of our people, particularly Bill, I
think we need to get the Penny thing resolved. I'll have
to rely on you for this.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 3, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DICK CHENEY
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
FROM:
MIKE DUVAL
SUBJECT:
DEBATES
The following is the status of our negotiations with the
League and Carter people concerning location and physical
setup.
Bill Carruthers and I spent considerable time talking to
Jim Karayn (the League's Project Director for the debate),
and I also talked to Dean Burch and Charlie Walker con-
cerning site location.
As a result, the League Steering Group has formally recom-
mended the following sites to both sides:
1st Debate: Philadelphia (Independence Hall, Carpenter
Hall or Walnut Street Theatre are the most
realistic options.)
If Philadelphia does not work out, the
alternative is New York City's Cooper Union
Auditorium.
2nd Debate: Opera Hall, San Francisco
3rd Debate: Midwest (probably St. Louis or Chicago)
(V.P.)
4th Debate: Williamsburg (probably at Williams and
Mary College)
As you can see, all the sites for the Presidential debates
have some historical significance. Philadelphia has the
obvious Bicentennial image, the Opera Hall in San Francisco
was used as the first location for the United Nations and
thus is appropriate for the foreign policy debate, and
Williamsburg has clear historical significance.
2
I recommend that we advise the League that Philadelphia,
San Francisco and Williamsburg appear all right to us
subject to onsite surveys by our team (consisting princi-
pally of Duval, Carruthers and Cavaney).
Approve
Disapprove
As to production details, we have recommended to the League
that they hire Imero Fiorentino to do the television pro-
duction. "Imy" is a long-time associate of Carruthers,
and Bill says he's the best in the business. The League
has indicated that it is anxious to consider Fiorentino,
and the Carter people have shown interest also.
FORD LIBRARY is GERALD
Wtq. w/ DICK Cheney
must stress points P wants to make
we must thank the what Carter
is going to do- TACTICS.
this whend - Carter Quota Book
Criteria win /loose
how - will at be judged ?
P. thinks cuteria well he
who more specific -
issues.
give him scoring pour to
people watching TV will
use;
*
Meet of P on how to win
debates early next week
Spencer, Barley
#
E Editors
Bryce Harlow
Don
GERALD R. FORD LIBRARY
ITems to cover with DICK CHENOY
Freday , Sent 3
1) Location memo
(Note: need decisions)
2) Brueling Assignments
3) P's Preparation should someone be Schedule with the P. as he reviews topes ?
4) Panel h Selection Process
meeting saturday
Greener
Nesson
11 Gergen
BERALD R. FORD
pm
Dural
Frencer
5)
Mtg. w/ Dick Tresday
Ea 8/24)
Sidlinger polls - gerger make contact
ident key news
Action
Teddy white clanter
Breeling Books
FORDO & LIBRARY 076870
ACTION
gergen day to
/ week
then I screen + re. wr, 10
I deal dreatly of Pat
Budana - no one
no
should know.
Pre-manket Testing - NO
*
get agreement not to use debate
film in Ads.
- Carter sond -
Reharsal - Questioner tough Qx
- dry rem week
A Vechio Tage for P
-all of 1.5 debate (2FK-RN)
- selections of Carter debates
@
Pre-Coup. Statement
& draft
of
Pt Chancy available Lunch
tomorrow
*
Indian University
Kraus
agme
on '60 debates
*
get panel (Lynn, hearspon, Cannon,
Scowaft ?) to see Conter debate tope
A Dave Kenerly photo of
negotiations w/ Carter People
Carruthers
* we should num Canter
debates tape for our
issues group for their
analysis + Q + A.
&
TANS: show Jackson Conter
(good amalogue to P)
I draft
Public Statement for Ruck
ORENING commate for negotiations
FORD i LIBRARY GERALD
[cas/22/76] file
AGENDA
Meeting on Debates
1:00 PM, Cheney's House
Vail, Colorado
Purpose:
To identify key issues which must be addressed as
we prepare to negotiate and plan the debates.
Order of Discussion:
1. Time, place, number
2. Format
3. Physical set-up
4. TV coverage
5. Press
6. Ads
7. Preparation
8. Negotiations
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
Agenda:
1. Number, time, place
Time:
League of Women Voters have suggested September 28 (St. Louis),
weeks of October 11th and 2nd and 4th debate with the
V.P. candidates.
Interval
Time of day (9:30 Eastern?)
Place:
League proposes St. Louis and others in different regions of the
Nation.
Should we try for D.C.? Other places?
-2-
2. Format
-- Panel of newsmen?
how many
who (TV, newspaper, magazines
how choose
How does debate proceed?
Opening statement
Questions (length -- 30 sec.)
Answer (length -- 2 min. ?)
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
Response (length -- 1 min. ?)
Closing statement
Can candidates have notes, books, visual aides, staff?
Length
1 hour, 90 minutes, 2 hours
Subjects
Defense policy
Domestic policy
economic policy
ethics, morality
government
3. Physical Set UP
Where? Studio or meeting room or auditorium?
Audience ?
Staging
President and Carter
- -3-
stand/sit
podium
proximity
Panel of Newsmen
Cameras
Pool or unilateral coverage
Keep on speaker ? Allow
? Commen tary?
Use of teleprompter?
Make-up -- no press coverage
4. TV Coverage
Do we need a sponsor?
Who?
How do we deal with networks?
Do we insist on pool vs. unilateral coverage?
Will we have use of tapes to use in our campaign?
Should go for symntanious broadcast -- all nets, PBS and independents?
Should we offer to buy the time on a 50/50 basis with Carter?
5. Press
No annpuncements from anyone unless cleared.
Do we portray the President as a probably winner?
-4-
Press plan for:
-- debate preparation
- - First debate
-- other aspects
6. Ads
Should we tag our ads to "proms" debates; raise questions?
Use of debate tapes in our ads immediately following debates
7. Preparation
Research
-- on debates
-- on Carter
-- on issues
TV consultant, et al.
FORD is LIBRARY 938870
Briefing Books
Draft statement, debate points
Preparation time on schedule
Identify key images we must project -- Teeter et al.
Rehersals
8. Negotiations
Thursday meeting
-- do we attend
-- who
-- public statement
Substantive positions (see preceeding)
8/22 MT9. w/ Dick
re: Debates
Teeter, chanock, Deardorf Nessen, Jones,
Greener, Bailey, Spencer Greener,
fores, Cheney, Dural.
P should come out - more knowledgeally,
stable, experienced, sensitive,
Compassion
Move Carter to traditional Democratic
positions.
Barley RN talked to JFK
JFI talked to TV audrence.
- must get down to 2 n1 + 3 lead
/
questions.
GERALD R FORD
Nesson- answers to Qs. are NOT n key;
Style + personality are key.
Key: must be follow- on questions.
this will be Carter's undoing.
Jones: must get P to deal w/ Vision + future
- Flourney - Brown debates
Decision
- NO Audience
2
- Time: Open , at least $ a hour
probably more.
- should noe pand of newsman
- must be seasoned + experienced
4
- Must be follow up Qs. (2 at least)
5
oraning ag fortment - yr (2min)
closing "
- yes
G
no notes, staff, statements
etc. man alone
hold
just black pad.
aploy
Palling thes't
no use
2
lumit subjects to policy areas
Economy
Foreign / Defense
Domartic /social
opten
-
4 delates
Foreign Puliary to Intented Economics
Defense
Economic
Domestic
ORDER>
* palmed
- Foreign / Delense
- Defense
- Economic
- Domester
- Domesto
- Economy
- Foreign Policy
Time
First - 8th sent
22nd Sent
- 6th Oct. (about)
LAST). 3rd week October ( Oct2
Place
begin in D.C.
then throughout country
Chicago
Avoid West Coast)
Place -
- studeo
-no - audiend
- Miderstor next to Press
- Pool coverage
comeras on speaker only
(see notes)
/
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
*
Do OPTIONS Paper for P.
by to morrow A.M.
Regotiator
/
Ruck
2
Bill Rodgers
FORDO is LIBRARY GERALD
Moderators
use Network anchormen
Reasnor
Cronkite
Chancellor
Mc Neill
Pannels
3054
2.,2xpirts
1 1 Region Region dit
[ca 8/22/76]
AGENDA
Meeting on Debates
1:00 PM, Cheney's House
Vail, Colorado
Purpose:
To identify key issues which must be addressed as
we prepare to negotiate and plan the debates.
Order of Discussion:
1. Time, place, number
2. Format
3. Physical set-up
4. TV coverage
5. Press
6. Ads
7. Preparation
8. Negotiations
Agenda:
1. Number, time, place
Time:
?
League of Women Voters have suggested September 28 (St. Louis),
weeks of October 11th and 2nd and 4th debate with the
V.P. candidates.
Interval
Time of day (9:30 Eastern?)
Place:
League proposes St. Louis and others in different regions of the
Nation.
Should we try for D.C.? Other places?
FORD & LIBRARY CERALD
-2-
2. Format
Panel of newsmen?
how many
who (TV, newspaper, magazines
how choose
How does debate proceed?
Opening statement
Questions (length - -- 30 sec.)
Answer (length -- 2 min. ?)
Follow up a
Response (length - - 1 min. ?)
Closing statement
Can candidates have notes, books, visual aides, staff?
Length
1 hour, 90 minutes, 2 hours
Subjects
Foreign Defense policy
Domestic policy
economic policy
ethics, morality -
NO
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
government
3. Physical Set Up
Where? Studio or meeting room or auditorium?
Audience?
Staging
President and Carter
-3- -
stand/sit
podium
proximity
Panel of Newsmen
FORD i LIBRARY GERALD
Cameras
Pool or unilateral coverage
Keep on speaker Allow
? Commen tary?
Use of teleprompter?
no
Make-up - - no press coverage
4. TV Coverage
Do we need a sponsor?
LWV
How Who? do deal with networks? - our +V Rep. ceague of
we
puo
/
Do we insist on pool vs. unilateral coverage?
yes
-
Will we have use of tapes to use in our campaign?
you
Should go for symntanious broadcast -- all nets, PBS and independents?
Should we offer to buy the time on a 50/50 basis with Carter?
5. Press
thru
No annpuncements from anyone unless cleared
cherry
Do we portray the President as a probably winner?
-4-
Press plan for:
hold
- - debate preparation
- - First debate
-- other aspects
6. Ads
hold
Should we tag our ads to "proms" promos debates; raise questions?
Use of debate tapes in our ads immediately following debates
7. Preparation
Research
-- on debates
- - on Carter
-- on issues
hold
TV consultant, et al.
FORD is LIBRARY 9ERALD
Briefing Books
Draft statement, debate points
Preparation time on schedule
Identify key images we must project -- Teeter et al.
Rehersals
8. Negotiations
Thursday meeting
Ruck ?
-- do we attend
-- who
-- public statement
Substantive positions (see preceeding)
Some items in this folder were not digitized because it contains copyrighted
materials. Please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library for access to
these materials.
October 20, 1976
Dear Bill:
Just a quick note to acknowledge
receipt of the November issue of the
American Nunter and your note. Thanks
for sending it over.
Best regards,
Sincerely,
Richard B. Cheney
Assistant to the President
FORD & 070870 LIBRARY
The Honorable William E. Timmons
President
Timmons and Company, Incorporated
1776 F Street, NW.
Washington, D. C. 20006
RBC:MD:em
bee: w/copy of incmg to RR PEC thru Jim Field, Mike Duval.
EDITORIAL REPORT
The Election Vs. You As A Hunter
By Ashley Halsey, Jr.
All of you sports hunters except
quire identification cards or permits
Director,
the bowmen do your hunting with
to buy or own rifles and shotguns.
NRA Publications Division
firearms Wrapped 4477 in this Presi-
Hawaii and the District of Columbia
dential election, to some undefinable
also register long arms.
degree and possibly very much so, is
With trends such ns that afoot, it
You as a hunter may well wonder
the future of firearms ownership.
becomes logical to look and see where
whether the Presidential election
You keep hearing assurances that
the major Presidential candidates
Nov. 2 can affect your favorite sport
no matter what happens to hand-
stand on the whole firearms control
and the future of hunting.
guns and even if they go down the
issue. Elsewhere in these pages, we
While this report cannot present
drain, nobody will touch your rifles
publish by way of information state-
you with a crystal-ball view of that
and shotguns. Most such assurances
ments by both candidates and their
future, it can offer facts and point
come from anti-gunners and com-
party platforms.
to "sign."
promisers.
As you can readily see for your-
By the 1977 hunting season, the
At this stage, they assert, they
self, there is one big difference. Mr.
President of the United States will
are not interested in registering or
Carter wants handgun registration.
be either a man named Jerry Ford
seriously restricting rifles and shot-
Mr. Ford wants no registration nor
or a man named Jimmy Carter.
guns. At this stage. Some anti-gun
gun owner licensing of any kind-
Both have given assurances they
leaders such as Congressman John
handgun, rifle or shotgun. And Mr.
will not interfere with your hunt-
Conyers have said as much, indicat-
Ford has signed his name to a state-
ing. On that in itself, I think you
ing there is more to come.
ment to that effect, given directly to
can believe either one. Too, there
But the cold fact is that there are
this writer.
are enough voting hunters to make
already heavy restrictions on hunt-
Soon after each of the candidates
that stick. But there is more to it
ing rifles and shotguns in a half-
was nominated, the NRA magazines
than direct interference or a shut-
dozen states and big cities, with the
asked each for his position on the
down of hunting.
threat of more to come. New York
firearms issue.
City (yes, there are hunters there,
Mr. Ford's views, embodied in
An "Editorial Report" is so called because
good ones) requires a rifle-shotgun
three paragraphs over his personal
it combines news reporting with comment.
permit costing $20 in all, compared
signature, are reprinted in this
The comment is intended primarily to explain
rather than influence.
with $3.50 for a driver's license.
issue of The American Hunter.
The National Rifle Association, which is
Three populous states, Illinois, Mas-
While they may not represent all
politically nonpartisan, has not endorsed any
Presidential candidate nor is this report
sachusetts and New Jersey, plus the
that every gun owner may wish,
intended as an endorsement of anyone.
District of Columbia, already re-
they constitute the strongest en-
Mr. Ford's Statement On Firearms In Full
The White House
isting statutes already on the law
I will oppose any attempt to de-
Washington
books to adequately punish the vio-
prive law-abiding citizens of their
lent criminal. If judges remain re-
traditional freedom to own firearms.
September 14, 1976
luctant to use existing statutes to
I believe in punishing only those
punish violent criminals, there can
who commit crimes. I am unalter-
Dear Mr. Halsey:
be little hope that the nation's prob-
ably opposed to the federal registra-
I have studied carefully the views
lems will be solved by the passage
tion of guns or the licensing of gun
of the gun owners of America. Let
of still more laws.
owners. It has been my long-held
me say from the outset that we
I found most enlightening the
belief that these measures would be
share many points of view. I believe
arguments you raised concerning
futile in attempting to stop the
that America's decent citizens have
the attempts to define the so-called
criminals. Those who intend to use
had to pay far too much both in
"Saturday Night Special." Your
guns for criminal purposes will
economic and human terms for the
discussion of the subtleties and the
never conform to legal require-
anti-social acts of a relatively few
implications of the terms presently
ments of any sort.
criminals. It is my view that the
used shows a thorough understand-
In short, it is my intention to
way to reduce violent crime in
ing of the problems encountered in
preserve for future generations the
America is by the use of mandatory
trying to establish clear legislative
time-honored traditional freedoms
sentencing and minimum terms of
definitions. In addition, your state-
that we and our forefathers have
imprisonment for any person con-
ments concerning the possibilities
enjoyed throughout our 200-year
victed of using or carrying a hand-
for harassment by federal employ-
history.
gun, or any other weapon, in the
ees are interesting. I will keep these
commissión of a crime. Unfortu-
points in mind when considering
Sincerely,
nately, our judicial system today
the impact of any future legislation
has failed to use the numerous ex-
in this area.
Gerald R. Ford
NOVEMBER 1976
11
October 22, 1976
Dear Mr. and Mrs. Olsen:
I appreciated seeing the copy of the
message which you and your friends have
sent to President Ford.
The President was pleased to know of
your thoughtful interest in this evening's
debate, and you can be sure that your
comments about the issue of inflation will
be considered.
Best regards to you and those who joined
you in sending the mailgram.
Sincerely,
Richard B. Cheney
Assistant to the President
FORD LIBRARY is
Mr. and Mrs. Arthur J. Olsen
448 Lake Shore Drive
Chicago, Illinois 60613
bec: w/copy of incoming to Mike Duval, P
PFC
Jim Field
RBC:MD:mlg
TATES
POSTA
MAILGRAM SERVICE CENTER
MIDDLETOWN, VA. 22645
western union
Mailgram®
UNITED
SERVICE
U.S.MAIL
2-000130E291 10/17/76 ICS IPMBNGZ CSP WSHB
3129446432 MGM TDBN CHICAGO IL 300 10-17 0010A EST
RICHARD CHANEY
WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON DC 20500
HAVE JUST SENT THE FOLLOWING MESSAGE TO THE PRESIDENT HOPE YOU CAN
ASSURE THAT IT REACHES HIM: DEAR MR PRESIDENT, WE SUPPORT YOU AND
SUGGEST YOU HIT THE INFLATIONS MUCH HARDER AT THE DEBATE NEXT FRIDAY.
NUMBER 1 INFLATION IS THE PRIME ISSUE. NUMBER 2 LET THE PEOPLE KNOW
THAT YOUR RECORD AND PLATFORM ARE LESS INFLATIONARY THAN CARTER'S. THE
PUBLIC STILL DOES NOT UNDERSTAND THAT BIG GOVERNMENT SPENDING AND
DEFICITS ARE INFLATIONARY. NUMBER 3 WORLDWIDE INFLATION SINCE 1973 WAS
CAUSED BY THE ENERGY CRISIS. THE USA HAS SURVIVED BETTER THAN ANY
COUNTRY EXCEPT WEST GERMANY. EVEN THE SOCIALIST COUNTRIES ARE BEING
HIT HARD. NUMBER 4 TELL THE PUBLIC HOW MUCH WORSE THE PROBLEM WOULD
BE IF YOU HADNT VETOED so MANY BIG SPENDING BILLS. NUMBER 5 AT LEAST
25 MILLION AMERICANS ARE ON FIXED INCOME AND ARE BEING CRUCIFIED BY
INFLATION. THEIR HARD EARNED RETIREMENT IS BEING CONFISCATED BY
INFLATION. AT LEAST 10 MILLION MORE PEOPLE, ABOUT TO RETIRE, AND THEIR
FAMILIES ARE EQUALLY CONCERNED EVEN THOSE ON UNEMPLOYMENT AND WELFARE
ARE BEING HURT. NUMBER 6 ALERT THE YOUNG VOTERS THAT UNLESS INFLATION
IS CONTROLLED THE BURDEN OF SUPPORTING THEIR RETIRED PARENTS AND
GRANDPARENTS WILL BE ON THEIR BACKS.
YOUR CONCERNED SUPPORTERS, ARTHUR AND MARILYN OLSEN-CHICAGO, DR THOMAS
AND SANDY AINSWORTH- CHICAGO, / DON AND DOTTIE HAMRIN-CHICAGO, FRANK AND
MILLIE TAUSSIG-OKLAHOMA CITY
ARTHUR J OLSEN
448 LAKE SHORE DR
CHICAGO IL 60613
00811 EST
FORD LIBRARY is GERALD
MGMCOMP MGM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 20, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DICK CHENEY
FROM:
MIKE DUVAL
SUBJECT:
Debate Preparation.
I think it would be useful for the President to spend two
half hour sessions this afternoon, one on urban problems
(to include crime, blacks, teenage unemployment, housing
and the like), and the other on the economic situation.
The purpose of both sessions would be to discuss how the
President presents his positions during the last debate.
The purpose is not to give him new information.
I recommend the following be present as indicated below:
1. Urban problems. Jim Cannon, Mike Duval, Stu Spencer,
Bob Teeter, and Doug Bailey.
2. Economic problems. Alan Greenspan, Mike Duval,
Stu Spencer, Bob Teeter, and Doug Bailey.
Obviously, you may wish to sit in on these. I think the
sessions should be held today during the late afternoon.
APPROVE:
DISAPPROVE:
SEE ME:
FORD LIBRARY & CERALD
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 20, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DICK CHENEY
FROM:
MIKE DUVAL
SUBJECT:
Debate Preparation.
I think it would be useful for the President to spend two
half hour sessions this afternoon, one on urban problems
(to include crime, blacks, teenage unemployment, housing
and the like), and the other on the economic situation.
The purpose of both sessions would be to discuss how the
President presents his positions during the last debate.
The purpose is not to give him new information.
I recommend the following be present as indicated below:
1. Urban problems. Jim Cannon, Mike Duval, Stu Spencer,
Bob Teeter, and Doug Bailey.
2. Economic problems. Alan Greenspan, Mike Duval,
Stu Spencer, Bob Teeter, and Doug Bailey.
Obviously, you may wish to sit in on these. I think the
sessions should be held today during the late afternoon.
APPROVE:
DISAPPROVE:
SEE ME:
FORD LIBRARY y GERALD
October 20, 1976
Dear Carl:
We're making preparations for an extended
trip prior to the election, hopefully to
incorporate some of the good ideas in your
October 18 letter. Consequently, time
for comment is limited, but I do want you
to know that we greatly appreciate your
helpful interest.
Best regards,
Sincerely,
Richard B. Cheney
Assistant to the President
The Honorable Carl L. Shipley
President
Williams County Broadcasting
System, Inc.
1108 National Press Building
FORD is LIBRARY GERALD
Washington, D. C. 20045
RBC:MD:em
bcc: w/copy of incmg to Mike Duval, Foster Channock,
PFC thru Jim Field
WILLIAMS COUNTY BROADCASTING
BRYAN, OHIO
WBNO 1520 ON YOUR AM DIAL
WBNO-FM 100.9 ON YOUR FM DIAL
SYSTEM, Inc.
ABC NETWORK
THREE RIVERS, MICHIGAN
CARL L. SHIPLEY, President
WLKM 1510 ON YOUR AM DIAL
WLKM-FM 95.9 ON YOUR FM DIAL
MBS NETWORK
REPLY TO:
1108 NATIONAL PRESS BUILDING
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20045
HUNTINGTON, INDIANA
202-783-1647
WHLT 1300 ON YOUR AM DIAL
WHLT-FM 103.1 ON YOUR FM DIAL
MBS NETWORK
October 18, 1976
Honorable Richard B. Cheney
Deputy Assistant to the President
The White House
Washington, D. C. 20500
Dear Dick:
Among my various activities, I am involved in ownership of
some radio stations in the Midwest. The manager of WLKM, Three Rivers,
Michigan, told me this morning that he had run a 50-minute radio poll on
Ford VS. Carter, and covered 210 telephone calls which divided 106 for
Jerry and 104 for Carter.
All of our stations are doing all they can on a private
basis, and this seems to be the picture in Indiana and Ohio, where the
other stations are located just about even.
It is extremely important that the President step up the
attack, not in a petty or mean way, but boldly challenging Carter just as
he has been doing in the areas of defense, taxation and on the issues which
strike terror to the hearts of the average voter -- his inexperience, pro-
posed tax increases, threatened inflation increases, more bureaucrats, and
more welfare.
You are doing a great job -- -- pour it on!
Sincerely yours,
honorible
Carl
Carl L. Shipley
CLS
h
GERALD FORD LIBRARY
SERVING NORTHWEST OHIO, NORTHEAST INDIANA AND SOUTHERN MICHIGAN
October 20, 1986
Dear Mr. Sieverts:
Thank you for your courtesy in
forwarding Mr. Black's letter to
my office. I will see that it is
brought to the President's attention.
Best regards,
Sincerely,
Richard B. Cheney
Assistant to the President
FORD is LIBRARY 078870
Mr. Frank A. Sieverts
Deputy Coordinator for
Humanitarian Affairs
Department of State
Washington, D.C. 20520
bcc: w/cc of inc to M. Duval
bcc: w/cc of inc to PFC via Jim Field
RBC:MD:jem
OF STATE
THE
Washington, D.C. 20520
October 16, 1976
Mr. Richard Cheney
Assistant to the President
The White House
Washington, D.C.
Dear Mr. Cheney:
Jack Black, who I saw at the Board of
Governors meeting of the American Red Cross
today, asked me to send you the enclosed
letter, with his regards.
Sincerely,
Fund Signarts.
Frank A. Sieverts
Deputy Coordinator for
Humanitarian Affairs
Enclosure:
As stated
October 20, 1976
Dear Mr. Cumby:
Thank you for your letter of October 18
regarding the debates between the
President and Mr. Carter. Your thoughtful
interest in this matter is appreciated,
and you can be sure that your views will
be considered.
Best regards,
Sincerely,
Richard B. Cheney
Assistant to the President
Mr. Bert Cumby
8201 16th Street
FORD i LIBRARY 076835
Silver Spring, Maryland 20910
bcc: w/cc of inc to Mike Duval
bcc: w/ccof inc to PFC thru Jim Field
RBC:MD:jem
8201 - 16th Street
Silver Spring, Maryland 20910
October 18, 1976
Honorable Richard B. Cheney
Assistant to the President
The White House
Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Cheney:
I spent the week-end in New Jersey, and while there, I had
dinner with a correspondent of one of the Big Three networks, who observed
Jimmy Carter for about a month in connection with a special assignment
for his network in which he covered the Democratic Presidential nominee.
The correspondent made some interesting comments relative to the debates
in which The President and Carter have engaged. Several of the comments
are considered significant, and are forwarded to you for your information.
They are:
1 - The President should "win" this third and last debate, and
he should "win" it big and decisively.
2 - The President should have a precise "game plan" or strategy,
that puts Jimmy Carter on the defensive from the moment The
FORD i LIBRARY 938870
President makes his opening remarks until his closing state-
ment.
3 - The President's strategy should be implemented by aggressively
and effectively implying, if not specifically saying, that
Jimmy Carter not only lacks executive experience and stature
to qualify him for President of the United States, but that
Jimmy Carter lacks a clear knowledge and understanding of
the relationship between The Presidency and the Legislative
and Judicial branches of the United States Government, and
between The Presidency and the constitutional responsibilities
of the numerous independent agencies of the United States
Government.
(Note) The President should give one or two examples
of this lack of knowledge and understanding such
as Taxes, Crime and the responsible elements for
laws governing them, and implemention of enforce-
ment.
4 - The President should, at the beginning of the debate, remind
Jimmy Carter that he has visited all sections of the country,
giving the personal impression, that he is some kind of un-
defined super leader, a Franklin Roosevelt, a Harry Truman. and
John Kennedy, all wrapped up in one James Carter. The President
2
should point out, that the public record reflects that
Mr. Carter is a former Governor, of which there are many
whose records as Governors of their respective states,
compare favorably with his record as Governor of Georgia
to which former Governor Carter has referred. The President
should also point out that the public record shows that
Mr. Carter is a middle-level businessman, of which there are
thousands in our great economic system, who inherited family
businesses. Their records of successful operation of in-
herited family businesses compare favorably with that record
in business to which Mr. Carter refers, should be stated by
The President.
(Note) The President should follow the above with a
suggestion that Jimmy Carter use the occasion
of the third debate to tell the news panel, and
the American people, precisely what those personal
and professional qualities of leadership are, and
the supporting experiences, other than Governor
and businessman, upon which he alleges to be a
super leader, with all of the leadership
qualities of a Franklin Roosevelt, a Harry Truman
and a John Kennedy. The President should not
allow this suggestion to be ignored by Carter,
and should keep it alive until The President
feels the explanation by Carter is sufficient.
5 - The President should remind Jimmy Carter of the numerous
campaign speeches he has made about taxes and tax reforms,
and suggest that Carter use the third debate to give a
precise explanation of how he would initiate a new tax
program, and, state specifically, the distribution of the
tax burden on elements of the population.
(Note) Carter has never been able to give a clear
explanation of his tax reforms. He is considered
very weak on this point, and The President should
insist on an explanation, which some say, could
make Carter appear ignorant of this vital
responsibility of government and of the people.
6 - The President should remind Carter of the hostility which the
Democratic Presidential nominee, and the Democratic Party have
shown toward American business, big and little. He should state
that the American economic system, with all of its imperfections,
have produced the highest standard of living for its people of
any nation on earth.
(Note) The President might consider asking such
questions as -
3
Without our economic system of big and little
businesses, what would be the source of income
of workers for homes, education of their children,
and the physical comforts of life which they
enjoy?
Without our ecomic system of big and little
businesses, what would be the source of individual
and organization wealth of the American labor
leaders and labor organizations?
Without our economic system of big and little
businesses, what would be the source of enormous
funds which labor leaders often use in supporting
political candidates, some of whom are not the
choice of the rank and file?
The above is forwarded in support of our all-out effort to elect
President Ford to a full four-year term as President of the United States,
over the most degrading political demagogue in the history of American
politics.
Sincerely,
Bert Cumby
October 19, 1976
Dear Tom:
Once again, thanks for submitting
your ideas on the election campaign.
As you know, we appreciate your views.
Best regards,
Sincerely,
Richard B. Cheney
Assistant to the President
The Honorable Thomas J. Houser
Director
Office of Telecommunications Policy
Room 770
1800 G Street, NW.
Washington, D. C. 20504
RBC:MD:em
bec: w/copy of incmg to PFC thru Jim Field, Mike Duval.
Tly
Thomas J. Houser
Office of Telecommunications
Policy
1800 G Street, N. W.
Room 770
Washington, D. C. 20504
October 15, 1976
Honorable Richard B. Cheney
Assistant to the President
The White House
Washington, D. C. 20500
Dear Dick:
I feel very strongly that in the last 14 days of
this campaign the President needs to attack
FORD is LIBRARY 97V830
Carter on the basis of his judgment (as the record
clearly shows his judgment to be very bad), and
on the basis of trust and Carter's lack of it.
I think you attack trust on the basis of Carter's
obvious tendency to be sanctimonious in his pro-
fessions of love and God and yet it is very clear,
as one observes his campaign, that he is devious
and capable of mudslinging.
I think an attack based on judgment and trust can
give the President back once again the momentum
which, I think, he lost last week and can carry
him to victory on November 2nd.
All best wishes,
Prin
Thomas J. Houser
Honorable
CC: Donald H. Rumsfeld
Honorable
F. Lynn May
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 19, 1976
FORD is LIBRARY 07V800
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DICK CHENEY
JERRY JONES
FROM:
MIKE DUVAL
SUBJECT:
Visit to Bedford-Stuyvesant
Subject to further checking by the Advance office and others,
(principally Jim Cannon), I recommend that the President briefly
tour Bedford-Stuyvesant enroute from the JFK Airport to downtown
New York and the A1 Smith dinner this coming Thursday.
I perceive the following reasons for doing this:
1. It will be helpful to the President during the last
debate. I expect there to be considerable focus
during this debate (from the panel and Carter) on
the problems of the cities, blacks, structural
unemployment, crime and the like. I think it will
be very helpful for the President to be able to
refer in an anecdotal fashion to his personal
knowledge of the problems of the big cities. The
Bedford-Stuyvesant area symbolizes one of the major
problems we have with unemployment -- that is among
inner-city blacks, particularly black youth -- and
also is an example of a successful partnership between
government and private enterprise to deal with the
urban decay problem. It is my experience that the
President is most effective in dealing with these
complex social issues when he can point to a personal
experience he's had to underscore the points he wants
to make.
2. It may help neutralize the anti-Ford feeling among
blacks. I would defer on this to Stu Spencer and
others but my judgment is that a visit to the black
area, especially with the black project director
as the President's escort, may do a little bit to
discourage active black opposition on election day.
Page 2
3. It may result in some pro-Ford comments from the
Kennedy crowd. This is a Kennedy project and they
certainly have every motive to oppose Carter.
I do not think this trip should be announced in advance, but
rather the head of the Bedford-Stuyvesant operation, Frank Thomas,
(a former New York City policeman, who is black), should be asked
to meet the President at Kennedy Airport and ride with him during
the tour. Obviously, Thomas will have to be checked out.
One symbolic stop should be arranged with no advance word. Let
whatever people that are in the area gather in response to the
presence of the motorcade. The event should take on a serious
tone and avoid any "rally" appearance.
We should carefully think through the possibility of any approach
to Ethel Kennedy on this subject.
Attached is a more detailed analysis of the potential for a visit
to Bedford-Stuyvesant.
FORD is LIBRARY 938830
joao
GERALD
LIBRARY
PRESIDENTIAL VISIT TO BEDFORD-STUYVESANT
1. Why go to Bedford-Stuyvesant. Bedford-Stuyvesant is the
largest black area in New York City, certainly one of the two or
three largest in any American city, depending on one's definition
of the boundaries, from 450,000 to 750,000 people. It is not as
depressed as Harlem or Brownsville, but it has, in full measure,
every classic problem of the center city.
In the circumstances, the first answer is political. Bedford-
Stuyvesant is an attack on the single greatest component of the
unemployment problem -- that is, among inner-city blacks, particu-
larly black youth. To go there is to demonstrate that at least in
one instance, the government of the United States is acting directly
on the problem, not simply sitting and waiting for events. It is
the single credible instance where President Ford can say that he
has any program for dealing with unemployment that predates the elec-
tion campaign (Restoration has continued to receive federal funding
through the Republican years).
And therefore, the visit can have an enormous effect on the
third debate, for obvious reasons. He cannot go on merely negating
and criticizing Carter (though sharp and severe criticism is vital
to the debate). He must lever the criticism with something affirma-
tive. There is little that runs deeper in the American character
than the insistence on being positive: "awright, wise guy, what
would you do?" That is why Carter was perceived as winning the
second debate, although a cool analyst would say that President
Ford "won" the majority of the rounds; Carter sounded like he was
-2-
saying something moral and positive, as if he would act more force-
fully in some undefined way. That is why Democrats win so many
elections. It is a restless country, we are a doing people, and in
the last analysis we tend to choose the active principle. For all
McGovern's blunders, it was probably the opening to China, more than
anything else, that secured Nixon's reelection. So it is vital that
President Ford be seen as doing something other than controlling,
or even cutting, the budget. Supporting Restoration, and expanding
its example to every major American city, is something first-rate
to do.
The visit can have many other effects. In summary:
-- It offers a demonstration that rhetoric about "free enter-
prise" need not be a cover for heartlessness. The strength of the
project is that it does mobilize the great resources of corporate
capital, to aid in the most urgent tasks of the nation.
-- It offers a demonstration that aid to New York City need
not and should not be simply aid to bail out its hopelessly malad-
ministered government. Bedford-Stuyvesant (as Jerry Brown pointed
out most effectively in the primaries) was in deep trouble long
before the city's fiscal crisis; the project was needed precisely
because the city did literally nothing to help for generations.
Right now, the City is attempting to increase taxes on Restoration's
new shopping center -- at the same time that the federal government
is trying to subsidize its builidng:
-- Most of all, a visit and commitment by President Ford would
demonstrate the very qualities that might make him attractive, or
arizo FORD LIBRARY
-3-
acceptable, to moderate voters not enchanted with Carter. It is
a Democratic project, specifically a Kennedy project: Mr. Ford
is not partisan, he recognizes merit wherever it appears, he lis-
tens, he is not afraid to share credit or accept instructions. All
these play directly against the Carter qualities that most disturb.
It tends to close the "compassion gap:" Carter has never been to
Bedford-Stuyvesant, probably because he is: (1) fearful of further
identification with blacks in the campaign; and (2) jealous of a
Kennedy project.
- It also demonstrates that this Administration has not for-
gotten the problems of race, a demonstration that is sorely needed
--- both for the country and for the election. Even those whites most
fearful, and therefore most antagonistic to blacks, do not like them
to be totally ignored. We all know the danger; those of us who live
with the city know that absent an improvement in black conditions, we
are all for the smash. Of course, few welcome them to a new neigh-
borhood, or school, or like paying for welfare. The great political
virtues of Bedford-Stuyvesant Restoration are that it seeks to assist
blacks where they are, in their own communities, and by their own
efforts, not through handouts.
At this point, someone may ask how one project can have so many
political, as well as actual virtues. The answer is that it was
planned that way.
2. What is the Bedford-Stuyvesant Project. The Bedford-
Stuyvesant project -- technically, the Bedford-Stuyvesant Restoration
Corporation -- may be the most ambitious and far-sighted of all the
-4-
poverty/redevelopment projects of the 1960's. Certianly it has
been the outstanding survivor. It was planned, created, and nur-
tured by the enormous personal efforts of the late Robert Kennedy,
from 1966 to 1968. Briefly, he created two private corporations.
One, "Restoration," was all black, formed out of the community,
with a charter to develop jobs, housing, community activities,
training, etc. The other, "Development and Services," was all
white, with a charter to bring the power, resources and knowledge
of the business community to the assistance of Restoration. On
its first board were such men as Benno Schmidt of J. H. Whitney &
Co.; Andre Meyer of Lazard Freres; William Paley of CBA; George
Moore of First National City Bank; David Lilienthal; Tom Watson
of IBM; Roswell Gilpatric; and Senators Kennedy and Javits.
The project received its intial funding from the so-called
"Special Impact Program," (now Title IX.), passed as part of the
Economic Opportunity Act Amendments of 1966 under the cosponsorship
of the two Senators. From the beginning, however its aim was to
"leverage" its government money into vastly greater investment by
pro private enterprise. Thus, for example, Restoration was able to
attract to Bedford-Stuyvesant an IBM assembly plant, to staff it
with workers from the area, and to assist IBM in training them;
IBM's initial investment has proven so successful that they have
just broken ground for a second, $12 million plant, to employ another
1,000-plus local workers, without any federal aid whatever. For
another example, very small Restoration investments helped in the
creation of a Mortgage Pool, financed by a consortium of banks,
-5-
that has made available $100 million in mortgage money. Restora-
tion has never received more than $5 million a year in federal
funding. Yet it has grown every year since its founding, and its
achievements in job development, small business creation (every-
thing from nationally-recognized and marketed textile designs to
automobile dealerships to MacDonald's), housing rehabilitation and
construction, and community pride and well-being must be seen to be
appreciated. Just for the magnitude and permanence of its accom-
plishments, let alone the pittance of federal money involved, it
far outdistances any other project in the United States.
3. What to do there. Bedford-Stuyvesant is not for a rally.
President Ford should arrange simply for a guided tour, followed
by a meeting with the project's director and top staff, with perhaps
some of the Directors (the black and white corporations are now
merged, with a single mixed board). He can and should inspect some
of the projects -- the IBM plant, some housing, the shopping center
-- and see as well the work not yet done, the vast areas of Bedford-
Stuyvesant not yet reached. He need make no speech; he can simply
hold a press conference, perhaps in the auditorium (actually a com-
munity theater built into the headquarters building, which is a
truly elegant and inspiring piece of architecture). He need have,
I believe, no serious concern over demonstrations of any kind. I
repeat, that this is not a "campaign appearance." The payoff will
come on the debate.
4. Possible objections. These are easily disposed of.
0ERALO FORD HIBRARY
-6-
(a) The Democrats get the black vote anyway. Of course.
The audience is not blacks, who vote very little. It is those tens
of millions of whites, many of them bothered by Carter, who yet
cannot bring themselves to vote for a candidate who they think will
do nothing at all for blacks for another four years. That is a
compassionate country, at least when that compassion can be exer-
cised in someone else's neighborhood.
(b) There will be demonstrations. I do not believe SO. If
there are, it is still a political advantage, not a handicap. Again,
what many mistrust about Carter is the feeling that he will brook no
opposition, that to cross him once is to invite four years of hell.
This is, or could be, a welcome reminder that no one has anything to
fear from good guy Jerry Ford: look at that, those spades yelling
at him, but he just goes on smiling, says he understands, and that
he will try to help. Then let people ask themselves which one is
less like Richard Nixon.
(c) It will unbalance the budget. Nothing could be further
from the truth. I repeat that the project's central principle is
that it should not require vast government monies. This one has
cost only $5 million a year. Even double that, and extend the ex-
ample to every major American city, and you are still well under
$250 million a year -- just eliminating the fifth carbon at HEW
could probably save that much. And this $250 million, unlike the
billions envisaged by Humphrey-Hawkins, might actually accomplish
something permanent.
-7-
(d) It is a Democratic project. Indeed it is, though tho-
roughly non-partisan in its theory; Jack Javits and Benno Schmidt
are as Republican as it gets. I repeat that this is a virtue.
Especially is it a virtue when the Democrats with whom it is most
closely identified are the foremost heroes of the party's past --
and so clearly ignored and dishonored by the party's current can-
didate.
Finally in this vein, it is a great opportunity to suggest that
a new Administration would extend its reach beyond the closed cir-
cles of Washington. There is some real talent in this project,
most notably Frank Thomas, its director (Mike O-Neill of the Daily
News thinks Thomas is the man best-qualified by far to be Mayor of
New York, which a black man will not be for some time yet). Nothing
could be better, in the bus leaving Bedford-Stuyvesant, than to muse
with a reporter that that fellow would make a fine cabinet member
-- nothing, that is, except to actually make him one next January.
The first step, of course, is to get elected. The road back
starts at Fulton and Nostrand.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 19, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DICK CHENEY
JERRY JONES
FROM:
MIKE DUVAL
SUBJECT:
Visit to Bedford-Stuyvesant
Subject to further checking by the Advance office and others,
(principally Jim Cannon), I recommend that the President briefly
tour Bedford-Stuyvesant enroute from the JFK Airport to downtown
New York and the A1 Smith dinner this coming Thursday.
I perceive the following reasons for doing this:
1. It will be helpful to the President during the last
debate. I expect there to be considerable focus
during this debate (from the panel and Carter) on
the problems of the cities, blacks, structural
unemployment, crime and the like. I think it will
be very helpful for the President to be able to
refer in an anecdotal fashion to his personal
knowledge of the problems of the big cities. The
Bedford-Stuyvesant area symbolizes one of the major
problems we have with unemployment -- that is among
inner-city blacks, particularly black youth -- and
also is an example of a successful partnership between
government and private enterprise to deal with the
urban decay problem. It is my experience that the
President is most effective in dealing with these
complex social issues when he can point to a personal
experience he's had to underscore the points he wants
to make.
2. It may help neutralize the anti-Ford feeling among
blacks. I would defer on this to Stu Spencer and
others but my judgment is that a visit to the black
area, especially with the black project director
as the President's escort, may do a little bit to
discourage active black opposition on election day.
FORD & LIBRARY
Page 2
3. It may result in some pro-Ford comments from the
Kennedy crowd. This is a Kennedy project and they
certainly have every motive to oppose Carter.
I do not think this trip should be announced in advance, but
rather the head of the Bedford-Stuyvesant operation, Frank Thomas,
(a former New York City policeman, who is black), should be asked
to meet the President at Kennedy Airport and ride with him during
the tour. Obviously, Thomas will have to be checked out.
One symbolic stop should be arranged with no advance word. Let
whatever people that are in the area gather in response to the
presence of the motorcade. The event should take on a serious
tone and avoid any "rally" appearance.
We should carefully think through the possibility of any approach
to Ethel Kennedy on this subject.
Attached is a more detailed analysis of the potential for a visit
to Bedford-Stuyvesant.
FORD LIBRARY is GERALD
LIBRARY
PRESIDENTIAL VISIT TO BEDFORD-STUYVESANT
1. Why go to Bedford-Stuyvesant. Bedford-Stuyvesant is the
largest black area in New York City, certainly one of the two or
three largest in any American city, depending on one's definition
of the boundaries, from 450,000 to 750,000 people. It is not as
depressed as Harlem or Brownsville, but it has, in full measure,
every classic problem of the center city.
In the circumstances, the first answer is political. Bedford-
Stuyvesant is an attack on the single greatest component of the
unemployment problem -- that is, among inner-city blacks, particu-
larly black youth. To go there is to demonstrate that at least in
one instance, the government of the United States is acting directly
on the problem, not simply sitting and waiting for events. It is
the single credible instance where President Ford can say that he
has any program for dealing with unemployment that predates the elec-
tion campaign (Restoration has continued to receive federal funding
through the Republican years).
And therefore, the visit can have an enormous effect on the
third debate, for obvious reasons. He cannot go on merely negating
and criticizing Carter (though sharp and severe criticism is vital
to the debate). He must lever the criticism with something affirma-
tive. There is little that runs deeper in the American character
than the insistence on being positive: "awright, wise guy, what
would you do?" That is why Carter was perceived as winning the
second debate, although a cool analyst would say that President
Ford "won" the majority of the rounds; Carter sounded like he was
-2-
saying something moral and positive, as if he would act more force-
fully in some undefined way. That is why Democrats win so many
elections. It is a restless country, we are a doing people, and in
the last analysis we tend to choose the active principle. For all
McGovern's blunders, it was probably the opening to China, more than
anything else, that secured Nixon's reelection. So it is vital that
President Ford be seen as doing something other than controlling,
or even cutting, the budget. Supporting Restoration, and expanding
its example to every major American city, is something first-rate
to do.
The visit can have many other effects. In summary:
-- It offers a demonstration that rhetoric about "free enter-
prise" need not be a cover for heartlessness. The strength of the
project is that it does mobilize the great resources of corporate
capital, to aid in the most urgent tasks of the nation.
-- It offers a demonstration that aid to New York City need
not and should not be simply aid to bail out its hopelessly malad-
ministered government. Bedford-Stuyvesant (as Jerry Brown pointed
out most effectively in the primaries) was in deep trouble long
before the city's fiscal crisis; the project was needed precisely
because the city did literally nothing to help for generations.
Right now, the City is attempting to increase taxes on Restoration's
new shopping center -- at the same time that the federal government
is trying to subsidize its builidng!
-- Most of all, a visit and commitment by President Ford would
demonstrate the very qualities that might make him attractive, or
-3-
acceptable, to moderate voters not enchanted with Carter. It is
a Democratic project, specifically a Kennedy project: Mr. Ford
is not partisan, he recognizes merit wherever it appears, he lis-
tens, he is not afraid to share credit or accept instructions. All
these play directly against the Carter qualities that most disturb.
It tends to close the "compassion gap:" Carter has never been to
Bedford-Stuyvesant, probably because he is: (1) fearful of further
identification with blacks in the campaign; and (2) jealous of a
Kennedy project.
-- It also demonstrates that this Administration has not for-
gotten the problems of race, a demonstration that is sorely needed
-- both for the country and for the election. Even those whites most
fearful, and therefore most antagonistic to blacks, do not like them
to be totally ignored. We all know the danger; those of us who live
with the city know that absent an improvement in black conditions, we
are all for the smash. Of course, few welcome them to a new neigh-
borhood, or school, or like paying for welfare. The great political
virtues of Bedford-Stuyvesant Restoration are that it seeks to assist
blacks where they are, in their own communities, and by their own
efforts, not through handouts.
At this point, someone may ask how one project can have so many
political, as well as actual virtues. The answer is that it was
planned that way.
2. What is the Bedford-Stuyvesant Project. The Bedford-
Stuyvesant project -- technically, the Bedford-Stuyvesant Restoration
Corporation -- may be the most ambitious and far-sighted of all the
FORD
-4-
poverty/redevelopment projects of the 1960's. Certianly it has
been the outstanding survivor. It was planned, created, and nur-
tured by the enormous personal efforts of the late Robert Kennedy,
from 1966 to 1968. Briefly, he created two private corporations.
One, "Restoration," was all black, formed out of the community,
with a charter to develop jobs, housing, community activities,
training, etc. The other, "Development and Services," was all
white, with a charter to bring the power, resources and knowledge
of the business community to the assistance of Restoration. On
its first board were such men as Benno Schmidt of J. H. Whitney &
Co.; Andre Meyer of Lazard Freres; William Paley of CBA; George
Moore of First National City Bank; David Lilienthal; Tom Watson
of IBM; Roswell Gilpatric; and Senators Kennedy and Javits.
The project received its intial funding from the so-called
"Special Impact Program," (now Title IX.), passed as part of the
Economic Opportunity Act Amendments of 1966 under the cosponsorship
of the two Senators. From the beginning, however its aim was to
"leverage" its government money into vastly greater investment by
pro private enterprise. Thus, for example, Restoration was able to
attract to Bedford-Stuyvesant an IBM assembly plant, to staff it
with workers from the area, and to assist IBM in training them;
IBM's initial investment has proven so successful that they have
just broken ground for a second, $12 million plant, to employ another
1,000-plus local workers, without any federal aid whatever. For
another example, very small Restoration investments helped in the
creation of a Mortgage Pool, financed by a consortium of banks,
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GERALD FORD LIBRARY
that has made available $100 million in mortgage money. Restora-
tion has never received more than $5 million a year in federal
funding. Yet it has grown every year since its founding, and its
achievements in job development, small business creation (every-
thing from nationally-recognized and marketed textile designs to
automobile dealerships to MacDonald's), housing rehabilitation and
construction, and community pride and well-being must be seen to be
appreciated. Just for the magnitude and permanence of its accom-
plishments, let alone the pittance of federal money involved, it
far outdistances any other project in the United States.
3. What to do there. Bedford-Stuyvesant is not for a rally.
President Ford should arrange simply for a guided tour, followed
by a meeting with the project's director and top staff, with perhaps
some of the Directors (the black and white corporations are now
merged, with a single mixed board). He can and should inspect some
of the projects the IBM plant, some housing, the shopping center
--- and see as well the work not yet done, the vast areas of Bedford-
Stuyvesant not yet reached. He need make no speech; he can simply
hold a press conference, perhaps in the auditorium (actually a com-
munity theater built into the headquarters building, which is a
truly elegant and inspiring piece of architecture). He need have,
I believe, no serious concern over demonstrations of any kind. I
repeat, that this is not a "campaign appearance." The payoff will
come on the debate.
4. Possible objections. These are easily disposed of.
GEBALD FORD ELSHARY
-6-
(a) The Democrats get the black vote anyway. Of course.
The audience is not blacks, who vote very little. It is those tens
of millions of whites, many of them bothered by Carter, who yet
cannot bring themselves to vote for a candidate who they think will
do nothing at all for blacks for another four years. That is a
compassionate country, at least when that compassion can be exer-
cised in someone else's neighborhood.
(b) There will be demonstrations. I do not believe SO. If
there are, it is still a political advantage, not a handicap. Again,
what many mistrust about Carter is the feeling that he will brook no
opposition, that to cross him once is to invite four years of hell.
This is, or could be, a welcome reminder that no one has anything to
fear from good guy Jerry Ford: look at that, those spades yelling
at him, but he just goes on smiling, says he understands, and that
he will try to help. Then let people ask themselves which one is
less like Richard Nixon.
(c) It will unbalance the budget. Nothing could be further
from the truth. I repeat that the project's central principle is
that it should not require vast government monies. This one has
cost only $5 million a year. Even double that, and extend the ex-
ample to every major American city, and you are still well under
$250 million a year -- just eliminating the fifth carbon at HEW
could probably save that much. And this $250 million, unlike the
billions envisaged by Humphrey-Hawkins, might actually accomplish
something permanent.
-7-
(d) It is a Democratic project. Indeed it is, though tho-
roughly non-partisan in its theory; Jack Javits and Benno Schmidt
are as Republican as it gets. I repeat that this is a virtue.
Especially is it a virtue when the Democrats with whom it is most
closely identified are the foremost heroes of the party's past --
and so clearly ignored and dishonored by the party's current can-
didate.
Finally in this vein, it is a great opportunity to suggest that
a new Administration would extend its reach beyond the closed cir-
cles of Washington. There is some real talent in this project,
most notably Frank Thomas, its director (Mike O-Neill of the Daily
News thinks Thomas is the man best-qualified by far to be Mayor of
New York, which a black man will not be for some time yet). Nothing
could be better, in the bus leaving Bedford-Stuyvesant, than to muse
with a reporter that that fellow would make a fine cabinet member
-- nothing, that is, except to actually make him one next January.
The first step, of course, is to get elected. The road back
starts at Fulton and Nostrand.
form wick
TALKING POINTS
It is clear to me that we are going to have to tighten
up the traveling staff operation with the President during
the final week of the campaign.
As we now know from the Teeter data, the Eastern European
mistake should have been capped quickly, as soon as it
happened. I recognize the problem we had convincing the
President, but I can't help think that we could have provided
much more persuasive arguments had our staff operation been
more efficient. For example, perhaps telephone calls from
Bryce and others could have been arranged to bolster our case.
On this latest trip (Friday, October 15), a perfect example
of what I am talking about occurred. I saw the wires early
in the morning about the Cuban decision to renege on the anti-
hijacking agreement. I asked Hyland whether or not the
traveling party was being informed. He advised me that guidance
was being dexed out. For some reason (and I simply may not have
all the facts here), the President apparently did not take any
firm action. Instead, this story led all the nets with Henry
Kissinger making a good, tough statement condemning the
Cuban decision.
Meanwhile back at the White House, the senior staff (Buchen,
Marsh et al) were flapping on Clarence Kelly's speech in which
he criticized the press. First of all, I think the speech is
fairly accurate and well done. But more importantly, to the
extent that it is a problem, (and I seriously question that it's
all that big of a deal) it could have been handled quickly with
one telephone call and with one person here assigned to monitor
it. The point is that our efforts were totally misdirected and
as a result a major opportunity for the President was lost.
GERALD
LIBRARY
TALKING POINTS
It is clear to me that we are going to have to tighten
up the traveling staff operation with the President during
the final week of the campaign.
As we now know from the Teeter data, the Eastern European
mistake should have been capped quickly, as soon as it
happened. I recognize the problem we had convincing the
President, but I can't help think that we could have provided
much more persuasive arguments had our staff operation been
more efficient. For example, perhaps telephone calls from
Bryce and others could have been arranged to bolster our case.
On this latest trip (Friday, October 15), a perfect example
of what I am talking about occurred. I saw the wires early
in the morning about the Cuban decision to renege on the anti-
hijacking agreement. I asked Hyland whether or not the
traveling party was being informed. He advised me that guidance
was being dexed out. For some reason (and I simply may not have
all the facts here), the President apparently did not take any
firm action. Instead, this story led all the nets with Henry
Kissinger making a good, tough statement condemning the
Cuban decision.
Meanwhile back at the White House, the senior staff (Buchen,
Marsh et al) were flapping on Clarence Kelly's speech in which
he criticized the press. First of all, I think the speech is
fairly accurate and well done. But more importantly, to the
extent that it is a problem, (and I seriously question that it's
all that big of a deal) it could have been handled quickly with
one telephone call and with one person here assigned to monitor
it. The point is that our efforts were totally misdirected and
as a result a major opportunity for the President was lost.
runo
GERALD
LIBRARY
DICK Cheney
TALKING POINTS
It is clear to me that we are going to have to tighten
up the traveling staff operation with the President during
the final week of the campaign.
As we now know from the Teeter data, the Eastern European
mistake should have been capped quickly, as soon as it
happened. I recognize the problem we had convincing the
President, but I can't help think that we could have provided
much more persuasive arguments had our staff operation been
more efficient. For example, perhaps telephone calls from
Bryce and others could have been arranged to bolster our case.
On this latest trip (Friday, October 15), a perfect example
of what I am talking about occurred. I saw the wires early
in the morning about the Cuban decision to renege on the anti-
hijacking agreement. I asked Hyland whether or not the
traveling party was being informed. He advised me that guidance
was being dexed out. For some reason (and I simply may not have
all the facts here), the President apparently did not take any
firm action. Instead, this story led all the nets with Henry
Kissinger making a good, tough statement condemning the
Cuban decision.
Meanwhile back at the White House, the senior staff (Buchen,
Marsh et al) were flapping on Clarence Kelly's speech in which
he criticized the press. First of all, I think the speech is
fairly accurate and well done. But more importantly, to the
extent that it is a problem, (and I seriously question that it's
all that big of a deal) it could have been handled quickly with
one telephone call and with one person here assigned to monitor
it. The point is that our efforts were totally misdirected and
as a result a major opportunity for the President was lost.
GERALD R. LISRARY FORD
MEETING: DEBATE STRATEGY
Cheney's Office
5:30 p.m., September 14, 1976
FORD & LIBRARY 938670
AGENDA
PURPOSE:
To develop basic guidelines governing our
overall strategy for the first debate. No
firm decisions are expected from this meeting,
but rather we should develop a focused plan to
discuss with the President.
ISSUES:
1. Debate itself
- President's posture (be himself, but
aggressive, etc.)
- His approach to Carter (respectful, firm,
should he address Carter directly? hand-
shake at beginning?)
President's posture vis-a-vis the panel
2. Press plan
- Pre-debate (impact on Carter, guidance
for backgrounders to press such as burdens
of the Presidency, interviews by advocates?)
- Debate (hard news lead? White House fact
sheet to be issued immediately following
debate? President action immediately
following debate, Senior Staff with
President and Nessen actions immediately
following?)
- Post-debate (Presidential activities)
3. Advertising (intro and tag to debate, news-
paper ads, man-on-the-street interview
following, etc.)
4. Polling (Teeter poll, Sindlinger, others)
5. Public opinion (advocates, Party officials,
endorsements, call to media with reaction,
etc.)
October 12, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DICK CHENEY
JERRY JONES
RED CAVANEY
FROM:
MIKE DUVAL
Mike
SUBJECT:
Williamsburg Debate
It is my understanding that Governor Carter intends to
arrive in Williamsburg around noon Friday and remain
there overnight.
I further understand that there is a plan for students to
gather in one of their auditoriums or halls (field house?)
to watch the debate. It might be worthwhile looking into
this so we can make an early decision whether or not the
President should drop-by. We should expect Carter to
make a call on this in the near future.
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD