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also made efforts to improve their relations with Syria and Lebanon. In 1946, after
years of delay, Turkey recognized the independence of both states, and an exchange of
diplomatic representatives has since taken place. The Syrians' refusal, however, to
acknowledge Turkey's sovereignty over Hatay, a Turkish province bordering Syria on
the Gulf of Iskenderun, is still an outstanding issue between the two countries.* The
Turks would like to settle their differences with Syria and are willing to make such con-
cessions as the use of port facilities in the harbor of Iskenderun, but they refuse even to
discuss the question of sovereignty over the area. Although at present the issue
remains in abeyance, nationalistic elements in Syria have threatened to press their
claims before the United Nations Security Council or International Court of Justice.
The Turks regard their relations with Arab states as SO important that, despite their
sincere wish to avoid even the appearance of opposing the US, Turkey was among the
few nations which supported the Arab viewpoint and voted against partition when the
UN was considering the Palestine problem. Although Turkey is likely to fulfil its
obligations as a member of the UN, the Turks regard the US policy of supporting the
creation of an independent Zionist state in Palestine as a serious mistake likely to lead
to Soviet penetration of the Middle East with potentially calamitous consequences.
Relations with Balkan states (except Greece) are subordinated to Turkish rela-
tions with the USSR while those states are under Soviet domination. Irritating diffi-
culties have complicated relationships with Bulgaria during 1948. These include
certain minor border incidents, the shooting down of Turkish aircraft which had mis-
takenly crossed the border, and accusations of espionage levelled at the Turkish Mili-
tary Attaché in Sofia, followed by the removal of the Military Attachés of both countries.
The Turks have maintained cordial relations with Greece for many years, and they
view with great sympathy Greece's efforts to avoid becoming a Soviet satellite. They
also realize that the fall of Greece to Communism would greatly endanger the stability
of their own country. During the trouble in Iranian Azerbaijan in 1946, the Turks
remained diplomatically aloof though their sympathies were unquestionably with the
Iranian Government in its efforts to regain full sovereignty over Iranian territory.
While in the past France has been an influential force in Turkey, particularly in cul-
tural matters, present relations between the two countries are somewhat indeterminate.
The 1939 British-French-Turkish Tripartite Agreement is still valid, however, and
Turkey is represented in Paris by one of its most able diplomats, the wartime Minister
for Foreign Affairs, Numan Menemencioglu.
Turkey has concluded trade and civil air agreements with a number of countries,
and other such agreements are being negotiated. The Turks especially desire to pro-
mote trade with western industrial nations in order to fill the vacuum left by the col-
lapse of Germany. During 1946 and 1947 the volume of trade with the US increased
considerably, as did that with the UK. Trade with the UK and other countries in the
sterling area, however, has been severely restricted by the UK's decision to suspend the
Hatay, once a part of the Ottoman Empire, was turned over to France in 1921 by the Turkish
nationalists. It was returned to Turkey in 1939 by France, which was then the mandatory power
for Syria and Lebanon. See ORE 15, "The Hatay Question."
31
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NARA
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"ocrText": "SECRET\nalso made efforts to improve their relations with Syria and Lebanon. In 1946, after\nyears of delay, Turkey recognized the independence of both states, and an exchange of\ndiplomatic representatives has since taken place. The Syrians' refusal, however, to\nacknowledge Turkey's sovereignty over Hatay, a Turkish province bordering Syria on\nthe Gulf of Iskenderun, is still an outstanding issue between the two countries.* The\nTurks would like to settle their differences with Syria and are willing to make such con-\ncessions as the use of port facilities in the harbor of Iskenderun, but they refuse even to\ndiscuss the question of sovereignty over the area. Although at present the issue\nremains in abeyance, nationalistic elements in Syria have threatened to press their\nclaims before the United Nations Security Council or International Court of Justice.\nThe Turks regard their relations with Arab states as SO important that, despite their\nsincere wish to avoid even the appearance of opposing the US, Turkey was among the\nfew nations which supported the Arab viewpoint and voted against partition when the\nUN was considering the Palestine problem. Although Turkey is likely to fulfil its\nobligations as a member of the UN, the Turks regard the US policy of supporting the\ncreation of an independent Zionist state in Palestine as a serious mistake likely to lead\nto Soviet penetration of the Middle East with potentially calamitous consequences.\nRelations with Balkan states (except Greece) are subordinated to Turkish rela-\ntions with the USSR while those states are under Soviet domination. Irritating diffi-\nculties have complicated relationships with Bulgaria during 1948. These include\ncertain minor border incidents, the shooting down of Turkish aircraft which had mis-\ntakenly crossed the border, and accusations of espionage levelled at the Turkish Mili-\ntary Attaché in Sofia, followed by the removal of the Military Attachés of both countries.\nThe Turks have maintained cordial relations with Greece for many years, and they\nview with great sympathy Greece's efforts to avoid becoming a Soviet satellite. They\nalso realize that the fall of Greece to Communism would greatly endanger the stability\nof their own country. During the trouble in Iranian Azerbaijan in 1946, the Turks\nremained diplomatically aloof though their sympathies were unquestionably with the\nIranian Government in its efforts to regain full sovereignty over Iranian territory.\nWhile in the past France has been an influential force in Turkey, particularly in cul-\ntural matters, present relations between the two countries are somewhat indeterminate.\nThe 1939 British-French-Turkish Tripartite Agreement is still valid, however, and\nTurkey is represented in Paris by one of its most able diplomats, the wartime Minister\nfor Foreign Affairs, Numan Menemencioglu.\nTurkey has concluded trade and civil air agreements with a number of countries,\nand other such agreements are being negotiated. The Turks especially desire to pro-\nmote trade with western industrial nations in order to fill the vacuum left by the col-\nlapse of Germany. During 1946 and 1947 the volume of trade with the US increased\nconsiderably, as did that with the UK. Trade with the UK and other countries in the\nsterling area, however, has been severely restricted by the UK's decision to suspend the\nHatay, once a part of the Ottoman Empire, was turned over to France in 1921 by the Turkish\nnationalists. It was returned to Turkey in 1939 by France, which was then the mandatory power\nfor Syria and Lebanon. See ORE 15, \"The Hatay Question.\"\n31\nSECRET\nNARA"
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