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in order that they might hear such propa-
Carta from a reluctant king) no force remain-
ganda as the monarch might desire to offer
ing would be strong enough to counter the
them, and have opportunity to tell him their
royal power. The day of absolute monarchs
principal grievances. These representatives
was dawning in Europe, and it remained to
of the Commons of England formed the habit,
be seen whether England would follow the
more by accident than design, of meeting
fashion.
privately to deliberate upon what moneys they
By the end of the seventeenth century this
should grant and what complaints they should
question had been answered. The Stuarts at-
offer, and having deliberated they trooped
tempted to establish absolutism; they could get
before the king and the nobility, where their
nowhere without money, and when they de-
conclusions were presented by a Speaker. The
manded money of the Commons it was refused.
same general form and ceremony is observed
The dispute led to civil war, and to the execu-
today at the opening and closing of Parlia-
tion of King Charles I in 1649. For a time
ment.
the Parliamentary party established a military
By the middle of the fourteenth century
dictatorship under Oliver Cromwell, but this
the House of Commons had secured virtual
proved almost as disagreeable as the royal
control of the revenues of the kingdom; at
absolutism; King Charles II was therefore re-
least the monarch was henceforth unable to
stored. Eventually, in the "Glorious Revolu-
support more than the irreducible minimum
tion" of 1688, Parliament deposed another
of government without appealing to the Com-
Stuart and placed on the throne the Dutch
mons for grants of money. The Commons
Prince William of Orange, whose wife was
usually insisted that "redress of grievances"
a Stuart and thus could claim some pretense
should precede "supply." Moreover any major
of legitimate right. Nevertheless the Glorious
national adventures soon came under scrutiny
Revolution fairly established the principle that
of the persons who had to pay for them, and
the king himself held his office by virtue of an
the general outlines of policy were thus fre-
act of the legislature. In the eighteenth cen-
quently discussed in Commons even though
tury the throne passed to the Hanoverian fam-
this development was considered by the king
ily, which had little pretense of title save Par-
to be an outrage upon his prerogatives. The
liamentary sanction. The supremacy of Par-
fact that the House of Commons gained control
liament was now virtually beyond question;
of the purse, and having gained control kept
even George III, in his brief attempt at per-
it, is the most important single fact in the con-
sonal rule, tried rather to manage than to
stitutional history of England.
crush the House of Commons.
In consequence of these developments Eng-
Having established its supremacy Parlia-
land emerged into modern times with a na-
ment was no longer content with merely grant-
tional government having well-established
ing or withholding taxes and expressing a
popular institutions. The remarkable line of
timid opinion on public affairs, but assumed
medieval monarchs, with their successors the
also the responsibility of supervising adminis-
Tudors, had been strong enough to reduce the
tration and policy. The machinery by which
country to discipline and order, but had only
to do this was developed in the course of the
been able to do SO by fostering healthy local
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries by a long
institutions such as the county courts and the
process of trial-and-error leading to the mod-
justices of the peace, and by admitting the
ern Cabinet and the modern party system.
commonalty of England into a limited partner-
The Cabinet grew out of the small body
ship in government through these and through
of King's ministers who actually attended to
Parliament. The Tudors finally crushed the
the business of government. Though these
last revolts of the medieval baronage, and at
ministers were (and still remain) theoretically
this point in English history there was some
responsible to the King and chosen by him,
indication that with the old nobility removed
it was necessary to make them in fact answer-
from the scene (the class which nearly four
able to Parliament. Frequently in the eight-
hundred years before had extracted Magna
eenth century, and regularly in the nineteenth,
SECRE
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"ocrText": "9\nin order that they might hear such propa-\nCarta from a reluctant king) no force remain-\nganda as the monarch might desire to offer\ning would be strong enough to counter the\nthem, and have opportunity to tell him their\nroyal power. The day of absolute monarchs\nprincipal grievances. These representatives\nwas dawning in Europe, and it remained to\nof the Commons of England formed the habit,\nbe seen whether England would follow the\nmore by accident than design, of meeting\nfashion.\nprivately to deliberate upon what moneys they\nBy the end of the seventeenth century this\nshould grant and what complaints they should\nquestion had been answered. The Stuarts at-\noffer, and having deliberated they trooped\ntempted to establish absolutism; they could get\nbefore the king and the nobility, where their\nnowhere without money, and when they de-\nconclusions were presented by a Speaker. The\nmanded money of the Commons it was refused.\nsame general form and ceremony is observed\nThe dispute led to civil war, and to the execu-\ntoday at the opening and closing of Parlia-\ntion of King Charles I in 1649. For a time\nment.\nthe Parliamentary party established a military\nBy the middle of the fourteenth century\ndictatorship under Oliver Cromwell, but this\nthe House of Commons had secured virtual\nproved almost as disagreeable as the royal\ncontrol of the revenues of the kingdom; at\nabsolutism; King Charles II was therefore re-\nleast the monarch was henceforth unable to\nstored. Eventually, in the \"Glorious Revolu-\nsupport more than the irreducible minimum\ntion\" of 1688, Parliament deposed another\nof government without appealing to the Com-\nStuart and placed on the throne the Dutch\nmons for grants of money. The Commons\nPrince William of Orange, whose wife was\nusually insisted that \"redress of grievances\"\na Stuart and thus could claim some pretense\nshould precede \"supply.\" Moreover any major\nof legitimate right. Nevertheless the Glorious\nnational adventures soon came under scrutiny\nRevolution fairly established the principle that\nof the persons who had to pay for them, and\nthe king himself held his office by virtue of an\nthe general outlines of policy were thus fre-\nact of the legislature. In the eighteenth cen-\nquently discussed in Commons even though\ntury the throne passed to the Hanoverian fam-\nthis development was considered by the king\nily, which had little pretense of title save Par-\nto be an outrage upon his prerogatives. The\nliamentary sanction. The supremacy of Par-\nfact that the House of Commons gained control\nliament was now virtually beyond question;\nof the purse, and having gained control kept\neven George III, in his brief attempt at per-\nit, is the most important single fact in the con-\nsonal rule, tried rather to manage than to\nstitutional history of England.\ncrush the House of Commons.\nIn consequence of these developments Eng-\nHaving established its supremacy Parlia-\nland emerged into modern times with a na-\nment was no longer content with merely grant-\ntional government having well-established\ning or withholding taxes and expressing a\npopular institutions. The remarkable line of\ntimid opinion on public affairs, but assumed\nmedieval monarchs, with their successors the\nalso the responsibility of supervising adminis-\nTudors, had been strong enough to reduce the\ntration and policy. The machinery by which\ncountry to discipline and order, but had only\nto do this was developed in the course of the\nbeen able to do SO by fostering healthy local\neighteenth and nineteenth centuries by a long\ninstitutions such as the county courts and the\nprocess of trial-and-error leading to the mod-\njustices of the peace, and by admitting the\nern Cabinet and the modern party system.\ncommonalty of England into a limited partner-\nThe Cabinet grew out of the small body\nship in government through these and through\nof King's ministers who actually attended to\nParliament. The Tudors finally crushed the\nthe business of government. Though these\nlast revolts of the medieval baronage, and at\nministers were (and still remain) theoretically\nthis point in English history there was some\nresponsible to the King and chosen by him,\nindication that with the old nobility removed\nit was necessary to make them in fact answer-\nfrom the scene (the class which nearly four\nable to Parliament. Frequently in the eight-\nhundred years before had extracted Magna\neenth century, and regularly in the nineteenth,\nSECRE"
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