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This file contains:
Pat Costello to Ron Ziegler re: Mitchell's statement about inappropriate TV spots during the campaign. 1 page. [Memo], n.d.
murray Chotiner to Haldeman re: commendations for Nixon's stand on law enforcement problems from sheriffs and chiefs of police, with attached second memo describing McCarthy's endorsement of HHH. 2 pages. [Memo], 10/29/1968
statement of Nixon on his policy regulating securities makets. 1 page. [Other Document], n.d.
Harlow to Haldeman re: Nixon's request for information on campaign, in specific states. 4 pages. [Memo], 10/29/1968
Statemet that George White [campaign manager for Agnew] is demanding retraction for editorial attacks by the New York Times. 1 page. [Other Document], n.d.
J. W Weitzel to Nixon Staff re: contacting former staffers of Rockefeller New Majority Team to bring them over to Nixon, attached letter from one former staffer who wrote on behalf of HHH. 2 pages. [Memo], 10/23/1968
Statement of Nixon on his policy regulating securities markets. 1 page. [Other Document], n.d.
Bill Casey to Nixon re: his attached memo touching on the "wind-up theme", items of interest for Nixon's summation right before the election, with two full copies. 12 pages. [Letter], 10/20/1968
Note from Nixon to Jim Keogh re: sharp, hard hitting and brief statements to end the campaign. 3 pages. [Other Document], 10/20/1968
transcription of note to Haldeman re: Earl Mazo conversation with Hobe Lewis about Billy Graham's article "the Nixon I know", and getting it out before the election. 1 page. [Other Document], 10/21/1968
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Policy emphasis on youth in the final stretch. 1 page. [Memo], 10/29/1968
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Policy confirmation of the role of the U.N. in multinational security in the final stretch, with attached copy of Eisenhower's article "Of War and Peace and the United Nations". 21 pages. [Memo], 10/29/1968
Murray Chotiner to Haldeman re: Arthur Fleming's endorsement of Nixon and investigation of HHH's stock increasing. 3 pages. [Memo], 11/01/0968
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26126949
label
WHSF: Returned, 36-3
core
doc
dtoType
document
citationUrl
pageCount
1
Source metadata
id
26126949
sourceUrl
contentType
document
title
WHSF: Returned, 36-3
description
This file contains:
Pat Costello to Ron Ziegler re: Mitchell's statement about inappropriate TV spots during the campaign. 1 page. [Memo], n.d.
murray Chotiner to Haldeman re: commendations for Nixon's stand on law enforcement problems from sheriffs and chiefs of police, with attached second memo describing McCarthy's endorsement of HHH. 2 pages. [Memo], 10/29/1968
statement of Nixon on his policy regulating securities makets. 1 page. [Other Document], n.d.
Harlow to Haldeman re: Nixon's request for information on campaign, in specific states. 4 pages. [Memo], 10/29/1968
Statemet that George White [campaign manager for Agnew] is demanding retraction for editorial attacks by the New York Times. 1 page. [Other Document], n.d.
J. W Weitzel to Nixon Staff re: contacting former staffers of Rockefeller New Majority Team to bring them over to Nixon, attached letter from one former staffer who wrote on behalf of HHH. 2 pages. [Memo], 10/23/1968
Statement of Nixon on his policy regulating securities markets. 1 page. [Other Document], n.d.
Bill Casey to Nixon re: his attached memo touching on the "wind-up theme", items of interest for Nixon's summation right before the election, with two full copies. 12 pages. [Letter], 10/20/1968
Note from Nixon to Jim Keogh re: sharp, hard hitting and brief statements to end the campaign. 3 pages. [Other Document], 10/20/1968
transcription of note to Haldeman re: Earl Mazo conversation with Hobe Lewis about Billy Graham's article "the Nixon I know", and getting it out before the election. 1 page. [Other Document], 10/21/1968
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Policy emphasis on youth in the final stretch. 1 page. [Memo], 10/29/1968
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Policy confirmation of the role of the U.N. in multinational security in the final stretch, with attached copy of Eisenhower's article "Of War and Peace and the United Nations". 21 pages. [Memo], 10/29/1968
Murray Chotiner to Haldeman re: Arthur Fleming's endorsement of Nixon and investigation of HHH's stock increasing. 3 pages. [Memo], 11/01/0968
citationUrl
collections
Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
Returned White House Special Files
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1
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26126949
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document
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44a7aa9c24a1c234
ocrText
Richard Nixon Presidential Library
White House Special Files Collection
Folder List
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
36
3
n.d.
Memo
Pat Costello to Ron Ziegler re: Mitchell's
statement about inappropriate TV spots
during the campaign. 1 page.
36
3
10/29/1968
Memo
murray Chotiner to Haldeman re:
commendations for Nixon's stand on law
enforcement problems from sheriffs and
chiefs of police, with attached second memo
describing McCarthy's endorsement of HHH.
2 pages.
36
3
n.d.
Other Document
statement of Nixon on his policy regulating
securities makets. 1 page.
36
3
10/29/1968
Memo
Harlow to Haldeman re: Nixon's request for
information on campaign, in specific states. 4
pages.
36
3
n.d.
Other Document
Statemet that George White [campaign
manager for Agnew] is demanding retraction
for editorial attacks by the New York Times.
1 page.
36
3
10/23/1968
Memo
J. W Weitzel to Nixon Staff re: contacting
former staffers of Rockefeller New Majority
Team to bring them over to Nixon, attached
letter from one former staffer who wrote on
behalf of HHH. 2 pages.
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
Page 1 of 2
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
36
3
n.d.
Other Document
Statement of Nixon on his policy regulating
securities markets. 1 page.
36
3
10/20/1968
Letter
Bill Casey to Nixon re: his attached memo
touching on the "wind-up theme", items of
interest for Nixon's summation right before
the election, with two full copies. 12 pages.
36
3
10/20/1968
Other Document
Note from Nixon to Jim Keogh re: sharp,
hard hitting and brief statements to end the
campaign. 3 pages.
36
3
10/21/1968
Other Document
transcription of note to Haldeman re: Earl
Mazo conversation with Hobe Lewis about
Billy Graham's article "the Nixon I know",
and getting it out before the election. 1 page.
36
3
10/29/1968
Memo
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Policy emphasis on
youth in the final stretch. 1 page.
36
3
10/29/1968
Memo
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Policy confirmation
of the role of the U.N. in multinational
security in the final stretch, with attached
copy of Eisenhower's article "Of War and
Peace and the United Nations". 21 pages.
36
3
11/01/0968
Memo
Murray Chotiner to Haldeman re: Arthur
Fleming's endorsement of Nixon and
investigation of HHH's stock increasing. 3
pages.
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
Page 2 of 2
ATTENTION RON ZEIGLER
FROM PAT COSTELLO
NEWS BUREAU FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
NEW YORK OCTOBER 29--THE FOLLOWING STATEMENT WAS RELEASED TUESDAY
BY JOHN N. MITCHELL, NIXON-AGNEW NATIONAL CAMPAIGN MANAGER, ON TV
POLITICAL ADVERTISING:
"THE CAMPAIGN SPOT APPEARING ON NBC TELEVISION LAST NIGHT DEPICTING
SCENES FROM THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION OF AUGUST PAST, PORTRAYED
HUBERT HUMPHREY'S 'POLITICS OF JOY IN CONTRAST TO THE SERIOUS
PROBLEMS OF OUR TIMES.
"IT ILL BEHOOVES THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE TO COMPLAIN ABOUT
THIS SPOT WHEN COMPARED WITH ITS MEDIA ATTEMPTS TO RELATE RICHARD NIXON
TO THE ATOMIC BOMB AND THE VILIFICATION THE HUMPHREY CAMPAIGN HAS
HEAPED UPON GOVERNOR AGNEW.
"THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE HAS SUGGESTED A NETWORK REVIEW OF
TV COMMERCIALS. WE WOULD WELCOME THIS. THERE HAS BEEN A GROWING
NUMBER OF DISTASTEFUL, DISTORTED, SPOTS PRODUCED BY THE HUMPHREY CAMPAIG
"THE HUMPHREY SPOT WHICH LAUGHS AT THE CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT IS IN
THE POOREST OF TASTE AS IS THE SO-CALLED HUMPHREY'S HEARTBEAT COMMERCIAL
"THE HUMPHREY SPOT SHOWN RECENTLY AFTER THE MOVIE "DOCTOR STRANGELOVE"
COMPLETELY DISTORTS THE NIXON POSITION ON NUCLEAR WEAPONS. IT IS STILL
RUNNING. IT IS REMINISCENT OF THE DISTORTED 1964 NUCLEAR SPOTS WHICH
THE DEMOCRATS FINALLY HAD TO WITHDRAW.
"THE HUMPHREY COMMERCIALS ON THE NIXON POSITION ON SOCIAL SECURITY AND
MEDICARE ARE COMPLETELY FALSO.
WE ALSO ARE TOLD THAT THE DEMOCRATS HAVE A NEW SERIES OF BELOW-THE-BELT
SPOTS ABOUT TO BE RELEASED.
"WE WOULD AGREE THAT TELEVISION SPOTS SHOULD BE REVIEWED AND CALL UPON
THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE TO JOIN US IN THIS."
END
RMN
RMN-DET
RMN NY
TO:
BOB HALDEMAN
FROM:
MURRAY CHOTINER
THE FOLLOWING IS FOR YOU INFORMATION. IT WAS RELEASED TODAY.
NEW YORK, OCTOBER 29, 1968
COMMENDATIONS FOR RICHARD NIXON'S STAND ON LAW ENFORCEMENT PROBLEMS HAVE
BEEN RECEIVED FROM SHERIFFS AND CHIEFS OF POLICE THROUGHOUT THE UNITED
STATES, IT WAS ANNOUNCED BY JOHN MITCHELL, NATIONAL CAMPAIGN MANAGER
FOR NIXON-AGNEW, AT THE NEW YORK HEADQUARTERS TODAY.
MITCHELL COMMENTED THAT SHERIFFS AND CHIEFS OF POLICE IN THE UNITED
STATES RECEIVED LETTERS FROM MR. NIXON EXPRESSING HIS CONCERN FOR
THEIR PROBLEMS AND POINTING OUT THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE FEDERAL
GOVERNMENT TO PROVIDE TOOLS BY WHICH NECESSARY ACTION TOCOMBAT CRIME
CAN BE CARRIED OUT. IN PART, THE LETTER STATED:
"...WE NEED A NEW AWARENESS OF THE SEVERITY OF THE CRIME CRISIS AND
A NEW DETERMINATION TO INITIATE AND IMPLEMENT PROGRAMS TO ELIMINATE
THIS CRIME WAVE. WE MUST REESTABLISH RESPECT FOR OUR LAWS AND THE
MEN WHO ENFORCE THEM.
"...TO ACHIEVE THIS GOAL WILL TAKE COOPERATION AND COORDINATED EFFORT.
THE PRIMARY RESPONSIBILITY FOR MEETING THIS
CHALLENGE RESTS WITH LOCAL AND STATE GOVERNMENTS. BUT IT IS THE
RESPONSIBILITY OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT TO PROVIDE TOOLS BY WHICH THE
NECESSARY ACTION CAN BE CARRIED OUT.
"WORKING TOGETHER, WE CAN STOP THE RISING CRIME RATE AND REDUCE THE
INCIDENCE OF CRIME IN AMERICA. I PLEDGE TO YOU MY CONSTANT EFFORTS
AND CONTINUED SUPPORT."
TYPICAL OF THE REPLIES FROM SHERIFFS AND CHIEFS OF POLICE ARE:
A NEW JERSEY CHIEF OF POLICE, SPEAKING ABOUT THE PROBLEMS CONFRONTING
LAW ENFORCEMENT WROTE, "WITH THE SUPPORT OF MEN OF YOUR CALIBER AND
YOUR SUCCESSFUL ASCENDENCY TO THE OFFICE OF PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA WILL, I AM SURE, PROVIDE LAW ENFORCEMENT WITH THE
TOOLS TO STEM THE RISING TIDE OF CRIME."
AN INDIANA POLICE CHIEF, CITING THE DILEMNA THAT LAW ENFORCEMENT
OFFICIALS FACE TODAY WROTE, "IT IS GRATIFYING TO KNOW, SOMEONE AT LAST
IS GOING TO REEVALUATE THE ENTIRE PICTURE OF LAW ENFORCEMENT IN
AMERICA."
A SOUTH DAKOTA CHIEF OF POLICE WROTE, "WE NEED A MAN LIKE MR. NIXON TO
BRING THIS NATION OF OURS BACK TO LAW AND ORDER. WE IN THE LAW
ENFORCEMENT AREA ARE LOOKING FORWARD TO HAVING JUSTICE DONE."
A DEMOCRAT, AND CHIEF OF POLICE OF A CALIFORNIA CITY COMMENTED, "I AM
IN COMPLETE ACCORD WITH YOUR VIEWS ON LAW ENFORCEMENT."
THE CHIEF OF POLICE OF A TEXAS CITY REMARKS, "I APPRECIATE VERY MUCH
YOUR PLEDGE TO RESTORE THE BALANCE OF PEACE FORCES AS AGAINST THE
CRIMINAL FORCES TIN THIS COUNTRY. I PLEDGE TO YOU MY SUPPORT IN
YOUR CANDIDACY FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES."
END
@
RMN-DET
RN NY
MEMORANDUM
TO:
BOB HALDEMAN CC: BOB ELLSWORTH
TRUTH SQUAD (C/O HARRY FLEMMING, RNC)
FROM:
MURRAY CHOTINER
DATE:
OCTOBER 29, 1968-10:30 A.M.
CHAPMAN'S FRIEND REPORTS:
HHH IS NOW APPEARING ON A TV SHOW IN PETTSBURGH.
ONE OF THE FIRST QUESTIONS ASKED HIM WAS ABOUT MC CARTHY ENDORSEMENT,
IN WHICH MC CARTHY SAID HE WOULD VOTE FOR HUMPHREY AND WOULD RECOMMEND
THAT ALL OF HIS SUPPORTERS DO SO.
MC CARTHY ALSO SAID HE WOULD NOT SEEK RE-ELECTION TO THE SENATE, NOR
WOULD HE RUN FOR PRESIDENT IN 1972.
HHH SAID HE WAS GRATIFIED THAT AN OLD FRIEND SEES FIT TO SUPPORT ME.
I REGRET THAT HE (MC CARTHY ) WILL NOT SEEK RE-ELECTION TO THE SENATE,
BUT I BELIEVE HE WILL SEEK THINGS THAT WOULD ENRICH HIM INTELLECTUALLY.
WHEN ASKED WHY MC CARTHY TOOK SO LONG TO ENDORSE HIM, HHH REPLIED THAT
MC CARTHY THINKS FOR HIMSELF, AND IT TAKES TIME FOR WOUNDS TO HEAL.
I HAVE SAID FOR SOME TIME THAT HE WOULD SUPPORT ME. IF OFFER A BETTER
ALTERNATIBVE. THANK YOU GENE.
HHH SAID A MAN LIKE WALLACE IS A PHENOMENON THAT PASSES IN THE NIGHT.
OUR FRIEND SAID THAT WALLACE'S PEOPLE HAVE SCHEDULED A RALLY FOR HIM
IN CHICAGO, ABOUT THE SAME TIME HHH IS THERE ON SATURDAY--OUR FRIEND
SAID THIS SHOULD BE INTERESTING.
HHH PUT OUT A STATEMENT EARLY TODAY DEALING WITH JOBS AND UNEMPLOYMENT.
IN HIS ATTACKS ON THE REPUBLICAN ADMINISTRATION HHH NEVER MENTIONS IKE,
JUST RN. HHH SAYS THAT UNDER A REPUBLICAN ADMINISTRATION WE HAD
RECESSIONS, AND UNDER THE DEMOCRATS THE ECONOMY HAS BOOMED.
HHH ATTACKED NIXON'S STATEMENT SAYING HE (RN) HAD DISTORTED THE FACTS
OF THE ECONOMIC STRUCTURE--REFERRING TO RN'S APPEARANCE ON FACE THE
NATION. HHH SAYS THAT FOR 92 MONTHS UNDER THE DEMOCRATS THIS COUNTRY
HAS ENJOYED SUSTAINED PROSPERITY.
HHH IS STILL USING HIS THEME, "YOU CAN TRUST ME, BUT NOT THE OTHERS."
THE ENTOURAGE WILL BE IN PENNSYLVANIA ALL DAY.
END
@
STATEMENT OF RICHARD M. NIXON ON HIS POLICY REGULATING SECURITIES MARKETS
NIXON: Our securities laws were designed to protect the investor by
insisting upon full and complete disclosure. This has been the order
of the day since the securities laws of the 30's were written. I be-
lieve in full enforcement of the law to assure absolute protection
for the investor; abuses should be vigorously prosecuted. I believe
that the federal government should be continually sensitive to the
needs for improvement in these laws to assure investor protection.
The philosophy of this Administration, however, has been that
disclosure alone is not enough and that somehow the government can
make decisions for the investor better than he can make them for him-
self. This philosophy I reject.
October 29, 1968
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Haldeman
FROM:
Harlow
RN requested these checks. They were made yesterday
afternoon.
VIRGINIA (Lin Holton)
(1) Wallace has dropped over 5%.
(2) Wallace is returning to Virginia a couple of times,
so he might slow the decline.
(3) RN is about 45%; rest split HH-GW.
(4) Wallace vote going 2-1 for RN.
(5) Danville Register has just endorsed RN -- deep
in Wallace country and first time it has ever
endorsed a Republican.
FLORIDA (Murphin)
(1) Poll effective Oct. 16 shows 6% Wallace decline.
(2) RN 34; GW 27; HH 20; Undecided 19.
(3) Wallace will decline more; will go almost
totally RN.
(4) HH picking up some undecided.
(5) RN will win Florida by 100,000
-2-
KENTUCKY (State Chairman Kern)
(1) Oct. 15 poll: RN 44; GW 33; HH 32.
(2) Later spot checks show GW down 2-4% and going down.
(3) GW defectors splitting evenly RN-HH.
(4) Democrats sharply intensifying effort.
NORTH CAROLINA (State Chairman Ishouser)
(1) No poll, but checked county chairmen very recently.
(2) GW firm in East but ebbing slightly elsewhere;
peaked but only small decline.
(3) Now a 3-way even race.
TENNESSEE (Howard Baker)
(1) GW slipping fast in East; defectors going almost
all to RN
(2) RN-HH splitting GW defectors evenly in middle and
West.
(3) Last Wednesday poll: RN 42; GW 32; HH 30 (shows
6% GW drop.
(4) Estimate for next Tuesday: RN 46; rest split GW-HH.
SOUTH CAROLINA (Harry Dent)
(1) Mid-October poll shows GW down 6%.
(2) Poll: RN 32; GW 29; HH 20.
(3) GW still declining.
(4) RN has won all college polls (6 colleges) by
60% or better.
-3-
CALIFORNIA (Bob Nathan)
(1) Oct. 21 Field Poll: RN 50; HH 34; GW 9; Undec. 6.
(2) No GW change.
(3) Pleads for more TV and radio by 'RN.
NEW JERSEY (Chairman Skidmore)
(1) GW peaked but no decline - which helps RN.
(2) Have 4-way race (Gregory) ; also helps RN.
NEW YORK (Aurelio/Javits)
(1) GW peaked at 12%; dropped now to 9%.
(2) RN 2% ahead.
(3) HH has momentum.
OHIO (Chairman Dale)
(1) Wallace slipping - but not much.
(2) GW about 20%; should be 17% election day.
(3) Defectors will go 2-1 HH.
TEXAS (RN campaign pollers)
(1) New projection for election: RN 42; HH 33; GW 24.
(2) Resurvery of undecideds after HH 8-day blitz:
RN 28; HH 34; GW 13.
(3) GW vote slowly declining.
(4) HH gaining slightly from traditional Democrats.
(5) Thurmond very effective this week in Texas.
- -4-
ILLINOIS (John Gomien/Dirksen)
(1) GW off 4%.
(2) GW defectors going HH.
(3) Rn holding steady at 52% (new poll October 28)
.
Dirge
Just completed telephone poll, 9 battleground states:
RN 43; HH 36; GW 7; Undecided 14.
Also found bombing halt - even end to war - would not
change results.
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
GEORGE W WHITE JR CAMPAIGN MANAGER FOR GOV A SPRRO T AGNES
TODAY MET WITH HARDING F BANCROFT EXECUTIVE VICE PRES OF THE
NEW YORK TIMES AND THE NEWSPAPSE'S ATTORNEY TO AGAIN DEMAND
"A FULL RETRACTION OF THE LIBEL IN ITS RECENT EDTORIALS ATTACKING
THE GOVERNOR" FOLLOWING THE MEETING MR WHITE SAID:
"THE FALSTY OF THE TIMES' CHARGES ARE A MATTER OF COUUMENTARY
EVIDENCE AND HAVE BEEN so CHARACTERIZED BY JOHN LEUTKEMEYER, THE
STATE TREASURER OF MARYLAND, A DEMOCRAT, WHO CRITICIZED THE
EDITORIAL AS BEING 'INACCURATE AND MISLEADING' AND 'WRONG ON ITS
FACTS>' ANDERSON, THE FORMER PRES OF THE BALTIMORE COUNTY
COUNCIL A DEMOCRAT ALSO ECRITCIZED THE EDTORIAL AND STATE D
THAT MR AGNEW'S CONDUCT WAS NOT IMPROPER.
"THE TIMES IS IN A DIFFICULT POSITION. AT THE MEETING TODAY,
I DEMANDED THAT, IN THE INTEREST OF HONESTY, THE TIMES RETRACT ITS
ALLEGATIONS COMPLETELY AND WITHOUT FURTHER HEDGING. THE TIMES DID
INDIRECTLY ADMIT IN TODAY'S EDITORIAL THAT GOVERNOR AGNEW HAS NOT
BEEN GUILTY OF ANY WRONG DOING. I HAD HOPED THAT THE TIMES WOULD HAVE
THE HONESTY AND CORAGE TO ADMIT ITS ERROR. HWXXXHOWEVER MR BANCROFT
STATED THAT THE TIMES WAS NOT WILLING TO RETRACT ITS ORIGINAL EDITORIAL
TO ANY GREATER DEGREE THAN IT HAS ALREADY.
"IN 1966, THE TIMES HAD A COMPLETE FILE ON THE GOVERNOR, INCLUDING
THE FACTS ON WHICH IT BASED ITS RECETN EDITORIALS. AT THAT TIME, IT
LAUDED HIM AS A MAN OF EXPERIENCE, AND ENDORSED HIM FOR F GOVERNOR
WITH TEXXX THE STATEMENT, "BOTH THE STATE OF MARYLAND AND THE CAUSE
OF MODERN MINDED REPBULICAN ISM WILL BENEFIT IF THE VOTERS ELECT
HIM'.
"I HAVE BEEN ASKED WHETHER GOVERNOR AGNEW WILL FILE SUIT. IT
WILL BE MY RECOMMENDATION IN VIEW OF THE ARBITRARY ACTION OF THE
TIMES- THAT SUIT BE INSTITUTED" -30-
THATS IT
0
DO 72 11-60 SPW
HANDWRITTEN
TO: mijon Staff
TO:
FROM: FROM: J.W. MEMORANDUM Writzl DATE: DATE: 10/23/68 L
SUBJECT: attached
MESSAGE:
The combat effect of attached I puggest
you contact H.box Milliken and see if
for Rockipeller chairmen I for one
you Can Fait a list of former mw Magority
and give you permission to ase mg name
strongly support nixon over Humphrey
if it would help
Mailing went to att farmy chairman,
James W. Weitzel
Charit 4,000 mailed
midland Country
new Majority for Rockefeller
(USE REVERSE SIDE IF NEEDED)
6,080 maily
follow up wd William
fee
file
Young Citizens for Humphrey-Muskie
HH
1025 CONNECTICUT AVE. N. W., WASHINGTON, D.C. 20036, TELEPHONE: 202/659-4770
October 12, 1968
Dear Rockefeller Supporter:
Last May, you and I, and thousands of young people like us,
joined the campaign of Nelson A. Rockefeller. We were fighting for
more than a man; we fought together for equality and justice for all
men; for an end to the war in Vietnam; for a rebirth of faith by the
American people in their government. These causes have not yet died;
they will die only if we let them.
I am a lifelong Republican, and I suspect many of you are
also. Yet my conscience will not allow me to support a man merely
because of a party affiliation. The crises we face demand more of us
than partisanship. At the same time, we cannot remain neutral.
Democracy was founded upon, and its survival is dependent upon,
participation by its people.
The stakes are too great. If we look carefully at the
records of the candidates, we can find that they have made our decision
for us. One -- George Wallace thrives upon hate. Another, Richard
Nixon, depends upon apathy and misinformation. Only in Hubert Humphrey
can we find a man ready and willing to meet the challenges of our time.
And it is OUR time. We cannot let this crucial moment in
history slip by us, for it may well be our last chance. If America is
ever to fulfill her destiny, we must join together now, to elect the
man who will lead us forward, out of the clutches of hate and despair,
to a new day of hope.
Very truly yours,
Bob
Bob Harris
Past National Director
Rockefeller "New Majority"
BH:aeh
37/23/21
301 'Idv 1864 WICH
Non
JANES 1161
mm
STATEMENT OF RICHARD M. NIXON ON HIS POLICY REGULATING SECURITIES MARKETS
NIXON: Our securities laws were designed to protect the investor by
insisting upon full and complete disclosure. This has been the order
of the day since the securities laws of the 30's were written. I be-
lieve in full enforcement of the law to assure absolute protection
for the investor; abuses should be vigorously prosecuted. I believe
that the federal government should be continually sensitive to the
needs for improvement in these laws to assure investor protection.
The philosophy of this Administration, however, has been that
disclosure alone is not enough and that somehow the government can
make decisions for the investor better than he can make them for him-
self. This philosophy I reject.
Hold.
LAW OFFICES
HALL, CASEY, DICKLER &
122 EAST 42ND STREET
NEW YORK, N.Y. 10017
HOWLEY FRANKLIN NATIONAL
LEONARD W. HALL
AREA CODE 212 MO 1-3100
BANK BLDG.
WILLIAM J. CASEY
CABLE "HALCASRO"
600 OLD COUNTRY ROAD
GERALD DICKLER
GARDEN CITY, N.Y. 11532
JOHN HOWLEY
JOHN W. BURKE
516 PI 7-7000
GREGORY H. DOHERTY
MILFORD FENSTER
1209 RING BUILDING
SAMUEL J. FRIEDMAN
WILLIAM L. MAHER
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
202 FE 8-6510
PAUL S. CANTOR
PETER B. CLARK
H.WM. HODGES III
MORTON A. SMITH
EDMUND S. WARTELS
October 20, 1968
Dear Dick:
This week, in putting together NIXON
ON THE ISSUES and working on material for current
radio speeches, I've certainly seen that you've
put in all the evidence.
Now the thing is to hit the jugular
with the summation. It should be simple and rise
above the detailed issues to the great questions.
It should also have a moving theme. I'm anxious
to have you read the enclosed memo which suggests
a theme which seems just right to me at this time,
in this year. I'm going to try my hand at prepar-
ing some material to implement it, which I'll TWX
to the plane. But if you like the thrust, you
will want to get ideas from others, too.
Sincerely,
Bill lazy
MEMO to RICHARD NIXON
From William Casey
On: Wind-up Theme
All signs indicate that there never were so
many voters undecided or lightly attached to their
present preference. The closing drive should have a
theme broad enough to hit those who can't cope with the
detailed issues, don't care or want to rise above them.
This theme should be one which can be played in harmony
with your treatment of each of the 4 or 5 great questions,
as Kennedy did with "Let's get America moving again."
Such a theme, vital and valid this time, is
at hand in (a) the broad desire of the electorate for a
mandate for change and action, and (b) fear and concern
that a divided result could produce a shaky power to
govern and even paralysis at a critical time.
It's basicly "Let's make the electoral system
work" - "Let's assure a mandate to govern and to change".
The background is laid by spelling out:
a. The electoral process not only establishes
succession in office.
b. It also creates the power to govern, sets
national direction and generates national momentum, and
C. The dangers of national paralysis without
a clear mandate.
This can generate a powerful appeal to millions
who think they may be wasting their vote on Humphrey as
well as additional millions presently undecided or leaning
to Wallace. This appeal will also help generate bandwagon
psychology.
The targets of the summation should be:
1. the undecided
2. the Wallace voters who may have second
thoughts about wasting their vote
3. the lightly attached Humphrcy voters who
want to minimize the following Wallace is
attracting - who are afraid of Wallace influence
4. the normally Democratic and independent Nixon
supporters who want a change but are not too
happy about voting Republican.
-2-
A driving, concentrated appeal for a
decisive mandate for change and action will hit all
4 of these groups at the point most likely to move
and hold them. It is also the most powerful appeal
to get Republicans to the polls.
Many people believe from the polls that
succession in office is already determined and that
their vote is not needed. The mandate to govern
theme makes their vote important again.
This theme can be propelled in many ways:
-- A talk on the electoral process and
its function in setting a direction and giving a
mandate for action in addition to determining succes-
sion in office. There may not be time to do this
full dress as you did on the Presidency, but even a
few paragraphs here and there can lay the background.
-- As you hit all the great questions in
these final weeks, each time call for a mandate for a
new direction -- emphasize that America needs leader-
ship which has a decisive mandate for action and only
the sacred act on Election Day can provide it.
-- America can't deal with the problems
and perils it faces at home and abroad without strong
leadership which has full authority to govern as well
as a mandate for change and action.
-- To take effective part in this year's
electoral process each voter should do what he thinks
will provide the necessary power to govern, a mandate
for action, and end to inaction, the avoidance of
national paralysis.
-- Make your vote count not only in electing
a man but also in expressing the voice of America, in
setting a direction and creating a momentum which will
move America forward.
-3-
-- Express in your vote your share of the
national will to have America recreate a policy in
which its government will provide an unchallengeable
national security, develop a broad sharing of the
burden of keeping the peace, maintain the value of
your dollars, and get private resources and institu-
tions working on our social problems.
The focus of this appeal should not be
entirely or even primarily the Wallace leaning voter.
It should be on the general plane of a mandate for
change, power to govern, setting a new direction so
that it will appeal to people who think they may be
wasting their vote on Humphrey as well as to the
undecided and those now leaning to Wallace. By impli-
cation, at least, and by the explicit statement of
others, this theme should be able to get across the
reality that it's not only Wallace who can't be elected
but also Humphrey who can't be elected with any kind
of a mandate.
CC: John Mitchell
Jim Keogh
LAW OFFICES
HALL, CASEY, DICKLER & HOWLEY
122 EAST 42ND STREET
NEW YORK, N.Y. 10017
LEONARD W. HALL
AREA CODE 212 MO 1-3100
FRANKLIN NATIONAL BANK BLDG.
WILLIAM J. CASEY
CABLE "HALCASRO"
600 OLD COUNTRY ROAD
GERALD DICKLER
GARDEN CITY, N.Y. 11532
JOHN HOWLEY
JOHN W. BURKE
516 PI 7-7000
GREGORY H. DOHERTY
MILFORD FENSTER
1209 RING BUILDING
SAMUEL J. FRIEDMAN
WILLIAM L. MAHER
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
202 FE 8-6510
PAUL S. CANTOR
PETER B. CLARK
H.WM. HODGES III
MORTON A. SMITH
EDMUND S. WARTELS
October 20, 1968
Dear Dick:
This week, in putting together NIXON
ON THE ISSUES and working on material for current
radio speeches, I've certainly seen that you've
put in all the evidence.
Now the thing is to hit the jugular
with the summation. It should be simple and rise
above the detailed issues to the great questions.
It should also have a moving theme. I'm anxious
to have you read the enclosed memo which suggests
a theme which seems just right to me at this time,
in this year. I'm going to try my hand at prepar-
ing some material to implement it, which I'll TWX
to the plane. But if you like the thrust, you
will want to get ideas from others, too.
Sincerely,
Bill lazy
MEMO to RICHARD NIXON
From William Casey
On: Wind-up Theme
All signs indicate that there never were SO
many voters undecided or lightly attached to their
present preference. The closing drive should have a
theme broad enough to hit those who can't cope with the
detailed issues, don't care or want to rise above them.
This theme should be one which can be played in harmony
with your treatment of each of the 4 or 5 great questions,
as Kennedy did with "Let's get America moving again."
Such a theme, vital and valid this time, is
at hand in (a) the broad desire of the electorate for a
mandate for change and action, and (b) fear and concern
that a divided result could produce a shaky power to
govern and even paralysis at a critical time.
It's basicly "Let's make the electoral system
work" - "Let's assure a mandate to govern and to change".
The background is laid by spelling out:
a. The electoral process not only establishes
succession in office.
b. It also creates the power to govern, sets
national direction and generates national momentum, and
C. The dangers of national paralysis without
a clear mandate.
This can generate a powerful appeal to millions
who think they may be wasting their vote on Humphrey as
well as additional millions presently undecided or leaning
to Wallace. This appeal will also help generate bandwagon
psychology.
The targets of the summation should be:
1. the undecided
2. the Wallace voters who may have second
thoughts about wasting their vote
3. the lightly attached Humphrey voters who
want to minimize the following Wallace is
attracting - who are afraid of Wallace influence
4. the normally Democratic and independent Nixon
supporters who want a change but are not too
happy about voting Republican.
-2-
A driving, concentrated appeal for a
decisive mandate for change and action will hit all
4 of these groups at the point most likely to move
and hold them. It is also the most powerful appeal
to get Republicans to the polls.
Many people believe from the polls that
succession in office is already determined and that
their vote is not needed. The mandate to govern
theme makes their vote important again.
This theme can be propelled in many ways:
-- A talk on the electoral process and
its function in setting a direction and giving a
mandate for action in addition to determining succes-
sion in office. There may not be time to do this
full dress as you did on the Presidency, but even a
few paragraphs here and there can lay the background.
-- As you hit all the great questions in
these final weeks, each time call for a mandate for a
new direction -- emphasize that America needs leader-
ship which has a decisive mandate for action and only
the sacred act on Election Day can provide it.
-- America can't deal with the problems
and perils it faces at home and abroad without strong
leadership which has full authority to govern as well
as a mandate for change and action.
-- To take effective part in this year's
electoral process each voter should do what he thinks
will provide the necessary power to govern, a mandate
for action, and end to inaction, the avoidance of
national paralysis.
-- Make your vote count not only in electing
a man but also in expressing the voice of America, in
setting a direction and creating a momentum which will
move America forward.
-3-
-- Express in your vote your share of the
national will to have America recreate a policy in
which its government will provide an unchallengeable
national security, develop a broad sharing of the
burden of keeping the peace, maintain the value of
your dollars, and get private resources and institu-
tions working on our social problems.
The focus of this appeal should not be
entirely or even primarily the Wallace leaning voter.
It should be on the general plane of a mandate for
change, power to govern, setting a new direction SO
that it will appeal to people who think they may be
wasting their vote on Humphrey as well as to the
undecided and those now leaning to Wallace. By impli-
cation, at least, and by the explicit statement of
others, this theme should be able to get across the
reality that it's not only Wallace who can't be elected
but also Humphrey who can't be elected with any kind
of a mandate.
CC: John Mitchell
Jim Keogh
LAW OFFICES
HALL, CASEY, DICKLER & HOWLEY
122 EAST 42ND STREET
NEW YORK, N.Y. 10017
LEONARD W. HALL
AREA CODE 212 MO 1-3100
FRANKLIN NATIONAL BANK BLDG.
WILLIAM J. CASEY
CABLE "HALCASRO"
600 OLD COUNTRY ROAD
GERALD DICKLER
GARDEN CITY, N.Y. 11532
JOHN HOWLEY
JOHN W. BURKE
516 PI 7-7000
GREGORY H. DOHERTY
MILFORD FENSTER
1209 RING BUILDING
SAMUEL J. FRIEDMAN
WILLIAM L. MAHER
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
202 FE 8-6510
PAUL S. CANTOR
PETER B. CLARK
H.WM. HODGES III
MORTON A. SMITH
EDMUND S. WARTELS
October 20, 1968
Dear Dick:
This week, in putting together NIXON
ON THE ISSUES and working on material for current
radio speeches, I've certainly seen that you've
put in all the evidence.
Now the thing is to hit the jugular
with the summation. It should be simple and rise
above the detailed issues to the great questions.
It should also have a moving theme. I'm anxious
to have you read the enclosed memo which suggests
a theme which seems just right to me at this time,
in this year. I'm going to try my hand at prepar-
ing some material to implement it, which I'll TWX
to the plane. But if you like the thrust, you
will want to get ideas from others, too.
Sincerely,
Bill lazey
MEMO to RICHARD NIXON
From William Casey
On: Wind-up Theme
All signs indicate that there never were SO
many voters undecided or lightly attached to their
present preference. The closing drive should have a
theme broad enough to hit those who can't cope with the
detailed issues, don't care or want to rise above them.
This theme should be one which can be played in harmony
with your treatment of each of the 4 or 5 great questions,
as Kennedy did with "Let's get America moving again."
Such a theme, vital and valid this time, is
at hand in (a) the broad desire of the electorate for a
mandate for change and action, and (b) fear and concern
that a divided result could produce a shaky power to
govern and even paralysis at a critical time.
It's basicly "Let's make the electoral system
work" - "Let's assure a mandate to govern and to change".
The background is laid by spelling out:
a. The electoral process not only establishes
succession in office.
b. It also creates the power to govern, sets
national direction and generates national momentum, and
C. The dangers of national paralysis without
a clear mandate.
This can generate a powerful appeal to millions
who think they may be wasting their vote on Humphrey as
well as additional millions presently undecided or leaning
to Wallace. This appeal will also help generate bandwagon
psychology.
The targets of the summation should be:
1. the undecided
2. the Wallace voters who may have second
thoughts about wasting their vote
3. the lightly attached Humphrcy voters who
want to minimize the following Wallace is
attracting - who are afraid of Wallace influence
4. the normally Democratic and independent Nixon
supporters who want a change but are not too
happy about voting Republican.
-2-
A driving, concentrated appeal for a
decisive mandate for change and action will hit all
4 of these groups at the point most likely to move
and hold them. It is also the most powerful appeal
to get Republicans to the polls.
Many people believe from the polls that
succession in office is already determined and that
their vote is not needed. The mandate to govern
theme makes their vote important again.
This theme can be propelled in many ways:
-- A talk on the electoral process and
its function in setting a direction and giving a
mandate for action in addition to determining succes-
sion in office. There may not be time to do this
full dress as you did on the Presidency, but even a
few paragraphs here and there can lay the background.
-- As you hit all the great questions in
these final weeks, each time call for a mandate for a
new direction -- emphasize that America needs leader-
ship which has a decisive mandate for action and only
the sacred act on Election Day can provide it.
-- America can't deal with the problems
and perils it faces at home and abroad without strong
leadership which has full authority to govern as well
as a mandate for change and action.
-- To take effective part in this year's
electoral process each voter should do what he thinks
will provide the necessary power to govern, a mandate
for action, and end to inaction, the avoidance of
national paralysis.
-- Make your vote count not only in electing
a man but also in expressing the voice of America, in
setting a direction and creating a momentum which will
move America forward.
-3-
-- Express in your vote your share of the
national will to have America recreate a policy in
which its government will provide an unchallengeable
national security, develop a broad sharing of the
burden of keeping the peace, maintain the value of
your dollars, and get private resources and institu-
tions working on our social problems.
The focus of this appeal should not be
entirely or even primarily the Wallace leaning voter.
It should be on the general plane of a mandate for
change, power to govern, setting a new direction so
that it will appeal to people who think they may be
wasting their vote on Humphrey as well as to the
undecided and those now leaning to Wallace. By impli-
cation, at least, and by the explicit statement of
others, this theme should be able to get across the
reality that it's not only Wallace who can't be elected
but also Humphrey who can't be elected with any kind
of a mandate.
CC: John Mitchell
Jim Keogh
October 20, 1968
JIM KEOGH
thold
(Notes from RN -- telephone Sunday Night)
"I was looking at the material you have planned for
preparation for the next week. I want to double up next week
in terms of a sharp hitting on the major issues -- basically
excerpt type -- very brief -- no more than a page and a fourth
or a page and a half at the outside.
"Cincinnatti -- strong on law and order. May be the
idea that law and order is not a code word for racism -- but
mainly indicating the choice on law and order -- a vote for
Humphrey is a vote for a policy under which crime will double
in the next four years unless we get a change in policy. Sharp.
hard-hitting.
"In the next two weeks we can directly zero in on the
difference between HHH and Nixon - cracking hard not only on
his record - his defense of Clark and it might take on his attack
of me on (talk this over - if not used today (Monday) might be
another day) the Supreme Court -- that I would make appointments
that would be conservative and take the court back -- then they
))
dan pick up out of the stuff I have used in answering questions
on TV -- judges who realize it is their responsibility to
interpret the laws not to make the laws. Hitting again that some
of the decisions have gone too far in weaking the peace forces
as against the criminal forces. Might throw in a word that Potter
Stewart has been on the right side of these issues -- I agree with
him rather than with the majority (discuss this before using it).
- 2 -
Columbus -- Humphrey the most expensive Senator will be the
most expensive President -- increase in taxes - increase in
prices, etc.
Or since Rhodes' trademark is jobs -- take out the labor speech
-- 15 million new jobs - maybe Safire could develop this one
-- a vote for Humphrey is a vote to raise your prices and raise
your taxes --
Back to the crime excerpt -- A vote for Humphrey is a
vote for a policy that has seen crime go up three times as
fast as it did under Eisenhower, etc.
Toledo -- I think that is where HHH made his "You never
had it so good" statement -- check that out.
If this is so -- work up something like this --
Who does he tell this to -- farmers - what has happened
to them --- the aged -- what has happened to them -- wage earners --
less money despite his pay increases -- millions who have seen
their loved ones killed in Vietnam. Those that have been the
victims of crime. Something like that --
That is some guidance for Cincinnatti and for Columbus.
I want two a day in the next week and each is to be
sharp and hard-hitting and come back on each one of these major
issues.
Foreign policy could be hit Tuesday in terms of let's
look around the world apart from Vietnam. The danger of war is
greater - the prospects for peace lower - we have to have new
policies. American respect down -- American power down -- a
vote for HHH is a vote to continue these policies.
- 3 -
The language style is not the querulous kind but just
hard hitting and strong.
Law and Order
Inflation
Foreign Policy
Peace thing -- in the take off on it -- Humphrey the
uncertain trumpet --- he has been on all sides of every issue.
That is the greatest risk of war where a man is on all sides
for that leads to miscalculation.
E-call
EARL MAZO talked with Fill Hobe Lewis today -- Hobe was having
Hole
BOB HALDEMAN
10/21/68
Hold.
lunch with Billy Graham -- re the article "The Nixon I know.
EARL THINKS IT IS VITAL THAT WE GET THAT STORY WRITTEN AND OUT
IN PAMPHLET FORM BEFORE THE ELECTION. Thinks it should be able
to be done in two days.
I AGREE -- what good will be the article do after the election?
Of course, it will be good but of not much use if anything goes
WEEKXX wrong on this election.
RMW
Problem here in to get y raham to
finish the article and allow it to be
No
published in pamphlet X form before the election.
Hole sayr Graham seemed a lit reluctant
to do their but will grobe further if
we want him to. Maybe one afour people
should give G naha a Call.
L.
N
NIXON FOR PRESIDENT COMMITTEE,
P.O. BOX 1968, TIMES SQUARE STATION,
NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10036
fro
PHONE (212) 661-6400
MEMORANDUM
October 29, 1968
TO:
RN
FROM:
Glenn Olds
SUBJECT:
Policy Emphasis on Youth in the Final Stretch
Your remarkable speech on "Today's Youth: The Great Gener-
ation" has a telling impact on the 'first' and 'young'
voter. Its precise advocacy of a new Youth Service to pro-
vide:
(1) An open channel section
(2) A Sports and Fitness section
(3) A World Youth Activity section, and
(4) Young People's ombudsman
has touched the deep concern of this large new voting con-
stituency, and secondarily, teachers, parents, and workers
with youth who understand their real idealism.
Underscoring these practical and specific proposals in these
last few days will do much to "turn on" this group not yet
committed. They are law abiding, respectful, groping. What
they seek is an honest, authentic channel for real political
participation, and you offer it!
cc: Messrs. Haldeman
Garment
Mitchell
Keogh
N
NIXON FOR PRESIDENT COMMITTEE,
P.O. BOX 1968, TIMES SQUARE STATION,
NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10036
PHONE (212) 661-6400
MEMORANDUM
October 29, 1968
TO:
RN
FROM:
Glenn Olds
SUBJECT:
Policy confirmation of the role of the U.N. in
multinational security in the final stretch
One of the telling strengths of the campaign- to conservative
and liberal alike - has been your insistence on broadening
the base of "shared responsibility" for maintaining security
in the world. Your emphasis on realigned regional respon-
sibility in Southeast Asia, Europe, and Latin America, with
a larger measure of local accountability has been greatly
applauded.
Large numbers of voters have been waiting for the clincher to
this emphasis; i.e. reorganization and strengthening of the
U.N. to reflect a more realistic and weighted responsibility
of the world organization for peace-making, and peace-keeping.
Mr. Humphrey has disqualified himself from any serious pronoun-
cements on such matters through the shameful way George Ball
resigned and flouted U Thant and the U.N. to join him.
Last week at a U. N. luncheon given by the Secretary General
for the Ambassadors attending the Yugoslavian conference last
summer (which I attended on your behalf), there was much dis-
cussion about some hopeful word from you on the U.N. before the
election. In the 76 statements on Foreign Policy in Nixon on
the Issues, there is none explicitly on the U.N., and only one
reference to U.N. membership for Communist China. Such a state-
ment need not awaken conservative fears that we thereby abandon
a strengthened nationalism, but rather that we seek to enlist
more fully, the other nations of the world in carrying a more
-2-
legitimate share of responsibility, and its cost in money and
manpower, for maintaining peace in the world. It need be no
more than general mention of this hope.
Such an emphasis would, I believe, alienate no one, and would
turn large numbers of the still undecided youth, independent,
and liberal vote positively in your support.
(Note: I append the remarkable review of President Eisenhower's
views on the matter appearing in the U.N. publication this
Spring. My own memo of June 13 makes specific recommendation.
At this time I would make no specific recommendations beyond
the broad principle advocating strengthening the U.N. to perform
its proper role.)
CC: Messrs. Haldeman
Garment
Mitchell
Keogh
-
OF
WAR
WITH AN PLUS EXCLUSIVE ARTICLES BY INTERVIEW DWIGHT ANDREW D. BOYD, EISENHOWER TRISTRAM COFFIN, BERN AND KEATING, PEACE AND PAUL BY MARY DEHNITED THE KERSEY ERNEST NATIONS HARVEY A.
GROSS,
P.N.U.
DAVIS
VISTA
THE UNITED NATIONS ASSOCIATION
JANUARY-FEBURARY, 1968
14
went to him in Gettysburg
An Exclusive Interview
with
General Dwight D. Eisenhower
I
-during the midst of yet
another crisis which had
come near to reducing the
UN to what its friends had
by Mary Kersey Harvey
feared and its critics pre-
dicted-an arena for shouting
Mary Kersey Harvey is a senior editor
matches between sovereign states.
of McCall's magazine who has long
I went to Gettysburg to seek
been interested in the problems of in-
the President's views on what can
teruational organization.
and needs to be done to transform
the UN into the limited federated
world government he had said—
in 1948-was a central require-
ment of peace with justice.
What he had to say during the
course of our extended talk that
winter morning surpassed anything
I expected. Indeed, if Grenville
Clark was the prime theoretician
of world order, Dwight Eisen-
hower is its greatest strategist. For
to back up a world organization
with revised and more equitably
apportioned legislative and ex-
ecutive branches, President
Eisenhower would give the UN
tactical nuclear weapons, while
denying them to anyone else. But
let's begin at the beginning.
Prior to my arrival in Gettys-
burg I had prepared for our
interview by recalling many of the
pointed- comments that had been
made concerning the UN and
world peace during the last
twenty years. Particularly I had
refreshed my memory concerning
General Eisenhower's many per-
tinent speeches on the subject dur-
ing his long years in public life.
"What hope can there be for
the future of the world unless
there is some form of world
15
government which can make its
of the new United Nations
effort to prevent a renewal of
this lesson had not yet been ac-
the awful struggle through which
cepted. Its application would have
we have just passed?" Churchill
meant some form of limited
asked in 1950.
federated world government."
In 1961 John F. Kennedy told
Because the nations had not
the UN: "The risks in disarma-
accepted this lesson, a defective
ment pale in comparison to the
child was born at San Francisco
risks inherent in an unlimited
in June, 1945.
arms race." He called for "a
Twenty years later in St. Louis
peace race in which the Russians
President Eisenhower joined with
would advance with us, step by
President Truman for a celebra-
step, toward general and complete
tion of the UN's twentieth birth-
disarmament."
day. At a press conference
In 1961 the Soviet Union
following the ceremony, President
proposed:
Eisenhower's praise of the work
of the UN's special agencies was
"In order to make it easier to
published widely. But when the
President stressed the imperative
reach agreement with the W. estern
need for strengthening the world
powers and to prevent the control
organization without delay, it
question from becoming an ob-
went unnoticed by all but a few.
stacle
the Soviet Government
has stated that if the estern
powers will accept the proposal
etween Dwight D.
Eisenhower's statements
on general and complete disarma-
ment, the Soviet Union will un-
of 1948 and 1965 lay
conditionally accept those Powers'
two peaceful terms as
President of the United
proposals on control."
States. What had he
thought, said and done, as leader
Long before these bold words
of the world's most powerful
were spoken the then General
nation, and as the single most
Eisenhower had already grasped
respected and admired public
the nature of the requirements of
figure in the world, to "wage
world order. In 1948 he wrote:
peace"?
"During the war it was demon-
Plenty.
strated that international unity of
From the very beginning of his
purpose and execution could be
Administration, he unremittingly
attained, without jeopardy to any
sought creative proposals that
nation's independence, if all were
might lead to progress toward
willing to pool a portion of their
genuine peace. He initiated the
authority in a new single head-
cultural-exchange program with
quarters with power to enforce
the Soviet Union. He took the
their decisions. In the formation
initiative in calling a halt to the
16
Anglo-Israeli aggression against
At the height of the second
Suez, but warned the Soviets
presidential campaign, a few days
against any attempt of theirs to
after Anglo-Israeli forces moved
intrude by force. He vetoed mili-
on the Suez, the President, well
tary intervention in Laos. And
aware of the possible domestic
made proposal after proposal
political consequences, went
aimed at disarmament and a
grim-faced on national television
world security system based on law.
and explained why compliance
During the weeks of torturous
with the United Nations' call for
preparation of one of his major
a cease-fire was imperative. He
peace speeches ("Chance for
then re-stated his belief in the need
Peace,' 1953) he was determined
for giving the UN more muscle:
that what he said would be more
-far more-than just a jumble
of platitudes. The world was sick
"The United Nations represents
of hearing its leaders' smarmy-
the best and soundest hope for
peace in the world
For this
mouthed rhetoric. They demanded
very reason I believe that the
more than a forced trip on the
nuclear collision course.
processes of the UN need further
In "Chance for Peace" Presi-
to be developed and strength-
ened."
dent Eisenhower declared war-
total war-not upon any human
enemy, but upon the brute forces
Dwight Eisenhower knew then,
of poverty and need in the world.
as he knew in 1948, and knows
today, that the world could not
and cannot afford the danger of
"The cost of one modern heavy
relying on voluntary compliance
bomber is this: a modern brick
with UN resolutions and
school in more than thirty cities
injunctions.
We pay for a single destroyer
A few months later, facing
with new homes that could house
masses assembled at the Capitol
more than eight thousand people.
for his second Inauguration, Pres-
"This" is not a way of life
ident Eisenhower again sounded
Under the cloud of threatening
a grave, but hopeful note:
war, it is humanity hanging from
a cross of iron.
'The building of
the peace is
"This government is ready to ask
a bold and solemn purpose. To
its people to join with all nations
proclaim it is easy
To serve
in devoting a substantial percent-
it will be hard
We must be
age of the savings achieved by
ready to pay its full price
disarmament to a fund for world
One truth must rule all we think
aid and reconstruction."
and all we do."
17
And at the convening of the
t felt like snow as I walked
fifteenth session of the UN
affirmed with utter clarity his
mounting concern about the need
II
the path to the President's
General Assembly the President
offices at Gettysburg College
on the morning of Novem-
ber 7th. The President-
for giving the world body power
who had been up before
to enact and enforce law binding
dawn-had already hiked to the
on all nations:
polls, cast his vote and dictated
several letters by the time I
"Thus, we see as our goal, not a
arrived for the 9 o'clock meeting.
superstate above nations, but a
The President was somewhat
world community, embracing
thinner than when we last met in
them all, rooted in law and
1963 at dinner at the Eisenhower
justice."
farm, but he was every bit as
earnest, enthusiastic and ebullient.
Dwight Eisenhower's horror of
It was going to be difficult to
war and restless hope for peace
keep track of everything he said.
over so extended a period of time
Thoughts, stories, quotations, ref-
is unmatched by any other U.S
erences to history, dates, crises,
President of our time.
names, technical terms, numbers
-all cascaded forth with a brisk-
ness, accuracy and intensity char-
acteristic of few men of any age.
I was clutching my worn copy
of "Waging Peace" along with
other papers and memory-refresh-
ers. That book had been a devil
to write, the President said. The
research part of it had been tre-
mendous and tedious. He thought
he would never get through it.
His eyes twinkled a bit as he set-
tled into his chair and talked
about his new book, "At Ease".
Now that one had been fun to
write. It was just like telling
stories to friends.
It was fun to read, too, I told
the President. But more than that,
it helped us understand the roots
of his intense hatred of violence
and war. This hatred was in-
trinsic. A story that had etched
18
War and Peace and the UN
because of the inability of its sov-
itself deeply in my mind had to
ereign members to make objective
do with the six-year old Dwight's
judgments, dispense justice, and
reaction to the sight of his broth-
enforce decisions on a world
er's whipping. He had broken
scale, thus leaving our interdepend-
into tears and cried out "Stop!
ent world without the machin-
Please stop! Even a dog shouldn't
ery to prevent drift and anarchy.
be treated like that!"
The President knew why I was
he President read the
there. Paul G. Hoffman, director
editorial carefully,
of the United Nations Develop-
took off his glasses, and
ment Programme, had explained
turned to me, leaning
to him that readers of VISTA
forward in his chair. He
and United Nations Associations
spoke with great
publications in 65 other countries
earnestness. There were, it seemed
were well aware of the great
to him, many valid reasons for
services performed by the UN's
concern, although some voices are
ancillary agencies, but were be-
predictably gloomy. We had to
coming increasingly concerned by
keep in mind the civilizing and
its weakness with respect to its
healing effect of the UN special
central function: prevention of
agencies.
the threat or use of force against
the territorial integrity of member
nations. What the President had
to say would be read by the many
members of these United Nations
Associations throughout the world.
I handed the President excerpts
from a recent New York Times
editorial which said in essence
that many of the more responsible
powers were now doubting-more
than eyer before in its history-
whether continued membership in
the UN was in their best inter-
ests. It further said that they
feared that unless procedures were
changed to conform with the
UN's changed character the or-
ganization would not survive.
-I then expressed my own some-
what stronger concern that the
organization might be torn apart
19
But, he added, history shows
of resources, money and man-
invariably that associations of sov-
power, and it might save suffi-
ereign nations (and he empha-
cient resources to meet many of
sized the word "sovereign")
the basic requirements of the
never achieve the results that
world's impoverished, and (2)
idealists and indeed practical peo-
eliminate the chances of a world
ple expect them to. The President
cataclysm and the extinction of
gave NATO as a recent and stun-
civilization. Disarmament, to the
ning example of this. It had
President, was a step-certainly a
worked only so long as all of its
major one-toward the greatest of
members were willing to go
all goals: a just peace.
along. But there had been no way
to prevent its members from uni-
he next question had
lateral action, from pulling out
to do with the pro-
when it appeared to be in their
digious efforts made by
national interest.
the Eisenhower Adminis-
The point the President was
tration to come up with
making was that the UN, in
disarmament proposals
reality, was a world treaty group.
which would be effective and
Its members were no more bound
acceptable, not only to our Con-
to abide by it than members of
gress and to our allies, but to the
regional treaty groupings. Na-
Soviets. These efforts had been
tional sovereignty, one got the
continuous and unremitting,
feeling, was to the President the
strenuous and consistent.
main villain of the piece. (Peace,
Now, some seven years had
too, for that matter.)
elapsed since his Administration's
The President, in "Waging
final and comprehensive plan for
Peace" had said that "of the var-
disarmament had been placed be-
ious Presidential tasks to which I
fore the world in 1960. No
early determined to devote my
meaningful progress toward uni-
energies, none transcended in im-
versal disarmament had been
portance that of trying to devise
made during those seven years. In
practical and acceptable measures
fact regression had characterized
toward universal disarmament."
the period. The arms race had
What he meant by "universal",
escalated. There was one full-
of course; was disarmament by all
fledged war in the field, others
nations of the world. Would this
threatening. How did the
still be his number one goal, I
President account for this
enquired? Universal disarmament,
deplorable record?
the President answered, would
Without hesitation he snapped
not fully assure peaceful settle-
out his answer. The failure could
ment of all international issues,
be laid directly to the war in
but it would certainly (1) lessen
Vietnam.- You cannot be fighting
the diversion from useful purposes
a war and negotiate effectively
20
W ar and Peace and the UN
Would this not represent a hor-
about disarmament at the same
rendous threat to world stability?
time.
As an example, I wondered what
Now there were those, of
would have happened if either or
course, who might have answered
both the Israelis and Arabs had
the question in another way, he
possessed even a few nuclear
went on to say. They would lay
weapons during the June clashes.
the failure to the Soviet's various
The President pointed out that
and varying stances on inspection.
he had proposed, early in his Ad-
Back in the days of Stalin, the
ministration, that the small and
President explained, the Russians'
middle-sized countries be pro-
justifiable fears of war and of
vided with nuclear know-how.
opening their country to foreign-
With this would have come a
ers were about proportionate.
sense of maturity and responsibil-
Stalin had once told him, the
ity, he said. Too, if all nations
President went on, that no major
now possessed nuclear capability
projects, i.e. massive hydro-electric
they might be more willing to
plants, dams, and the likes would
talk seriously about universal dis-
be constructed until the chances
armament.
of their destruction in another war
ext question.
had diminished to a reassuring
As a five-star
degree. Thus, the President told
General, and as a
me, when the Russians-after
President elected by
Stalin's death-began construc-
Republicans who,
tion of many massive and costly
to a large extent,
projects-he came to the conclu-
dominate the nation's industry,
sion that they no longer feared
the President had astounded the
attack and would be amenable
country with his warning against
to a disarmament plan which con-
what he bluntly termed "the
tained some, but not excessive
military-industrial complex."
inspection. He still felt justified in
In his Farewell Address, the
having reached that conclusion.
President had sternly emphasized
Of course, he added, the Sino-
that
Soviet relationship now makes it
difficult for the Russians to talk
"The conjunction of an immense
disarmament with us, just as our
military establishment and a large
involvement in the Vietnam war
arms industry is new in the Amer-
makes it difficult for us.
ican experience. Its total influence
wondered if the President
—economic, political, even spirit-
was disturbed about the very
ual-is felt in every city, every
real possibility that a number
state house, every office of the
of smaller nations would soon
Federal Government.
acquire nuclear material and
"We must not fail to compre-
themeans for its delivery.
bend its grave implications. We
21
must guard against the unwar-
Washington. Possibly $35 billion
ranted influence
by the mili-
for hardware alone! he exclaimed.
tary-industrial complex. The po-
These fellows couldn't get out
tential for the disastrous rise of
of it if they wanted to, the Pres-
misplaced power exists and will
ident was afraid. Would he, I
persist."
asked, go into some detail about
the component parts of the
Was there, in the President's
military-industrial complex? Who
opinion, any connection, however
were they? Where were they?
minuscule, between the "persist-
Well, to begin with, there were
ing power" of the military-indus-
the politicians. Every Congress-
trial complex and the failure of
man, the President explained,
disarmament efforts? The Presi-
wants air bases, aerospace con-
dent slumped back in his chair,
let his arms hang limply at his
sides. His answer came slowly.
He reminded me that as far
back as 1930 he had been as-
signed to work on a Commission
to take the profits out of war.
Bernard Baruch had been his
"mentor". But it was vastly-dif-
ferent in those days. Whether
wars were of long or short dura-
tion, a long period of peace was
confidently anticipated. Whenthey
were over, industry promptly
began to re-tool for civilian needs.
This was costly. And, moreover,
not all industry became involved
in war production. Those that did
suffered by losing their consumer-
oriented production capability as
well as their customers. There
was, except in special cases, no
appreciable profit in war then.
Nothing comparable at all to the
profits of today.
Moreover, the President said,
we have a situation now where
whole segments of the economy
and the society are partially or
totally dependent on the billions
of dollars flowing to them from
26
Continued from page 21
ontrary to what most
tracts, R & D establishments,
people think, the
military camps, and the like, for
nation's largest
his state. And what's more, once
industrial employer is
he's got these things for his state,
NOT the automotive
he'll fight to the death to see they
industry. It's the aero-
aren't dismantled, even when they
space industry. It employs
no longer serve their original or
1,384,000 workers. Four-fifths of
any real purpose. You hear the
its sales are to the Federal gov-
rumblings on the Hill every time
ernment. Its workers and particu-
McNamara wants to close a ship-
larly its scientists are certainly an
yard or an airbase. Another group
important component in the com-
in the complex, the defense con-
plex. Then you've got the elec-
tractors, not only work through
tronics, ordnance and petroleum
their Congressmen, but court the
fellows, all with very real inter-
Pentagon directly.
ests in the continuance of the
It has even gotten into the uni-
war machine.
versities, the President said rue-
They are justifiably afraid of
fully. Not long ago Dr. Wriston,
arms cutbacks, we agreed.
former president of Brown Uni-
What then, I asked, was the
versity, had told him that if Fed-
alternative?
eral grants for research relating
The President cheered up a bit.
to military and para-military mat-
In a spirited fashion he began to
ters were to end, almost every
develop an analogy between the
university would have to close
condition of American military-
shop.
oriented industry when arms
This was a deplorable state of
spending ended and that of the
affairs, the President continued,
European nations whose produc-
but prevailed on many campuses
tion facilities lay in ruins after
throughout the country. Only
World War II.
those private institutions with
The President spoke of the in-
enormous endowments (The
genious way in which Paul Hoff-
Johns Hopkins University, of
man, as administrator of the
which his brother Milton was
Marshall Plan, had operated. To
president, was one) can take that
Hoffman's way of thinking, our
Federal research money or leave it.
government's various bureaus and
Another part of the complex:
agencies would be the last to
the very institution from whence
know the requirements of the
Eisenhower had sprung. Every
various devastated European in-
branch of the Armed Forces de-
dustrial complexes. And so Hoff-
mands and sometimes gets more
man went to them and said in
than it needs. Then, the President
essence: draw up your own plans
went on gloomily, there are the
for reconstruction and recovery.
unions.
You know better than we do what
27
is required. Then get up a budg-
He would think that comparable
et. How much can you lay out
measures could be effective with
and how much help will you
respect to the American military
need from us?
industrial community when arms
That, the President said, ac-
spending halted or diminished
counted for the speed and effi-
sharply.
ciency of the recovery of the
At the risk of dwelling too
European industrial community.
long on the issue of armaments
and disarmament, I posed one
final question in this area, be-
cause it could best be answered
by a man whose vast knowledge
of military affairs and arms is
equally matched by his passion
for peace. There is probably
no man with comparable quali-
fications in the world.
We were now spending $87 bil-
lion of our total Federal budget
of $135 billion on arms or de-
fense, call it what you will. These
figures made the military budget
during his Administration look
like carfare. The President had
written, again in "Waging Peace,"
that "so long as such proportion
of the world's assets are wasted
on excessive arms, our ability to
help poorer peoples will be sorely
and uselessly impaired."
uestion: Would the
$5 billion anti-
missile missile
system recently
announced by
Secretary McNamara
fall into the Presi-
dent's category of
"excessive arms?"
I wasn't prepared for his vivid
response. Five billion! That was
only the beginning, the President
said impatiently. It would buy a
28
War and Peace and the UN
sanity-to the sane.
1
pilot establishment, nothing else.
And then we would have to go
t was time to discuss
on and on until we had "the
works." He drew a spiral in the
II
what the President had
meant when he said in 1956
air with his forefinger as he
"there can be no peace without
talked. You'd get up into the $20
law." Two preliminary
billions, then the $30 billions, and
questions about basic
the $40 billions-just for the
assumptions: (1) Did his use of
United States. Every little town
the word "law" in the context of
and locality would insist on hav-
world peace imply the law of a
ing a shield. Even Gettysburg.
world authority, capable of en-
And, soon, too, all your allies
forcement, as distinguished from
will insist on having it. The Pres-
a mere set of exhortations or in-
ident had continued to trace the
junctions, and (2) did the pro-'
spiral until it had gone as high as
position "no peace without law"
his arm could reach. Right now
embody the concept that peace
our arms expenditures create eco-
cannot be assured by a continued
nomic difficulties, he said in a
arms race or an indefinite
hard tone, as his spiraling arm
balance of terror, but
dropped to his side. But, as of
only by universal
now, it is possible that we will
disarmament,
have to take on this great addi-
together with es-
tional cost.
He paused, swiveled to gaze
out the window at the wind-
stripped trees, and finally turned
back to finish up on the anti-
missile missile. He thought the
value of the project was still
questionable. Now, mind you, the
President said, I wouldn't call it
a form of excessive arms, if I
thought it would be effective. But
I tend to agree with McNamara
when he minimized the need for
the thing. If it's a "thin" defense,
as they now describe it, it won't
appreciably improve our defensive
posture. And, anyway, it's still
axiomatic that the best defense is
a perfect offense. We've got that.
We then moved from the un-
thinkable, the madness, the in-
29
tablishment of institutions in the
assumptions would be unnecessary,
world corresponding to those
especially in view of the Presi-
which maintain law and order in
dent's uncompromising stance dur-
our country and others?
ing the Sucz crisis of 1956 when
Obviously, the President replied
he emphasized that there could be
rather impatiently, that was the
no double standard of law in the
kind of law he had spoken of
world, i.c. one law for those op-
when he said it was essential to
posing us, another for our allies.
world peace. I said I had sus-
There could be only one law, the
pected my two questions about
President had insisted then, or no
peace. Many in the world be-
lieved his stand had prevented
World War III.
To get that "one law for all in
the world" Grenville Clark, a
prominent American lawyer, cham-
pion of civil liberties and of
peace through world federalism,
had drafted a set of changes that
could be made in the UN Charter
and which would provide the UN
sufficient authority to prevent war.
That authority, Clark had made
clear, would be strictly limited to
war prevention. I hoped we
might now go over some of the
main provisions of the Clark
proposals.
The President anchored on his
glasses the better to study the
I
Clark formula for the UN legis-
lative body. It would eliminate
the one vote-per nation provision
in the General Assembly, for one
thing. Secondly, nations would be
given voting power according to
a formula which took into ac-
count population and geographic
factors. Assuming an eventual
membership in the UN of about
130 nations (all nations now
members, plus those expected to
join) Clark had calculated a vot-
ing arrangement that goes like this:
30
W ar and Peace and the UN
they considered what they stood
to gain if they would unite in
Representatives
Total
some kind of economically-
Nations
Each
Votes
oriented regional federation?
4 largest
30
120
Well, the President said, they
10 next largest
12
120
just wouldn't buy it. They each
15
8
120
wanted their independence. And
20
6
120
the reason they gave: it would
30
4
120
get each of them that one vote
40
3
120
in the UN. The idea of forming
10 smallest
1
10
a powerful, regional African
grouping had no appeal. Now, it
might have had appeal if the vot-
The President scrutinized the
ing powers of UN members were
formula most carefully, then
apportioned on a more realistic
whipped off his glasses. There
basis.
was no doubt, none at all, he
The make-up of the UN, he
said, that we have gone over-
went on, is discrediting the or-
board in bringing into the UN
ganization. How can the General
certain sovereign groupings which
Assembly function with one vote
have no valid claim to nation-
for each nation? The United
hood. Groups which were not
States has the same voting
economically and/or politically
strength as the Maldive Islands
ready for nationhood and a vote
with-what was their population?
in the UN. But it was not entirely
-less than 100,000? It was like
or even largely the fault of these
giving Rhode Island the same
new nations. It was partly the
number of Representatives in the
fault of the larger powers. They
Congress as Texas or California
had expected too much, too much
or New York. It had been and
in too short a time.
continues to be a mistake to
The President was reminded of
admit nations to the UN un-
a story. Back in 1959 DeGaulle
qualifiedly.
had brought together the prime
ministers of ten or eleven African
OW that led to the
countries of the "French Com-
N
Security Council, the
munity." He had asked the Presi-
President continued.
dent to address them privately.
It wasn't doing its
He decided to begin with a ques-
job, either. Couldn't
tion. In view of the fact, the
do the job, with the
President had asked the African
veto. Why couldn't some majority
leaders, that the world was be-
voting formula be worked out?
coming increasingly economically
He replaced his glasses as I
interdependent, why did they
handed him the Clark formula
want to go it alone? And had
for changing the composition of
31
the Security Council.
fied, calls for an immediate and
It would be as follows:
precisely calibrated move toward
universal disarmament.
The executive body be en-
larged to seventeen members,
he re-configured
each elected to a four-year
term by the General Assembly.
The U.S., U.S.S.R., China and
T five persons, none of
Security Council
would appoint an Inspec-
Commission to consist
India would have a representa-
whom would be a
tive at all times. Four of the
eight next largest nations
national of any of the twelve
would, in rotation, be entitled
largest nations, and no two of
whom would be nationals of the
to membership, with the pro-
viso that two of these four
same nation.
members should always be
They would conduct a world-
from European nations, the
wide Arms Census, supervise an
other two from nations outside
arms production truce, and
Europe. The remaining nine
eventually supervise and verify
members would be chosen by
by inspection, phased, proportion-
the General Assembly from
ate disarmament which would
the other member nations.
leave all nations as equally strong
or weak during the disarmament
A simple majority would be
period as they were prior to it.
ruled out. A majority of 12 out
The gradual and proportionate
of the 17 votes would be re-
giving up of military forces and
quired for all but the "most im-
weapons would take place over a
portant" decisions. In these cases,
period of ten years at the rate of
Clark proposes that the majority
ten per cent per year.
of 12 must include a majority of
Rather startlingly, the Presi-
each of the two main groups of
dent's response to this part of the
nations, i.e. the large nations and
Clark plan was, in essence, why
the much more numerous groups
wait? Of course the main goal is
of smaller nations. The President
complete disarmament. But why
thought it all made a great deal
not run some experiments now?
of sense.
Let's open up all our bases,
After going over the Clark
nuclear launching facilities, arms
proposals for compulsory jurisdic-
factories, the works-all of it
tion by the International Court
located on or west of the
and the establishment of a World
Mississippi and invite the
Equity Tribunal to arbitrate cases
Russians to come in and look
where legal principles were not
around. On condition, of course,
applicable, we moved on to the
that they would open up every-
actual disarmament phase. The
thing they had located on or
Clark plan, if adopted and rati-
west of the Vistula River to
32
War and Peace and the UN
would be dispersed to avoid
inspectors from the United States.
power concentrations, would be
Now these inspectors would
highly mobile, and would be
soon begin to understand the size
located in defensible positions.
and dimension of the problems
None of them would be sta-
of inspection and verification.
tioned in the larger countries.
They could learn a lot and then
The UN military staff would
work together to develop a
be under civilian control.
formula which would be work-
able and acceptable to both sides,
The President studied the
and to the other nations, too.
above plan quickly and, as I had
The President didn't see why
expected, caught the ball and ran
we had to wait for full UN
with it. You'd have, he began to
Charter revision. He knew, as only
plan out loud, world Marshals,
a military man knows, that such
comparable to our U.S. Marshals.
an experiment as he had just put
Backed by armed forces similar
forth could pose no real threat to
to our National Guard. When
the security of either side. We
the U.S. Marshals go into a
must try! the President urged.
troubled area, if they can't handle
Try and keep trying!
it, if they can't get compliance
The disarmament phase of the
with Federal law, the Guard can
plan for a world security system
be called in. You'd have the same
was but a relatively short-term
thing on a world scale. Non-
proposition. The concurrent
compliance with UN law and you
build-up of weapons, men and
send in the UN forces. He or-
material for a UN Peace Force
chestrated this point at some
would lead to a permanent
length.
establishment-a military one-
within the UN. The President's
nd too, he hammered away,
thoughts on this would be most
the UN needs nuclear
enlightening. In essence the plan
power. He bore down hard
was this:
on the word "nuclear."
The United Nations Peace
The UN can't keep the
Force would be a heavily-
peace with conventional
armed and well-disciplined
weapons alone. The President,
world police force. To prevent
out of his enormous storehouse
domination of this Force by
of military experience and know-
any nation or group of nations,
how, put forth some brilliant
the number of nationals of any
innovations on Clark's Peace
nation in its standing com-
Force plan. You know, he said,
ponent would not exceed three
way back in 1953 I proposed that
per cent of the total strength
the nations turn over all nuclear
of the Peace Force except in
weapons to the UN, keeping only
extreme emergencies. Units
that nuclear material necessary
33
for peaceful purposes. The ulti-
supranational organization with-
mate aim of my proposal at that
out power, the President em-
time was to get those blasted
phasized. He had said that in
bombs out of the hands of the
1953 at the United Nations and
nations and into the hands of an
he insists on it today.
impartial world body.
The President went on to out-
e fell silent
line, specifically and vividly, how
for a moment.
the UN would use its nuclear
Was the President
power, without anyone getting
thinking about the
hurt. Take this example, he
possible shock effect
hurried on. You have two coun-
his ideas might have in
tries in a border argument. The
some quarters? Grenville Clark had
UN orders the matter to be taken
often said that what the world
to the International Court. One
probably needed to get moving on
or both of the disputants refuses
disarmament and world law was a
to submit to compulsory arbitra-
tion. They build up their troops
along the border.
Then your UN aerial surveil-
lance teams report that armed
outbreak is imminent. The UN,
which by now has in its posses-
sion a fleet of submarines armed
with nuclear missiles deployed
around the world, orders one of
the submarines to proceed to the
area. The world is then told that
if firing breaks out for any reason
whatsoever, a tactical nuclear
weapon will be delivered onto
the disputed territory. If this
threat fails to prevent armed
conflict, you back it up with
action.
But, the President quickly
added, no nuclear bomb would
ever need to be delivered, he felt
sure. The threat would be suffi-
cient to roll back the opponents
from the border-indeed all the
way back to the International
Court at The Hague.
There can be no effective
34
II" .11 and Peace and the UN
that long hot spring and summer
series of severe shocks. As to my
of 1787 in Philadelphia where
own thoughts during those brief
the Convention was underway.
silent seconds, it seemed to me
He delineated the various
that what the President was really
stresses and strains within and
saying to the UN and about the
without the thirteen states and
UN was: Get tough! Diplomacy,
kid gloves, cadenced speeches,
behind-the-scenes deals have not
worked and won't ever work!
Demand the men and the
weaponry you require to do the
job. Get rough! Get tough!
It came then, down to this:
How do you get from here to
there?
The President had long been
guided by the early period in our
national life and the men who
shaped it. Would it be stretching
the point too much, I asked, to
equate the Articles of Confedera-
tion and the problems of the
thirteen original states, with the
present UN Charter and the
problems of the 123 nation-states
today? And, if an equation could
be made, could the President then
agree that a UN Charter revision
conference, similar to the Con-
stitutional Convention of 1787
might result in the carving out of
a Constitution for the World, as
strong, equitable and sound as
the U.S. Constitution?
The famous grin broke out.
Here was, he said, an analogy
which many Americans would
understand and accept. The
President then spoke, as though
he had struggled right along with
Jay, Madison, Washington,
Hamilton, Franklin and the
others, at Philadelphia during
35
why their centers of gravity
sovereign or narrow-minded
varied, some having closer ties
interests. It was the ability and
to foreign governments than to
willingness to compromise for the
the Confederation. The attempt
sake of the larger interest which
to save the Confederation by
had created the Constitution and
strengthening it faltered again
the strongest democracy in the
and again. The Virginia Plan and
world. This could work on a
the New Jersey Plan were so far
world level.
apart that compromise appeared
And the President added force-
unattainable.
fully, the ability and willingness
We both then recalled the
to compromise might, in the end,
words of Chairman of the Con-
serve to create a world constitu-
vention, George Washington:
tion, the provisions of which
would enable the world's people
"It is too probable that no plan
to live without the fear of war
we propose will be adopted.
ever happening again.
Perhaps another dreadful con-
He had a proposal to make
flict is to be sustained. If, to
before I left. Why, the President
please the people, we offer
asked, why can't we say that the
what we ourselves disapprove,
entire program for one year (of
how can we afterward defend
the United Nations Association)
our work? Let us raise a
will be to make the United
standard to which the wise and
Nations a more effective instru-
the honest can repair; the event
ment for peace?
is in the hand of God."
I knew what he had in mind.
It wasn't necessary to ask him to
spell out the details. For if
he same situation,
Dwight D. Eisenhower thinks the
the President said,
United Nations Association and
could very well prevail
all its members can and should
at a United Nations
mount such a one-year program,
Charter Revision confer-
there are plenty of brains around
ence. But the lesson of
to work out the details.
1787 was that intelligence, the
I stood to leave. My time had
ability to give a little, and the
been up a long while ago. The
over-riding requirements for
President got up from his desk
survival can prevail over
and walked into the middle of
the room to say a last word. He
was, he maintained, essentially
an optimist. He had always been
one and would remain so. He
was still hopeful that man's
intelligence would outwit his
inventiveness.
NOVEMBER 1, 1968
TO:@ @BOB HALDEMAN
FROM: MURRAY CHOTINER
THE FOLLOWING STORY WAS RELEASED BY US, TO COMBAT@THE CHARGE THAT
DICK IS NOT FOR SOCIAL SECURITY AND MEDICARE. THE STATEMENT IS FROM
DR. FLEMMING.
NEW YORK, NOV. 1 -- DR. ARTHUR S. FLEMMING, SECRETARY OF HEALTH,
EDUCATION AND WELFARE UNDER PRESIDENT DWIGHT EISENHOWER HAS
VIGOROUSLY ENDORSED@RICHARD@NIXON FOR@PRESIDENT OF THE@UNITED@STATES.
DR. FLEMMING STATED, "I KNOW IN LIGHT OF MY EXPERIENCES THAT MR.
NIXON -- WILL@MOVE THE COUNTRY FORWARD@IN THE@AREAS OF HEALTH, @EDUCATION
AND WELFARE."
DR. FLEMMING NOTED, "WHEN I ADVOCATED ADVANCES ON THE PART@OF THE
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IN THE AREAS OF HEALTH, EDUCATION AND WELFARE, I
ALWAYS RECEIVED VIGOROUS AND@EFFECTIVE SUPPORT FROM MR. NIXON. I KNOW,
FOR EXAMPLE, @THAT@IT WAS THAT SUPPORT@IN A@CABINET@MEETING THAT@LED PRES
IDENT@EISENHOWER IN 196P TO ASK THE CONGRESS FOR NEW LEGISLATION IN THE
FIELD OF EDUCATION. THE EDUCATION BILL WAS BACKED ENTHUSIASTICALLY
BY MR. NIXON."
IN HIS ENDORSEMENT, DR. FLEMMING REITERATED WHAT HE THOUGHT WOULD
BE THE MAJOR ACCOMPLISHMENT OF A NIXON ADMINISTRATION IN THE FIELDS OF
HEALTH, EDUCATION AND WELFARE. DR. FLEMMING SAID, "I@KNOW THAT MR.
NIXON MEANT IT WHEN HE SAID, @'I PLEDGEOMY ADMINISTRATION@TO@BE@SECOND
TO NONE@IN ITS@CONCERN@OFR@EDUCATION. 111
THE@FORMER SECRETARY ALSO LISTED AS FUTURE@ACCOMPLI SHMENTSONIXON S@PLEDE
FOR@COST OF@LIVING@INCREASES IN@SOCIAL@SECURITY@BENEFITS, ELEIMINATION
OF THE CEILING ON EARNING FOR SOCIAL@SECURTIY RECIPIENTS, @THE@
ESTABLISHMENT OF NATIONAL@STANDARDS THAT@WOULD INCREASE@THE@LEVEL0OFO
BENEFITS@FOR@THOSE@UNDER@PUBLIC@ASSISTANCE@AND@STRENGTHENING@OF@THE
NATION'S MEDICARE@PROGRAMN
DR. FLEMMING@QUOTED@FROM@MRNONIXON S@SEPN@QY@SPEECH@ON@BTHE@NATURE@OF
THE PRESIDENCY" @IN@WHICHONIXON SAID,@BTHE@PRESIDENT@CANNOT@ISOLATE
HIMSELF@FROM@THE@GREAT@INTELLECTUAL@[email protected]@THISOIS
ONE@REASON WHY I@DON'T WANT@A@GOVERNMENT OF@YES MEN. @IT'S WHY I@DO
WANT@A@GOVERNMENT@DRAWN@FROM@POLITICS, N@ @FROM@CAREER GOVERNMENT@SERVICE,
FROMOUNIVERSITIES, @FROM@BUSINESS, FROM THE@PROFESSIONS -- ONE@INCLUDING
NOT ONLY@EXECUTIVES AND@ADMINISTRATORS@BUT@SCHOLARS@[email protected]
DRN@FLEMMING@SAIDL@BI @MRN@N IXONWOULD@APPLY@THI S@CONCEPT
OF@THE@PRESIDENCY@TO THE@AREASOOFOHEALTH, @EDUCATION AND WELFARE."
END
NOVEMBER@1, @Q968
TO: @@BOB HALDEMAN
FROM: MURRAY CHOTINER
IT IS STRONGLY SUGGESTED THAT RN, ON THE@TELETHON, @AND@WHEREVER@ELSE
POSSIBLE, USE@THE@MATERIEL@I@SENTOTO DICKOKLEINDIENST@SHOWING@THE
MISREPRESENTATIONS@OF@DICKGS@POSITION0ON@SOCIAL@SECURITY@ANDEMEDICAREL
AND@HIS@REAL@STANDN
END
NOVEMBER@QL@QYVX
TOZ@@@@@BOB@HALDEMAN
FROMZ@@@MURRAY@CHOTINER
THE@FOLLOWING@IS@MATERIALLTO@BE@GIVEN@TO@SOME@NEWSPAPER@FORBITS0OWN
INVESTIGATION.
THE@QYVT@FINANCIAL@STATEMENT@OF@HHH@SHOWS@OWNERSHIP@OF@QLVXV@SHARES
LISTED@AT@DOTL@YVSNPPL@OF@GN@TN@SCHJADAHL@CORPORATION@OF@MINNESOTAN
HE@ALSO@ACQUIRED@CONVERTIBLE@DEBENTURESN@@THE@COMPANY@ISL@IN@FACTLOA
PACKAGING@BUSINESS@AND@RECEIVED@MANY@GOVERNMENT@CONTRACTS@FROM NASA
ARMY, NAVY AND@POLARIS.
THE@STOCK@JUMPED@FROM $8.000A@SHARE@IN APRIL, @1965 TO @D30. OP@A@SHARE
IN JULY, 1967. @IT@HAS DECLINED SINCE TO $16.00 @ON NOVEMBER 1, 1968
PRESUMABLY DUE TO MANAGEMENT, ACCORDING TO REPORTS.
THE COMPANY DID HAVE GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS IN 1961-1962, HOWEVER, WE
UNDERSTAND THERE WAS A MARKED INCREASE WHICH LEAD TO THE JUMP IN
PRICE OF THE STOCK.
QUERY NO. 1: WHEN DID HHH ACQUIRE HIS STOCK?
QUERY NO. 2: WHEN DID THE GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS INCREASE IN NUMBER
AND VALUE?
END