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Ronald Reagan Presidential Library
Digital Library Collections
This is a PDF of a folder from our textual collections.
Collection: Blackwell, Morton: Files
Folder Title: Committee for the Survival of a
Free Congress (1 of 3)
Box: 5
To see more digitized collections visit:
https://reaganlibrary.gov/archives/digital-library
To see all Ronald Reagan Presidential Library inventories visit:
https://reaganlibrary.gov/document-collection
Contact a reference archivist at: [email protected]
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WITHDRAWAL SHEET
Ronald Reagan Library
Collection Name BLACKWELL, MORTON: FILES
Withdrawer
KDB
6/7/2010
File Folder
COMMITTEE FOR THE SURVIVAL OF A FREE
FOIA
CONGRESS (1)
F09-0043/01
Box Number
9076
STRAUSS, C
7
DOC Doc Type
Document Description
No of Doc Date Restrictions
NO
Pages
1
LETTER
BLACKWELL TO PAUL WEYRICH RE
2 10/16/1981
B6
CORRESPONDENCE RECEIVED BY
WEYRICH
Freedom of Information Act . [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
B-1 National security classified information [(b)(1) of the FOIA]
B-2 Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
B-3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
B-4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
B-6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
B-7 Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
B-8 Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
B-9 Release would disclose geological or geophysical information concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed of gift.
The
ommittee for the Survival of a Free Congress
721 SECOND STREET. N.E.
CAPITOL HILL
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20002
(202) 546-3000
August 23, 1982
Mr. Hugh C. Newton
Hugh C. Newton & Associates
618 South Lee Street
Alexandria, VA 22314
Dear Hugh:
You err in suggesting that I write the "Alice in Wonderland" columns
for the Washington Times. I state absolutely and categorically that
I do not write them directly or indirectly and do not supply materials
for them. Moreover, the identity of who does write the column remains
a mystery. If you find out who is responsible, you tell me; and if I
find out, I'll tell you.
Best personal regards,
Sincerely,
Paul
Paul M. Weyrich
Director
bcc: Dick Thompson
Howard Phillips
Dick Dingman
Ron Godwin
Ed Feulner
Terry Dolan
Phil Trulock
Mike Corby
Morton Blackwell
Richard Viguerie
Margo Carlisle
Jim Whelan
Jade West
Bob McAdam
Kathy Teague
Bob Walker
Dave Hoppe
Newt Gingrich
Electing conservative candidates to the U.S. House and Senate
Re arks Presenting First Amendment Award
of the Free Congress Foundation to
Patrick Buchanan
May 18, 1983
Capitol Hill Quality Inn, Washington, D.C.
by Morton C. Blackwell
Our honoree is:
A conservative commentator who does not insist Americans
are under-taxed, who doesn't write books praising 'the
welfare state;
A conservative columnist who does not require his readers
to buy an English-Latin dictionary in order to understand
him;
A conservative writer who does not intend merely to be a
gadfly to pester the opposition;
A conservative television personality who does not mechanically
sell out on every third public issue in order to keep his
image blurred;
A conservative radio broadcaster who understands and has
mastered confrontational politics;
An author who does not aspire to be the liberals' favorite
conservative;
A conservative communicator who, in the heat of battle,
continues to combine flawless logic with the most persuasive
rhetoric;
A strategist whose proper place in life is on the senior
staff of a conservative Republican White House.
Willmoore Kendall, challenged on his spelling of a word by
someone who quoted a dictionary against him, replied, " I am
one of those people to whom dictionary compilers come as
their source of what is correct."
Our honoree lacks the hubris ever to make such a claim, but
for many of us he sets the standard for political analysis
and good sense: Pat Buchanan.
lile CSF
Thought this would be of interest to you.
Paul M. Weyrich
MEMO TO: George Strake
FROM: Paul Weyrich
DATE: April 11, 1983
In our recent conversations, we discussed the need of Republicans in Texas to
attract blue-collar/working class voters. I have assembled some suggestions for
you to consider as things the Texas Republican party can do to accomplish this
task.
You are confronted with a situation where the average blue-collar worker has a
basically conservative philosophy, yet his traditionally Democratic voting patterns
present some very tough barriers to overcome. The key is to construct a bridge
to allow that voter to cross-over to the Republican side, as well as the motivation
to do so. There are at least two general approaches to attracting blue-collar
voters to the Republican side which ought to be pursued. One such approach would
be to present the Republican party as an attractive alternative where this traditional
Democrat would be welcome and comfortable. Another such approach is to provide
the bridges through individual candidates, getting them to vote for a particular
individual first and drawing them into the party later.
The first approach is one which requires the change of image of the Republican
party in Texas. Right now, a survey of blue-collar voters in the state would reveal
their image of the GOP as a party of big-money elitists. The big spending campaigns
of Clements and the attitudes that accompanied that campaign feed that kind of image.
No doubt this same group of voters views the Democrats as the people of the common
man. With some concentrated and conscious effort, these images can be changed and
possibly reversed.
The Texas GOP should attempt to sell itself to blue-collar voters as the party that
understands the needs and feelings of the common individual. This must be done
carefully so as to not turn off the "big money" supporters in the process. There
are several ingredients in accomplishing this. Current blue-collar Republicans
should be identified and moved into a visable and meaningful position within the
party heirarchy. If the average voter can relate to somebody in the party leader-
ship, they may be able to relate to the party as a whole. The GOP should take a
visable role in sponsoring inexpensive and "fun" events that blue-collar voters
can participate in. Holding a $1,000 a plate dinner to hear an economist talk
about returning to the gold standard will not result in giving these voters anything
they can relate to. The positions of the Republican party must be put into terms
that the average individual can understand. Many Republicans talk about a strong
national defense in terms of numbers of launchers, or increased throw-weight. To
attract these voters, the issue of strong national defense must be put in terms of
protecting ourselves and other free people from the communist threat.
Once the issues are translated and attempts are made to soften the image of the party
in the minds of this voting group, the GOP should be aggressive in its attempt to
seek out this group and present its case. Republican speakers should spend less
time speaking to Republican clubs and organizations around the state and more time
seeking out non-traditional forums. Church groups in traditionally blue-collar
areas are but one example of this kind of forum-where Republican speakers can talk
about how Republicans are the ones who are out to protect the family and the oppor-
tunity for people to get jobs and advance themselves.
MEMO TO George Strake
Page Two
While talking about the virtues of the Republican Party, it is also important to
talk about the evils of the Democratic party. While many of these individuals are
traditional Democratic voters, they are not supporters of the National Democratic
Party's platform. Tieing Texas' state Democratic leaders to the policies of the
Democratic National Committee is important. I doubt that these Democratic voters
are particularly interested in inviting homosexuals into their party along with
increased taxes and more welfare. Undoubtedly they do not perceive Texas Democratic
leaders as part of this kind of thing so that perception must be created.
While it is relatively easier to attract blue-collar voters to a particular candidate,
it is relatively difficult to transfer that attraction to other candidates within
the Republican party. To get blue-collar voters into a pattern of voting for
Republican candidates, the GOP should make a concerted effort to recruit candidates
for office levels who can attract blue-collar voters or who come from blue-collar
constituencies. If this group consistantly sees a candidate attractive to them
running on the Republican ticket, their image of the party will change. Furthermore
when these candidates do emerge, they should be give extra attention and held up
as examples. I am reminded of a candidate who ran for the State House in 1982
from the Houston area, Don Venable. Had the GOP paid more attention to Venable's
candidacy, which was a blue-collar effort from start to finish, he might have done
better than he did and the constituency that was attracted to him might have
received a better impression of the GOP.
It is essential that all candidates who are recruited by the GOP, for all offices,
be trained in the dynamics of coalition politics. This kind of training will make
them sensitive to the issue concerns and behavior of the various constituencies
that the GOP must attract to win elections in the future. Whether it is dealing
with blue-collar workers, right to lifers, or the Christian community, candidates
must understand the issues that are of interst to them and the jargon needed to
communicate with them. Trying to appeal to these groups simply as "Republicans"
will be unsuccessful.
In addition to communicating with groups on their own terms about issues of concern
to them, the GOP must also seek out new issues which will attract the attention of
blue-collar voters. One such issue which is of interest to blue-collar voters
nationally is that of "production sharing" which is the process of making parts
here in the U.S. and having them assembled in Mexico, or other places outside the U.S.
This preserves U.S. jobs without heavy government subsidies. Issues which generally
relate to expanded opportunities for blue-collar workers, as well as issues which
will allow for the protection of their families and future advancement for their
children are among those which the GOP must champion in order to make inroads to
this block of voters.
Providing the right kind of image of the Republican party and presenting candidates
which can relate to blue-collar constituencies are likely to give the Republican
party greater opportunities to attract blue-collar voters to their side. Breaking
down the "yellow-dog Democrat" barrier is not an easy task, yet we know that it is
possible because the Democratic party is out of step and out of touch with that
constituency. Advertising that fact to this constituency and providing them with
an acceptable alternative will greatly benefit the GOP.
PAUL M. WEYRICH
721 SECOND STREET, N.E.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20002
like CSFC
202-546-3000
March 30, 1983
Mr. Morton Blackwell
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Morton:
May Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ bless you and keep you during this
Holy Season and throughout the year.
As someone who works each day for political victories, I know how easily
one can lose a proper perspective. It is true that these victories are
important. It is true that the Lord commanded us to occupy until His return.
But is also true that the ultimate victory has already been won.
Satan's power, which was unleased on mankind when our forefather Adam sinned
and turned away from God, has been conquered once and for all. Satan's power
is now only an illusion in reality, but unfortunately all too often we allow
Satan to act as if he had real power.
As St. John Chrysostom said in the fourth century "Let no one grieve
over his sins, for pardon has shone from the grave, let no one fear death,
for the death of our Saviour has set us free."
Jesus Christ has indeed set us free. We are free to do His will,
knowing that victory is ours. By His death, He has conquered death.
So as this glorious Easter season is again but a memory, let us join
together to resolve that we will continue to go about our work for the rest
of the year in the framework of this Holy time.
Christ, being Risen from the dead, has become our Leader and Reviver.
To Him be all glory honor and power now and always and unto the ages of ages.
Christ is Risen! Indeed He is Risen! Happy Easter!
Sincerely,
Paul
Paul M. Weyrich
January 5, 1983
Dear Joe:
Nancy and I are very sorry that we can't be with
you and Holly as so many of your friends gather
to honor your well known work for conservative
causes.
After the weather you have been experiencing out
in Denver, this warm and special tribute must
seem very welcome, indeed.
Because many of our best friends and strongest
supporters are there with you, this may be just
the right time to reveal some of our strategy
for 1984. Of course not everything is firmed
up yet, but at least one portion of our master
plan seems to be falling into place: George
McGovern is thinking about running for Presi-
dent again.
Seriously, though, Joe, I do want to express my
heartfelt appreciation for the long and some-
times lonely battle you have fought in the cause
of freedom for so many years. Who could ever
forget the dark days when hardly any politician
would admit to being a conservative? Now, with
your help, we have turned that situation around.
Today, hardly anyone will admit to being a
liberall
Our past successes and our progress in the future
must be credited in large part to you and to the
people who pay tribute to you. Thank you for your
faith, your dedication, and your hard work.
Sincerely,
Mr. Joseph Coors
President
Adolph Coors Company
Golden, Colorado 80401
CALL CAROLYN SUNDSETH 2657 for delivery
RR:Livingston:-
cc: K.Osborne/M.Blackwell/J.Wells/CF
August 10, 1981
filecsFe
MEMORANDUM
We have recently learned through the press that the Justice
Department intends to reincarnate the Kennedy/Carter bill to recodify
the federal criminal code. That bill is being managed by a Carter holdover,
Deputy Assistant Attorney General Ron Gainer, without any of the
key Reagan appointees having read the bill and without consultation
with any of the New Right groups which had in the past expressed
concern over this legislation.
We wish to alert you that, if the bill looks anything like
Kennedy's S. 1722, there is enough hidden in that legislation to
alienate virtually every pro-family, pro-life, and pro-business
constituency.
S. 1722 would have: (1) virtually repealed federal pornography
statutes: (2) overturned the Barlow decision; (3) decriminalized
marijuana; (4) substantially reduced penalties for a wide range of
drug offenses; (5) created a new abortion funding program; (6) enacted
into federal law the homicide statute under which Ford was prosecuted
in the Pinto case: (7) enhanced federal gun control statutes; (8)
increased monetary penalties for most business offenses by 99,999%;
(9) created a new rule of federal criminal liability for unintentional
conduct: (10) held. businessmen liable for agents acting within their
apparent authority, even though expressly forbidden from engaging in
the unlawful conduct: (11) removed spousal immunity for rape; (12)
loosened statutory rape provisions; (12) recognized common law
marriage for the purpose of forcible sexual acts; (13) codified the
union exemption from federal extortion statutes; (14) made it a
federal crime to make any misstatement to a bureaucrat: (15) reduced
penalties for manufacturing child pornography; (16) created broad
new remedies for seizing business property; (17) codified provisions
requiring businesses to notify customers to sue them; (18) removed
any reference to the death penalty from federal criminal law: (19)
created a new right of agencies to issue self-enforcing subpoenas;
(20) repealed the Smith Act; (21) massively expanded the civil rights
statutes to include "sex" as a "suspect classification": (22) sub-
stantially extended employer liability for currently legal interference
with unlawful strikes: (23) expanded federal criminal jurisdiction
on a wide variety of business-related fronts; and (24) repealed the
Logan Act, to name but a few.
At the end of last year, Gainer had refused to reach a satisfactory
compromise on most of these provisions. Furthermore, despite the
explicit instructions of Senators Thurmond and McClure, Justice
Department lawyers have refused to even meet with the Senate staff
attorney who last year negotiated over pro-family concerns.
Given the hundreds of deficiencies in the recodification bill,
it is our assessment that the President's anti-crime package would
do better if it could be considered independently of the political
and substantive problems which the recodification bill would raise.
5 copy
Bill Billings, National Christian Action Coalition
Paul Brown, Life Amendment PAC
Judie Brown, American Life Lobby
Jack Clayton, American Association of Christian Schools
Kathleen Teague, American Legislative Exchange Council
Paul Fisher, The Wanderer
Louise Ropog, Family America, Inc.
Mary Jane Wright, Concerned Women for America
Howard Phillips, The Conservative Caucus
Peter Gemma, National Pro-Life PAC
John Metcalfe, Family Protection Lobby
Ed Rowe, Roundtable Issues & Answers Inc.
Gary Jarmin, Christian Voice
Phyllis Schafly, Eagle Forum
Onalee McGraw, National Coalition for Children
Kirk Kidwell, Christian Inquirer
Neil Blair, Free the Eagle
Paul Dietrich, The Fund for a Conservative Majority
Dr. Ron Godwin, Moral Majority
Gary Potter, Catholics for Christian Political Action
Maineto
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 1, 1981
Mr. Paul Weyrich
CFFC
721 Second Street, N.E.
Washington, D. C. 20002
Dear Paul:
I'm pleased that you were able to switch
your program on October 27 so that I can
be the luncheon speaker rather than the
breakfast speaker.
I'm sorry for the trouble this has caused
you, and I'll be there - - barring any un-
foreseen emergency.
Best Rr regards,
Lyn Nofziger
MEMORANDUM
TO: Paul Weyrich
FROM: Tom Farr
RE: National Labor Relations Board
May 5, 1981
The National Labor Relations Board presently is a
captured agency for organized labor. The three Board
Members and the General Counsel are left-wing ideologues
committed to government intervention and the supremacy
of collective rights over individual rights.
There currently are two openings on the Board. The
need to fill these two positions with conservative manage-
ment attorneys is crucial. Even if two conservatives
are named, they still will be outnumbered three to two.
If a conservative majority ever is to be established, it
is essential that the first steps be taken now.
There are five candidates to fill the two positions.
The three good candidates are Milo Price, Bob Hunter, and
Bill Brown. Price is a Regional Director for the NLRB
and appears to be the leading candidate. The Teamsters
have attempted to cash a chip on Bill Brown, who philo-
sophically is an exceptional candidate. Secretary Dono-
van appears to be pushing Brown, who is a partner in a
Texas labor law firm. Bob Hunter is Chief Counsel to
the Labor Committee and also is very good. Hunter was,
the team leader for the Heritage Foundation's report on
the Department of Labor and the NLRB. All of the Repub-
lican Senators on the Committee have recommended to the
President that Hunter serve as Chairman of the NLRB.
Susan Robfogle, a Republican attorney from Roches-
ter, also has emerged as a candidate. Robfogle almost
was named to the NLRB by President Carter last year.
Her husband is a major fund-raiser for the Democratic
Party in Rochester. A reliable source through Right-to-
Work claims Robfogle and her husband are "opportunistic
attorneys who play both sides of the aisle. " A local
conservative leader in Rochester claims that after 15
years in local politics, he never once has seen Robfogle
at a conservative function. On April 29, Robfogle was
endorsed by the Communications Workers of America. CWA
is extremely active politically and extremely left-wing.
They are deadly enemies of Ronald Reagan and every pos-
file
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
CFSS
L
May 6, 1981
TO:
Elizabeth H. Dole to
FROM: Morton C. Blackwell
Here are two items in which Paul Weyrich outlines his
information regarding the meeting of the Child Welfare
League of America last week.
First is an internal memo to his Free Congress Foundation
leadership.
Second is the rough draft of the text of his next Weyrich
Report newsletter. This second is unedited, but you had
asked for the information as soon as possible.
MEMORANDUM
TO: The Foundation
FROM: Paul Weyrich
DATE: May 1, 1981
At the Child Welfare League of America meeting in Minneapolis we were treated to
a number of presentations by members of the Welfare Establishment who articulated
their posture with regard to the President's economic program. As a matter of fact,
I would say that as a tax exempt organization, the Child Welfare League was engaged
in a good deal of lobbying as well as legislative information at their conference
which was attended by upwards of 1500 people from several midwestern states. The
interesting thing about the conference is that it received no press attention, even
though that many were gathered at the Lemington Hotel in Minneapolis. Neither the
Minneapolis paper nor the St. Paul paper covered it. None of the television stations
covered the conference, although there were a number of widely known and nationally
prominent speakers there with excellent credentials in the welfare field.
One of these was Jack Calhoun, the director of the Center for Government Affairs
of the Child Welfare League of America in Washington. Calhoun was an official
of Carter's Department of Health and Human Services and left that position to
take this new position as essentially the Legislative Director of the Child Welfare
League's operation. He is an impressive individual, very bright and extremely
articulate. He was able to present to the delegates a very concise picture of
where the Welfare Establishment stood with regard to the President's economic pro-
gram and where they should fight. It was quite clear to Calhoun that in all prob-
ability the President would prevail in the fight over the budget in the House of
Representatives, He presumed of course that the President would prevail in the
Republican controlled Senate but he indicated that indeed a major fight was ahead
in the House of Representatives, and that the Welfare Establishment was backing the
Jones alternative budget. He said that he and various liberals had prevailed upon
Representative David Obey of Wisconsin to introduce another alternative budget which
he said the Black Caucus may or may not support. He indicated they might have yet
another alternative budget of their own. In any case he said that the liberals
wanted the alternative budget in order to make the Jones budget the moderate budget.
Of course he argued that it was in fact the moderate budget. He said that the
Obey budget was what the Welfare Establishment really wanted but that they were
pragmatic enough to understand that they couldn't get that kind of budget in this
sort of atmosphere and so they were ready and willing to take the Jones budget.
The Jones budget, he said, kept figures on social welfare spending a little higher
than President Reagan's budget but most important it kept the various institutions
alive because it did not include the provision which President Reagan is fighting
for on the folding of various categorical programs into block grants. Indeed most
of the discussion by Calhoun centered around block grants. As other speakers indi-
cated, the Welfare Establishment intends to make its real fight over block grants
but intends to do as well as it can on the President's budget fight because the
absence of a strong contest in the budget fight would make the fight over block
grants, which they considered to be the essential fight, more difficult. He said
that there was great optimism with regard to the block grant proposal. He said that
as far as the Child Welfare League of America (and the Coalition which had been
established with other welfare organizations) their major efforts would be to pre-
serve Title XX. He said that because of the efforts of various welfare organizations
To The Foundation, From Paul Weyrich, 5/1/81, Child Welfare League meeting, Page 2
the mail was changing, that it had been overwhelmingly in support of the President
Reagan's program but that it had now changed to about 50/50 to most members of
Congress which they had monitored and indeed had even tipped over 60/40 in their
favor to Senator Sam Nunn of Georgia which has given Senator Nunn a good deal of
pause because he had supported the President's program thus far and is now taking
another look at the situation.
He said that the Welfare Establishment should not be discouraged because the pattern
of Ronald Reagan was to begin his administration with a great flourish and then
settle down to the pragmatics of practical politics later on. For example, he
said when Reagan came into office in California he went after two hundred programs
but in the end he was able to only curtail 40 of them because of the grassroots
sentiment which was stirred up in California. So he said if the Child Welfare
League supporters as well as other welfare groups do their job, many of the block
grant proposals which Reagan has advanced will in fact be defeated. He indicated
that while the President was probably prepared to veto some legislation, if there
was a strong enough vote, the White House would probably go along in order to save
other programs. He then went into various members of Congress who he said had
indicated support for the Child Welfare League in one way or another. He was
particularly praiseworthy of Congressman John Rousselot of California who he said
was a premiere conservative long-time hard-liner now on the Ways and Means Committee,
and who served as an official of various conservative organizations. Rousselot,
he said, has committed to the Child Welfare League to support some of their efforts
to keep categorical programs and he quoted Rousselot as saying that he is for budget
cuts but not on the backs of children. He also had some praise for Senator Orrin
Hatch and said that it just proves that nothing is black and white in this world--
that if someone like Orrin Hatch could make compromises with the Child Welfare League,
that no member of Congress be counted out in lobbying efforts. He also indicated
that for reasons best known to the Senator, Jerry Denton wanted to keep the adolescent
pregnancy program as a categorical program rather than a block grant. He said that
of course the Child Welfare League should support that effort as well as any other
efforts which are indicated to peel off the block grants and retain them as categorical
programs. For example, he indicated that there would be a major effort on CETA,
although he did not name the particular Senator involved. He said that he had
testified before Senator Bob Dole and that Dole wasn't paying much attention to his
testimony until he particularized the testimony and related it to Kansas. At that
point Dole perked up, later had a private conversation with him, got an aide, the
aide has since met with Calhoun and now Dole is very interested in some of the Welfare
League proposals to keep various programs alive.
He said that the people who are arguing against the President's program should go
out of their way not to argue against fighting inflation. He said that everyone
supports President Reagan's goals of fighting inflation and that if the Welfare
Establishment gets itself on the wrong side of that question, they will not be
effective. What these various advocates should do, Calhoun said, was to learn to
put their arguments in terms which are agreeable and acceptable to conservatives.
For example, he indicated that in his view if certain welfare programs are curtailed
now, it will end up costing the federal government more later in unemployment benefits
or in various other kinds of welfare programs which are more expensive than the so-
called preventive welfare programs which he feels the Child Welfare League supports.
So he said that what the various social workers should do is to frame their advocacy
of continuation of these programs in conservative terms to indicate to the members
To The Foundation, From Paul Weyrich, 5/1/81, Child Welfare League meeting, Page 3
of Congress that they too are for saving money, that they too are for cutting
programs but the way to do it is not on the backs of children but rather to take
the longer view and to try to save money later.
He said that the battle over the Legal Services program has already been won, that
the American Bar Association has done such an excellent job that it is quite clear
now that a majority of members of both the House and Senate will vote to preserve
the Legal Services Corporation and to keep it intact. He said that it is true that
the funding for the Legal Services Corporations will be cut, that the Legal Services
program will come out bruised but not broken. He said that was very important because
when the atmosphere changes and things get a bit better, that the numbers can be
raised but the important question in all of this continuing fight was keeping the
welfare institutions alive. He said if the Reagan block grant proposals were to
pass that the delivery systems would be destroyed and once the delivery systems
were destroyed, it would take years to duplicate them and perhaps the institutions
would never, in fact, be reestablished, even under a more liberal administration,
Whereas he indicated, if the institutions are kept alive (even though certain cuts
are absorbed at this time) when the political situation changes to a certain degree,
the numbers can be reinstated. He felt the real question is whether or not the
President's block grant program is supported. because he said if that goes through,
then indeed a political revolution will have taken place. He started his speech,
as a matter of fact, by saying that it is no hyperbole to suggest that the fight which
is taking place in Washington is the most significant and politically revolutionary since
the 1930s.
So the message that Jack Calhoun delivered to the delegates was very clear and that
was
all-out fight should be waged on the block grant program, that this is where
the action is. He indicated that there are literally dozens of members of Congress,
although he did not name them, who are going to support the President's budget numbers
but who have agreed privately and have made commitments to the Welfare Establishment
to support the Welfare Establishment on individual block grant proposals, that is to
say on individual categorical programs and against the President's block grant pro-
posal. He got very specific in answering questions as to how the people whould be
lobbyed, where the lobbying should take place, what forms the lobbying should take,
how the members whould be approached, and what is the most effective way to reach a
member of Congress. It was all of the standard affair that is dished up at both
liberal and conservative gatherings when discussions of reaching legislators are
concerned. His advice is the same advice in that regard as I have heard conservatives
give to audiences of a different philosophical make-up with regard to reaching legis-
lators. I thought that his presentation was perhaps the most effective of the entire
conference in that he was very reasonable, he was very positive, and he gave the
delegates there a clear signal that the fight could be won and he rallyed the troops.
But he did so by offering them the hope that if they work hard enough, that they can
win the víctory. On the other hand, some of the other speakers spoke in such draconian
terms and were so pessimistic that in my judgment they may have turned off some of
their supporters because they may have painted a picture that was so bleak that it
would be beyond the ability of the average social worker to tackle. Calhoun, on the
other hand, presented a picture which was not nearly as bleak and one which, with
the aid of the troops, the day could be carried. So I was very grateful that we
were able to monitor this presentation because I think it gave a very clear picture
of what the Welfare Establishment has in mind regarding the upcoming fights in
Washington.
WELFARE ESTABLISHMENT LEADERS SEEK TO POLITICIZE SOCIAL WORKERS
Describing "the horror of what is going on in Washington," leaders of the social
welfare ("human services") profession sought to increase the political awareness of
those attending the Midwest Regional Training Conference of the Child Welfare League
of America (CWLA) in Minnesota late last month. Although the ostensible theme of
the conference was "Children: Tomorrow's Hope, Today's Challenge", the focus of
keynote speakers during the four day conference was on politics. Numerous suggestions
emerged as to how professionals employed in federally-funded social welfare programs
could make their cases to the U.S. Congress as it debates not only the 1982 budget
resolution, but also the specific appropriation and authorization battles yet to come.
The training conference was held at the Minneapolis Leamington Hotel from April 26-29.
"America's First Radical Judge" Atbacks Capitalism
on the morning of April 27
While introducing the first keynote speaker of the conference, chairman Allan J. Kohls
charged that the Reagan Administration's investment in human potential is "less than
marginal." He then introduced Judge Justin C. Ravitz of the Recorder's Court of the
city of Detroit, whom the New York Times has described as "America's first radical
judge."
Ravitz began his address to the delegates by saying, "My position is capitalism doesn't
work for most of the people who inhabit this country." Focusing on private property,
Ravitz added, "Someone once said, 'the earth is the common property of all the people.
I agree with that, the problem is it's not true
We have socialism for the rich,
but what do the poor have?" Ravitz continued, "There is a class struggle between the
rich and the rest of us, including the middle class." Near the end of his speech
Ravitz focused on what he called, "racism and sexism," saying, "When capitalism doesn't
work, they blame the victims
So long as they (capitalists) keep us divided, they
win." Ravitz charged that the American free enterprise system helps develop attitudes
which favor competition, materialism, and contribute to the spread of drugs and crime.
He exhorted the audience, "We have to invite the capitalists down to fight."
Ravitz also praised the Cuban revolution under the direction of Fidel Castro, maintaining
that the Cuban dictator "knew what he was doing" in forcing the boat people out of that
Caribbean island last year. Ravitz contended, "Even after twenty years of the revolution,
there are still some people who can't adapt." Ravitz called Cuba "a society that cares
about its people," and cited as evidence that there are 800,000 adults in Cuba involved
in some way with education.
A founding member of the Detroit Alliance for Rational Economy (DARE), Ravitz also
discussed situations in which he has engaged in dialogues with school children.
Ravitz said he seeks to stimulate class discussions in which children seek to design
new systems which "protect the interests of human beings." Ravitz added candidly that
he directs the discussion toward examínation of the advaritages of centralized production
of goods. Ravitz contends in these discussions that the purpose of capitalism is to
keep the labor poor large, keep wages down, and keep profits up. Ravitz, who was
introduced as "the poor people's judge", made some observations on the American media
similar to the contentions of pro-family activists,
blaming television as a source of materialism and violence in our culture.
Humphreys urges actívism
to welfare workers
The keynote address for Tuesday, April 28 was delivered by Dr. Nancy A. Humphreys,
president of the National Association of Social Woekrs (NASW), and anprefessex assistant
professor at Rutgers University in New Jersey. Calling the current political climate
in the nation's capital "the most serious threat to social programs ever mounted in this
country," Humphreys told her audience she hoped to "catalog for you the horror of what
CWLA--2
Humphreys proceded to lay out for her audience what she described as a good strategy
for the human services profession to follow in battling the Reagan Adminsitration
programs. She focused much of her attention on the ongoing MXXXXX effort to "fold"
most federally-funded social welfare programs into block grants to the
states. Currently, such funds come under "categorieal' grants to the states, which
specify not only the amount of money to be spent at the state level, but in
cases specifye how social welfare services are to be administered and delivered. If
the Reagan block grant approach prevails, the separate
state legislatures will decide for themselves how the money is to be spent.
Humphreys told the audience that if the block grants go through "we would face the
task of putting back together what this administration has dismantled." She feared
that if the block grants go through it would unleash "an unholy competitive battle in the
state legislatures around the country" as various social work/human services groups
compete for limited funds. Humphreys argued the need for continued categorical funding
of social welfare programs.
Saying, "We can't afford the luxury of meetings like this just to enrich ourselves
professionally," Humphreys urged her listeners to write their Congressmen and Senators
the next morning. She specifically asked the audience to support either the Black
Caucus or Democratic Alternative (Jones) Budget, XMXXXXXXXXX and urged opposition to
the Gramm-Latta Bipartisan (Reagan) Budget. TXXXXXXXX Both budgets supported by
Humphreys, while making some cuts to the original 1982 Carter budget, retain categorical
grants in ******* for social spending.
involved in "human services" "
Humphreys told the audience that "since January" leading organizations ****** MMYYYYM
been meeting to form a common agenda. The organizations involved
in these meetings, according to Humphreys, are: Council on Social Work Education (CSWE),
Family Service Association (FSA), National Association of Social Workers (NASW), American
Public Welfare Association (APWA), National Conference on Social Welfare (NCSW), U.S.
Catholic Conference (USCC) and Child Welfare League of America (CWLA). Humphreys said
the group took a longtime to find a chairman that CSWE, NCSW, and NASW leaders could
all agree lipon.
human service
Calling on XXXXXXXWXXXXXM professionals to "be the conscience of our community,"
Humphreys contended that the forces arrayed againse in favor of the Reagan program are
"malleable." She refuted the idea of a mandate for Reagan, pointing to lowered voter
turnout and other factors. She contended that medicare patients, CETA workers, and
others potentially effected by budget cuts can be brought into a coalition with human
service professionals.
political
At one point in her address, Humphreys offered words of self-criticism, saying, "We
have consistently failed to include the family as a constituent group." Humphreys went
on to say the professionals must find ways to reconcile" kids and their families" inorder
to build a cohesive constituency. Humphreys noted, somewhat unhappily, that "no one had
paid much attention" to the family until last summer when semething the White House
Corference on Children (in context she probably meant to say the White Ho 'se Conference
on Families) brought about the emergence of the pro-family coalition. At the conclusion
of her speech, FPR's reporter asked Humphrey if her appeal to the family SINXAMEX correspond
ed to what conservative/pro-family activists have said. Humphreys replied, "The same
appeal, but we do not mean what they mean by it. We would have a very different agenda."
Former Carter Administration Official Offers Hope to Welfare Activists
Although not originally scheduled to deliver a major keynote address to the training
conference, Jack Calhoun, a former official in the Carter Administration's Department
of Health and Human Services and now director of CWLA's Center for Government Affairs,
delivered a special presentation on the afternoon of April 28 (is this right CRCM?)
CWLA--3
Although he delivered a message similar to that of Dr. Humphreys, Calhoun's address
was described by one observer as "the most effective of the entire conference" because
Calhoun brought a message maintaining "that the fight could be won
the day could
be carried." Calhoun suggested to his audience that the fight now taking place in
WAshington is the most significant since the 1930s. Although he conceeded the Reagan
Administration's budget figures would probably prevail, Calhoun urged support for
the Jones budgetary approach.
Calhoun agreed with Dr. Humphreys that the real budget battle
was not over dollar figures, but over the contending block grant and categorical
grant approaches.
Calhoun gave the audience specific guidelines on how to lobby members of the Congress,
where the lobbying should take place, what forms the lobbying should take, how the
members should be appraoched, and the most effective ways to reach a Congressman.
Calhoun contended that lobbying efforts by human service professionals had already
borne some fruit. He pointed in particular to the mail being received by Senator
Sam Nunn (D-GA), claiming Nunn was reexamining his support of the Reagan budget MILEX
because his recent constituent mail has not been as favorable to the Reagan proposals.
Calhoun also indicated CWLA had gained some commitments for
continuation of categorical funding for certain welfare programs. He pointed in
particular to Congressman John Rousselot (R-CA) and Senators Jeremiah Denton (R-AL) and
Orrin Hatch (R-UT).
Calhoun contended the best way for supporters of welfare spending to argue their case
was the frame the issue in "conservative" terms. As an example, Calhoun stressed the
need tomargue in support of Presidnet Reagan's goal of fighting inflation, but to also
argue that if certain welfare programs are curtailed now, the long range result will be
higher costs to the federal government in unemployment benefits and other "preventive"
welfare programs. Near the conclusion of his remarks, Calhoun maintained that the
battle over Eeaglz the Legal Services Corporation (LSC) has already been won by
its supporters. He said that while it is true that funding for LSC will. be cut, the
program itself will be reauthorized with some changes.
Some Workshops Address Political/Moral Issues, Assail Moral Majority
The majority of the workshops at the Minneapolis conference dealth with technical
"how to" training for social workers. However, in several sessions monitored by FPR
the focus was primarily political. Elizabeth Keller, a social worker with the Lutheran
Social Service of Minnesota, served as "convenor" of a workshop entitled "Cross-Cultural
IXXMX Perspectives in Adoption Issues." The workshop was designed to examine "The issues
unique to cross-cultural adoption which can prohibit or facilitate a positive adoption
experience for the racially/culturally different child." However, Keller opened the
session with an assault on the Moral Majority and the New Right, maintaining that: the
emergence of such groups held grave ramifications forminorities. In fact, Keller maintaine
that the XXX power of Moral Majority groups indicates that country has entered a "new
era of racism." As supporting evidence, Keller pointed to citizen objections in some
school districts to what Keller called "multi-ethnic" textbooks. What she did not point
out is that the source of objection to such textbooks is not that they are "multi-ethnic",
but that they include value free humanism, profanity, and other materials objection
to traditionalists. In her presentation, Keller maintained, "Ideally, social activism
should be a prerequisite for becoming a cross cultural family," although she admitted
this was not likely to happen..
The cross-cultural adoption workshop revealed some deep divisions among the human services
professionals attending. While Keller maintained cross-cultural adoption could be a
positive experience, others expressed strong disagreement. One black social worker cited
with
CWLA--4
(paragraph continued:)
The reluctance of minority social workers to place minority children with white
parents struck one pro-family observer, who said, "This is significant because of
the right-to-life question. Minority babies are the hardest to place, yet here you
have minority rx social workers reluctant to allow these children to be adopted."
(CRCM--this is you, ok langugage?)
Focus on Teen Prostitution HHN, "Conflict Awareness", and the "Uncooperative Client"
A workshop on "Little Ladies of the Night: Teen-age Prostitutes" was convened by
Debra Stone, a journalist with the St. Paul Pioneer Press. Stone MXXXXXXXXMXXX last
year wrote a multi-part series on teenage prostitution. The most controversial queston
raised at this session was whether or not young gixis teenage girls who become prostitutes
could be considered victims or not. Although he was not present at the session,
Minnesota psychologist Dr. Roger Killinan was cited by some participants.
Killinan argues the young girls are MINKINS indeed victims, coming from troubled
"dysfunctional" families. Killinan argues that street "pimps" are "excellent pop
psychologists" who can spot young girls radiating a low sense of self-esteem and
lure them into prostitution. However, Stone pointed out that representatives of the
St. Paul police department's vice squad related to her that young prostitutes rarely
consider themselves victims.
During a workshop on the "Role of Conflict in Social Work Practice" one social worker
described the social worker in general as "a facilitator of conflict awareness and
resolution." A lengthy conference "institute" on "Working with the Uncooperative Client"
focused on tactics and strategies for social workers to use when
dealing with what the conference organizers
described as the "dilemna of how to render effective service to involuntary, reluctant,
or resistant clients."
"Gay and Lesbian Feelings" focus of one workshop
Meeting the counseling needs of homosexuals was the focus of the workshop on "Support
for People with Gay and Lesbian Feelings." Convenors of the workshop were EWG a
self-professed "gay" and "lesbian": John Grace, coordinator of the Program on Affectinal
Preference and the Family for the Family and Children's Service of Minneapolis; and
Judith Scott, actiing director of Gay Community SErvices for Minneapolis. Both Grace
and Scott spoke of their experiences counseling with other "gay" and lesbian individuals.
They described the importance of counseling for recognizing, acknowledging, and becoming
self-respecting in the homosexual experience. Both agreed they were operating from the
assumption that sexual identity is fixed before the age of 5, and both agreed homosexuality
was not abnormal.
Grace pointed to what /he (opps, sorry) he called the "ambivalance and bargaining" stage
of overcompensation by those who will not admit thier homosexuality. Grace describthis,
"If I'm a good student, I can't be gay; If I'm a Moral Majority zealot, Ican't be gay, etc.'
He suggested that much of the opposition to homosexuality comes from "closet homosexuals"
who have not yet recognized and come to deal with themselves. Grace then added, in all
seriousness, that a bill was not pending in Congress to register "gays" so that when the
Moral Majority comes to power, it can put "gays" in camps.
Scott pointed to she said was a great need for lesbians: Lesbians do not have places
for women to gather similar to the places where "gays" can gather for explicit sexual
contact. In this vein, she referred to the five B's "beaches, bushes, bookstores, bars,
and baths.' Scott attributed this problem to the fact that in our society, women are
not permitted to acknowledge themselves as sexual beings. She added, "Sex is delightful
in relationships, but it is also delightful without a relationship."
CWLA--5
Scott went on to describe an incident involving her nine-year-old daughter and a friend.
Scott said she saw her daughter and her friend sitting on the front porch. Her daugher
was gently stroking the forehead of her friend. When Scott saw that, her reaction was
alarm. She told the audience she thought, "Oh my goodness, my daughter's going to be
a lesbian.' Scott then said she shortly "got hold of myself" and realized that if
her daughter were indeed a lesbian she would be better able to give her support. Scott
concluded rather angrily, "While I'm a lesbian, I was programmed to be a mother."
Grace and Scott concluded their remarks with the observative that the "consciousness level"
of human services professionals in general
needs to be raised. They urged social workers to break what they described as a "no
talk rule" in social work offices on matters of "same sex feelings." Judith Scott
added that there is a language problem for
"gay and lesbian" people attempted to name their sense of difference. She
said, "To use marriage terminology is to alienate anyone seeking to understand a same
sex relationship."
The XWEXX four day CWLA training conference attracted some 1500 individuals from all
over the United States, including social workers, probation officers, administrators,
bureaucrats, students, nurses, educators, and counselors. The states and provinces making
up the midwest region of CWLA include Canada, Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska, North
Dakota, South Dakota and Wisconsin. In all, more than 75 workshops,
institutes
lixe
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
COSAC
WASHINGTON
October 7, 1981
TO:
ELIZABETH H. DOLE
FROM:
Morton Blackwell 222
Attached is an outline and selected chapters of a book
being published by Paul Weyrich's Free Congress Research
and Education Foundation, Inc.
Paul asked me to ask you if you would consider endorsing
the book with a comment which would be printed on the
back cover of the book.
I asked Paul to suggest an appropriate comment, and he
provided the attached draft. He needs your answer by
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 9.
The different chapters are written by a diverse collection
of authors, who are each writing independently.
Favorable comment about the book need not imply
endorsement of everything in it. For instance, I don't
think the chapter on the Federal Election Commission
is nearly tough enough.
Free Congress
Research and Education
Foundation
OFFICERS AND BOARD
Kathleen Teague
Chairman
October 7, 1981
Dr. Charles Moser
Secretary-Treasurer
Dr. Robert Billings
Dr. Onalee McGraw
Mr. Morton Blackwell
The Hon. Bill Armstrong
Old Executive Office Building
Room 191
Paul M. Weyrich
17th and Pennsylvania Avenues
President
Washington, D.C.
Connaught Marshner
Director, Family Policy Division
Dear Morton,
Editor, Family Protection Report
Stuart Rothenberg
I understand our earlier letter got lost in the shuffle somewhere.
Director, Political Division
Editor, The Political Report
Sorry about that. Jim told me of his meeting with you yesterday.
Eric Licht
I would appreciate any comments you might have to offer on the
Vice President
book.
Patrick McGuigan
Editor, The Initiative &
Enclosed you will find what we wrote for Elizabeth Dole's
Referendum Report
consideration. Any help you can give us on this will be appreciated.
Sincerely,
Pat
Patrick B. McGuigan
pm/cak
A Non-Profit, Tax-Exempt Educational Organization
721 Second Street, N.E.
Washington, D.C. 20002
202-546-3004
Free Congress
Research and Education
Foundation
OFFICERS AND BOARD
Kathleen Teague
Chairman
October 5, 1981
Dr. Charles Moser
Secretary-Treasurer
Dr. Robert Billings
Dr. Onalee McGraw
thy Christianson
The Hon. Bill Armstrong
Old Executive Office Building
17th and Pennsylvania Avenues
Paul M. Weyrich
Washington, D.C.
President
Connaught Marshner
Dear Kathy:
Director, Family Policy Division
Editor, Family Protection Report
Per our telephone conversation of Friday, I am enclosing an
Stuart Rothenberg
outline and several representative chapters from our forth-
Director, Political Division
coming book on judicial reform.
Editor, The Political Report
Eric Licht
Vice President
It is our hope that after Morton Blackwell reviews them, we
Patrick McGuigan
could get some comments from Mrs. Dole which could be used
Editor, The Initiative &
on the cover of the book.
Referendum Report
The book will reflect a number of viewpoints, so we do not
expect an endorsement, but rather a comment on the importance
of such a study.
The publisher has placed a deadline on us of October 9th.
We would greatly appreciate receiving Mrs. Dole's response
by that date if at all possible. If a comment cannot be made
by that time, we would still appreciate receiving it for use
in a possible future press release.
If there are any questions, please call.
Thank you.
Sincerely,
Jim Descriptor
James Denniston - Asst. Dir. Judicial Reform Project
Morton
jd/cak
Kathy - Werealize This isa big request in sucha
short time from atpaul and really need
your help.
Pat MinGriga
A Non-Profit, Tax-Exempt Educational Organization
721 Second Street, N.E.
Washington, D.C. 20002
202-546-3004
Summary: A Blueprint for Judicial Reform
Edited by Patrick 3. McGuigan and Randall R. Rader
I. Preface by Patrick B. McCuigan and Randall R. Rader
II. A Forum: The need for Judicial Reform
*A. Introduction by George Gilder
B. Judicial Verbicide: An Affront to the Constitution by Sam J. Ervin, Jr.
Ervin examines the tendency of modern judges to substitute their own beliefs
for the clear intent of the framers of our Constitution and its Amendments,
The former Senator in essence concludes that the solution is the appoint-
ment of genuine "strict constructionists He further asks Americans to
pray that activist justices will "become born-again supporters of the most
precious instrument of government the world has ever known.'
C. Judicial Supremacy and the Balance of Powers by Charles E. Rice
Rice examines and refutes the contentions of those who explain away judicial
activism. An accurate, forceful, scholarly treatment.
III. The Role of the Congress in Judicial Reform
A. The Case for Withdrawal of Invisdiction by Senator John East
The chairman of the Senate Subcommittee on separation of powers writes a
definitive defense of Article Ill, Section 2 of the Constitution, which
empowers the Congress to regulate and limit the jurisdiction of federal courts.
B. Governing the Judiciary by William Stanmeyer
Expanding on a eqislative proposal first made by Robert K. Dornan, Stanmeyer
calls for a constifutional amendment providing that "any decision by the
Suprome Court which declares unconstitutional any federal or state law may
be rendered null and void by a two-thirds vote in each House of Congress;
and
that Thy Lower federal or state court decision which declares
unconstitutional any rederal or state 1.00 may be rendered null and void by
simple majority vote LA beth Houses of Congress,
*C. Affirmative Action by Conator Orrin Batch
*D. Defunding the Left by Contressisan Marvin Leath
IV. Reining in the "Fourth Branch" of Government
A. Administrative Asencien: Immediments to Decision-Making by Thomas Sowell
Sowell's Article represents 11 Fusion of conservative economic and legal
thinking. He predents a scathing attack on Administrative and Regulatory
Agencies, calling then a quasi-judicial, quasi-legislative fourth branch
of government. His chapter introduces three chaptiers which deal with specific
agencies or aspects of Administrative Law.
*B. Reform of Administrative Procedures by Ray Momboisse
C. Government by The Role of the Federal Election Commission by
Stuart Rothenberg
Rothenberg advocates elimination of the PEC's quasi-legislative and judicial
powers. He supports climination of contribution limits and the ending of
the issuance of "advisory opinions, Primarily for political reasons,
Rothenberg supports the continuance of disclosure requirements. Although
not supporting outright elimination of the FEC, Rothenberg deals fairly
with Senator Armstrong's proposal to climinate the FEC.
D. Intervenor Funding and the FTC by Senation Alan K. Simpson
Simpson makes a forceful, well-documented argument for outright elimination
of the FTC's intervenor funding program, demonstrating that the majority of
such funding over the last six years has gone to left-of-center groups, Short
of outright abolition of the program, Simpson recommends seven specific reforms
in the current program, including establishment of a "means test" for
intervening organizations and strict limitations on the total amount of
money any one group or coalition of groups may receive to participate in
rulemaking proceedings.
V. The States, the Private Sector and the People
A. The Resurrection of the Tenth Amendment: Restoring Balance to the Federal
System by John T. Doolittle
Doolittle examines the 1976 National League of Cities V, Usery decision and
several pending cases which might give heart to Supporters of state sovereignty.
B. A Proposal for Reform of the Federal Judiciary and Federal Regulatory Agencies
by William F. Harvey. Dr. Harvey suggests that in the future all federal
regulatory agencies must a) justify each and every rule and regulation on
bases which include cost/benefit analyses and b) that such justification must
be made in a state court or a state administrative reviewing agency which is
located where the principal regulatory impact is to occur.
*C. Alternatives to Forced Busing by John C. Ashcroft
D. A Proposal to Amend Article III: Putting a Check on Antidemocratic Courts
by Jules Gerard.
Gerard supports a constitutional amendment which would require that all federal
judges, once they are confirmed by the Senate, would be subject to periodic
retention votes of the people, as often as every six years. The proposed
amendment would also give Congress the power of recall, subject to a two-thirds
vote of both Houses. Gerard also points to the possibility of a permanent
committee of the Congress to oversee judicial review.
E. Economic Efficiency and the Regulation of Business: The Role of Conservative
Legal Foundations by Ellen R. Jordan and Raul H. Rubin.
Another brilliant fusion of economic/legal arguments from a conservative/liber-
tarian perspective. These authors demonstrate how regulatory agencies have
undermined efficient development of economic case law, They point to the use-
ful role business-oriented legal Foundations have played in recent cases, and
make suggestions for increasing the impict of these founcations,
F. The Role of Legal Education in Judicial Reform by Charles E. Rice
Rice recommends rejection of case law oriented teaching of Constitutional Law
courses. He urges expansion of a ten-lency toward two semester instead of one
semester "con law" courses. He advocates specific redirection of the treatment
commonly received by the Federalist Papers. Finally, he calls on church-related
schools to lead in the struggle for Sound interpretations of the Constitution
and other founding documents of our country.
*G. Reforming the American Bar Association by Grover Rees III
VI. Religious Preedom in the 1080s
A. Religious Liberty: A Historical Perspective by Jim McClellan. McClellan
examines the historical context of the First Amendment, and recent abridge-
ments of free expression.
B. Religious Liberty: New Issues and Past Decisions by William Bentley Ball
Ball examines five major issues of religious freedom which he expects to
reach the nation's highest court during the next ten years. For each issue
he describes the constitutional and case law basis for sound decisions
maximizing religious liberty within an ordered structure.
VII. Conclusion by Patrick B. McGuigan and Randall R. Rader
A. Popular Perceptions of the American Legal System. An analysis of the
Heritage/Sindlinger poll of summer, 1981 which demonstrates widespread dis-
enchantment with the federal judiciary. Portions of the Connecticut Mutual
Life Survey may also be cited.
B. A Blueprint for Judicial Reform: A Summary of the reforms recommended in
this book.
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 9, 1981
TO:
Paul Weyrich
FROM:
Morton Blackwell
RE:
Draft Chapter on F.E.C.
I read through the proposed chapter on the F.E.C. and
was quite disappointed. The end of the chapter
concluded with the evaluation that the continuation
of the F.E.C., albeit amended, is justified.
I think it is rather clear, and I hope you will agree
with me, that the abolition of the F.E.C. is what is
truly needed to encourage voluntary participation
in the political process. We only just beat back
a wave of left wing activism which attempted to put
even more burdensome restrictions on the political
process in the last Congress.
Now is the time, when public and congressional sentiment
against the F.E.C. is the strongest. We should strike
while the iron is hot. You will recall that the
President expressed to you in his letter general
agreement with the process of election law deregulation.
No one will fly higher on this issue than you are
willing to fly. I think it would be devastating to
the cause we support for your organization to not
take the position which you yourself have on this
issue. I hope you will reconsider this matter before
the printing presses put you on record.
WITHDRAWAL SHEET
Ronald Reagan Library
Collection Name
Withdrawer
BLACKWELL, MORTON: FILES
KDB 6/7/2010
File Folder
FOIA
COMMITTEE FOR THE SURVIVAL OF A FREE CONGRESS (1)
F09-0043/01
STRAUSS, C
Box Number
9076
7
DOC Document Type
No of Doc Date Restric-
NO Document Description
pages
tions
1
LETTER
2 10/16/1981 B6
BLACKWELL TO PAUL WEYRICH RE
CORRESPONDENCE RECEIVED BY WEYRICH
Freedom of Information Act - [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
B-1 National security classified information [(b)(1) of the FOIA]
B-2 Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
B-3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
B-4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
B-6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
B-7 Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
B-8 Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
B-9 Release would disclose geological or geophysical information concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed of gift.
CDFC
OCT 7 198;
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Okey-per statement draft
EAR
October 7, 1981
TO:
ELIZABETH H. DOLE
M
FROM:
Morton Blackwell
Attached is an outline and selected chapters of a book
being published by Paul Weyrich Is Free Congress Research
and Education Foundation, Inc.
Paul asked me to ask you if you would consider endorsing
the book with a comment which would be printed on the
back cover of the book.
I asked Paul to suggest an appropriate comment, and he
provided the attached draft. He needs your answer by
RIDAY, OCTOBER 9.
The different chapters are written by a diverse collection
of authors, who are each writing independently.
Favorable comment about the book need not imply
endorsement of everything in it. For instance, I don't
think the chapter on the Federal Election Commission
is nearly tough enough.
Comments from Elizabeth Dole:
Concerned readers will gain an added awareness of the crucial need for
reform of the American judicial system as a result of this important book.
I appreciate the interesting and diverse proposals and analyses offered by
A Blueprint for Judicial Reform.
Officers
Coalitions
Dr. George Hajjar
Richard B. Dingman
Chairman
Chairman, Kingston Group
Addah Jane Hurst
Padraic Buckley
Secretary
For
Director of Operation
Dr. Charles Moser
Barbara Coleman
Treasurer
Secretary
Paul M. Weyrich
Elia Dal Bello
President
Receptionist
America
Connaught Marshner
Chairman, Library Court
November 25, 1981
Mr. Edward Meese
Counsellor to the President
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Ed:
Many thanks for your willingness to meet with us yesterday. I trust
that if we are able to hold such a dialogue on a somewhat regular basis
it will be productive for all of us.
I hope that you will give serious consideration to our views that the
issue of budget cutting needs to be re-framed. The President can motivate
the troops, shift the focus and put the liberals on the defensive if he
will point to the massive conflict of interest on the part of hundreds of
these groups which are his most vocal opponents and which receive federal
funds. I am, as I suggested, perfectly happy to have this organization
and others on the right singled out as other groups which should not receive
federal funds so that the approach is balanced. Such a speech should be
given major billing so that it is given major coverage. If something along
these lines is not done, I hate to tell you what I think the losses will be
in 1982, even if the economy picks up somewhat in the later part of the
year. Many of those who are unemployed now were your supporters and it
will take a strong case to make them forget their present troubles.
I also hope you will consider tough bargaining on continuing resolutions
to get programs like legal services out of the resolution, even to the
point of vetoing the bill if such programs are kept in. You seemed surprised
when I suggested that such a veto could be sustained. I believe it could be,
and if you are getting contrary advice, I would like to be able to personally
discuss the situation with whoever is making that assertion.
Again, thank you for your time. We share many goals and objectives and
we aim to be helpful. I hope you will give us the tools with which to turn
on your hardest and most faithful workers.
Best regards.
Sincerely,
Dave
Paul M. Weyrich
President
721 Second Street, N.E.
Capitol Hill
Washington, D.C. 20002
(202) 546-3003