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Trip to Vietnam 11/2000 [1]
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Trip to Vietnam 11/2000 [1]
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Records of the First Lady's Office (Clinton Administration)
Alison (Lissa) Muscatine's Press Office Files
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18558021-20150275S-066-004-2023
Foreign Trips and Events
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Office of the First Lady
Press Office
Files of Lissa Muscatine
Deputy Assistant to the President and
Director of Communications to the First Lady
Contents: Files
Archived from OEOB 103 by Katie McCormick Lelyveld on January 12, 2001
Box 5 of 13
Foreign Requests
International Accomplishments
Schedules
Requests Done
HRC Events Lists
Convention 2000
Chelsea
Requests Pending
Correspondence
Hillary Letters
Republican Attacks
1999 New York Travel Schedules
Trip to Vietnam - 11/00
Trip to UK - 12/00
Declined Press Requests
Newspapers
Magazines
TV/Radio
Documentaries
Foreign
Other
Save America's Treasures Tours
HRC News Clips 2000
Speeches - Women
Stories & Quotes
Media
Washington DC
Enclosures filed in
Oversize Attachments #
21396
NARA 18581
TRIP OF THE FIRST LADY TO VIETNAM
NOVEMBER 17-20, 2000
VIETNAM OVERVIEW
- Map
- Background Notes
- US/Vietnam Bilateral Trade Agreement
- US Investment in Vietnam
- POW/MIA Cooperation
- Demining Agreement
- Repatriation
- Agent Orange
- Human Rights
- Trafficking in Human Beings
- HIV/AIDS
- Involvement in Fourth World Conference on Women
- Women and Political Participation
- Women's Union of Vietnam
- Women and Civil Society
- Employment and Economic Status of Women
- Women in Business
- Violence Against Women
- Population and Family Planning
- Children
- Children in Especially Difficult Circumstances
- NCFAW Report on Women and Gender Equality in Vietnam
- Public Safety Campaign
- Humanitarian Assistance
- USAID Assistance
- HHS Programs
- Educational Exchange
- Environment
- National Public Radio Series on Vietnam
- Protocol
BIOS
EVENTS IN VIETNAM
HANOI
Arrival Ceremony (President's briefing)
Micro-Credit Event at Yen Tang Village
President's Speech at Hanoi University (President's briefing)
Craft Link Retail Stop
Embassy Meet and Greet (President's briefing)
State Dinner (President's briefing)
Cultural Performance (President's briefing)
JTF-FA Excavation Site (President's briefing)
Forum with Vietnamese Women
Demining Event (President's briefing)
Delegation Reception (President's briefing)
Repatriation Ceremony (President's briefing)
HO CHI MINH CITY
Next Generation Leaders Roundtable (President's briefing)
Meet and Greet with Binh Tay School Children
Wrap-Up Speech
Meet and Greet with Consulate Staff (President's briefing)
Clinton Presidential Records
Digital Records Marker
This is not a presidential record. This is used as an administrative
marker by the William J. Clinton Presidential Library Staff.
This marker identifies the place of a tabbed divider. Given our
digitization capabilities, we are sometimes unable to adequately
scan such dividers. The title from the original document is
indicated below.
BACKGROUND ON
VIETNAM
Divider Title:
CHINA
Lao Cai
Hong
HANOI
Gai
®
Haiphong
LAOS
Gulf of
Hainan
Vinh
Tonkin
(CHINA)
Mekong
Hue
Da Nang
THAILAND
Qui Nhon
CAMBODIA
Nha Trang
Cam Ranh
D
Ho Chi Minh City
Long
Dao Phu
Xuyen
Quoc
Can The
South
China
Gulf
Sea
of
Con Dao
Thailand
0
100
200 km
0
100
200 ml
U.S. Department of State, September 2000
Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Background Notes:
Vietnam
Official Name:
Socialist Republic of Vietnam
People
PROFILE
Geography
History
Area: 329,560 sq. km. (127,243 sq. mi.); equivalent in size to
Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee combined.
Government and
Cities (1999): Capital--Hanoi (2.6 million). Other cities--Ho Chi
Political Conditions
Minh City (formerly Saigon; 5 million), Hai Phong (1.6 million).
Terrain: Varies from mountainous to coastal delta.
Climate: Tropical monsoon.
Economy
People
Foreign Relations
Nationality: Noun and adjective-Vietnamese (sing. and pl.).
Population (1999): 77.3 million.
Annual growth rate (1999): 1.37%.
Ethnic groups: Vietnamese (85%-90%), Chinese (3%), Hmong,
U.S. Relations
Thai, Khmer, Cham, mountain groups.
Religions: Buddhism, Hoa Hao, Cao Dai, Christian
(predominantly Roman Catholic, some Protestant), animism,
Travel/Business
Islam.
Languages: Vietnamese (official), English (increasingly favored
as a second language), some French, Chinese, and Khmer,
Geographic
mountain area languages.
Learning Site
Literacy (1998): 89.47%.
Health (1999): Birth rate-20.78/1,000. Infant mortality
rate--34.84/1,000. Life expectancy--65.71 yrs. male, 70.64 yrs.
Home Page
female. Death rate--6.56/1,000.
Government
Type: Communist Party-dominated constitutional republic.
Independence: September 2, 1945.
New constitution: April 15, 1992.
Branches: Executive--president (head of state and chair of
National Defense and Security Council) and prime minister
(heads, cabinet of ministries, and commissions).
Legislative--National Assembly. Judicial--Supreme People's
Court; Prosecutorial Supreme People's Procuracy.
Administrative subdivisions: 61 provinces, 3 municipalities (Hai
Phong, Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh).
Political party: Vietnamese Communist Party, formerly (1951-76)
Vietnam Worker's Party, itself the successor of the Indochinese
Communist Party founded in 1930.
Suffrage: Universal over 18.
I of 13
Economy
GDP (1999): $28.6 billion.
Real growth rate (1999): 4.8%.
Per capita income (1999): $372.
Inflation rate (1999): 0.1%.
External debt (1999): 37.1% of GDP, $10.6 billion.
Natural resources: Coal, crude oil, zinc, copper, silver, gold,
manganese, iron. Agriculture and forestry (22.3% of GDP; 1999):
Principal products--rice, maize, sweet potato, peanut, soya bean,
cotton, coffee, cashews. Cultivated land--12.2 million hectares
per year.
Land use--21% arable; 28% forest and woodland; 51% other.
Industry and construction (34.5% of GDP; 1999): Principal
types--mining and quarrying, manufacturing, electricity, gas, and
water supply.
Services (40.1% of GDP; 1999): Principal types--wholesale and
retail, repair of vehicles and personal goods, hotel and restaurant,
transport storage, telecommunications.
Trade (1999): Exports--$11.5 billion. Principal
exports--garments/textiles, crude oil, footwear, rice
(second-largest exporter in world), sea products, coffee rubber,
handicrafts. Major export partners--Japan (16%), China,
Singapore, Australia, Taiwan, and Germany. Imports--$11.6
billion. Principal imports--machinery, oil and gas, garment
materials, iron and steel, transport-related equipment. Major
import partners--Singapore (16%), Taiwan, Japan, South Korea,
China, Hong Kong, and Thailand. Exports to U.S.--$655 million.
Imports from U.S.--$291 million (1999).
PEOPLE
Originating in what is now southern China and northern Vietnam,
the Vietnamese people pushed southward over two millennia to
occupy the entire eastern seacoast of the Indochinese Peninsula.
Ethnic Vietnamese constitute about 90% of Vietnam's 77.3
million population.
Vietnam's approximately 2.3 million ethnic Chinese, concentrated
mostly in southern Vietnam, constitute Vietnam's largest minority
group. Long important in the Vietnamese economy, Vietnamese
of Chinese ancestry have been active in rice trading, milling, real
estate, and banking in the south and shopkeeping, stevedoring,
and mining in the north. Restrictions on economic activity
following reunification in 1975 and the subsequent, but unrelated
general deterioration in Vietnamese-Chinese relations sent chills
through the Chinese-Vietnamese community. In 1978-79, some
450,000 ethnic Chinese left Vietnam by boat as refugees (many
officially encouraged and assisted) or were expelled across the
land border with China.
The second-largest ethnic minority grouping, the central highland
peoples commonly termed Montagnards (mountain people),
comprise two main ethnolinguistic groups -- Malayo-Polynesian
and Mon-Khmer. About 30 groups of various cultures and
dialects are spread over the highland territory.
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The third-largest minority, the Khmer Krom (Cambodians),
numbering about 600,000, is concentrated near the Cambodian
border and at the mouth of the Mekong River. Most are farmers.
Other minority groups include the Cham (remnants of the
once-mighty Champa Kingdom, conquered by the Vietnamese in
the 15th century), Hmong, and Thai.
Vietnamese is the official language of the country. It is a tonal
language with influences from Thai, Khmer, and Chinese. Since
the early 20th century, the Vietnamese have used a Romanized
script introduced by the French. Previously, Chinese characters
and an indigenous phonetic script were both used.
HISTORY
Vietnam's identity has been shaped by long-running conflicts,
both internally and with foreign forces. In 111 BC, China's Han
dynasty conquered northern Vietnam's Red River Delta and the
ancestors of today's Vietnamese. Chinese dynasties ruled Vietnam
for the next 1,000 years, inculcating it with Confucian ideas and
political culture. In 939 AD, Vietnam achieved independence
under a native dynasty. After 1471, when Vietnam conquered the
Champa Kingdom in what is now central Vietnam, the
Vietnamese moved gradually southward, finally reaching the rich
Mekong Delta, encountering there earlier settled Cham and
Cambodians. While Vietnam's emperors reigned ineffectually,
powerful northern and southern families fought civil wars in the
17th and 18th centuries.
French Rule and the Anti-Colonial Struggle
In 1858, the French began their conquest of Vietnam starting in
the south. They annexed all of Vietnam in 1885, but allowed
Vietnam's emperors to continue to reign, although not actually to
rule. In the early 20th century, French-educated Vietnamese
intellectuals organized nationalist and communist-nationalist
anti-colonial movements. Japan's occupation of Vietnam during
World War II further stirred nationalism. Vietnamese communists
under Ho Chi Minh organized a coalition of anti-colonial groups.
the Viet Minh, though many anti-communists refused to join.
After Japan stripped the French of all power in March 1945, Ho
Chi Minh announced the independence of the Democratic
Republic of Vietnam on September 2, 1945.
North and South Partition
France's post-World War II unwillingness to leave Vietnam led to
failed talks and an 8-year guerilla war between the communist-led
Viet Minh on one side and the French and their anti-communist
nationalist allies on the other. Following a humiliating defeat at
Dien Bien Phu in May 1954, France and other parties, including
Britain, China, the Soviet Union, and the United States, convened
in Geneva, Switzerland for peace talks. On July 29, 1954, an
Agreement on the Cessation of Hostilities in Vietnam was signed
between France and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The
United States observed, but did not sign, the agreement. French
3 of 13
colonial rule in Vietnam ended.
The 1954 Geneva agreement provided for a cease fire between
communist and anti-communist nationalist forces, the temporary
division of Vietnam at approximately the 17th parallel,
provisional northern (communist) and southern (non-communist)
zone governments, and the evacuation of anti-communist
Vietnamese from northern to southern Vietnam. The agreement
also called for an election to be held by July 1956 to bring the two
provisional zones under a unified government. However, the
South Vietnamese Government refused to accept this provision.
On October 26, 1955, South Vietnam declared itself the Republic
of Vietnam.
After 1954, North Vietnamese communist leaders consolidated
their power and instituted a harsh agrarian reform and
socialization program. In the late 1950s, they reactivated the
network of communist guerillas that had remained behind in the
south. These forces (commonly known as the Viet Cong), aided
covertly by the north, started an armed campaign against officials
and villagers who refused to support the communist reunification
cause.
American Assistance to the South
In December 1961, at the request of South Vietnamese President
Ngo Dinh Diem, President Kennedy sent U.S. military advisers to
South Vietnam to help the government there deal with the Viet
Cong campaign. In the wake of escalating political turmoil in the
south after a 1963 generals' coup against President Diem, the
United States increased its military support for South Vietnam. In
March 1965, President Johnson sent the first U.S. combat forces
to Vietnam. The American military role peaked in 1969 with an
in-country force of 534,000. However, the Viet Cong's surprise
Tet Offensive in January 1968 deeply hurt both the Viet Cong
infrastructure and American and South Vietnamese morale. In
January 1969, the United States, governments of South and North
Vietnam, and the Viet Cong met for the first plenary session of
peace talks in Paris, France. These talks, which began with much
hope, moved slowly. They finally concluded with the signing of a
peace agreement, the Paris Accords, on January 27, 1973. As a
result, the south was divided into a patchwork of zones controlled
by the South Vietnamese Government and the Viet Cong. The
United States withdrew its forces, although U.S. military advisers
remained.
Reunification
In early 1975, North Vietnamese regular military forces began a
major offensive in the south, inflicting great damage to the south's
forces. The communists took Saigon on April 30, 1975, and
announced their intention of reunifying the country. The
Democratic Republic of Vietnam (north) absorbed the former
Republic of Vietnam (south) to form the Socialist Republic of
Vietnam on July 2, 1976.
After reunification, the government confiscated privately owned
4 of 13
land and forced citizens into collectivized agricultural practices.
Hundreds of thousands of former South Vietnamese Government
and military officials, as well as intellectuals previously opposed
to the communist cause, were sent to re-education camps to study
socialist doctrine. While Vietnamese leaders thought that
reunification of the country and its socialist transformation would
be condoned by the international community, this did not happen.
Besides international concern over Vietnam's internal practices,
the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1978 and its growing
tight alliance with the Soviet Union appeared to confirm
suspicions that Vietnam wanted to establish hegemony in
Indochina.
Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia also heightened tensions that
already existed between Vietnam and China. Beijing, which had
long backed the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia, retaliated in
early 1979 by initiating a border war with Vietnam.
Vietnam's tensions with its neighbors and its stagnant economy
contributed to a massive exodus from Vietnam. Fearing
persecution, many Chinese in particular, fled Vietnam by boat to
nearby countries. Later, hundreds of thousands of other
Vietnamese nationals fled as well, seeking temporary refuge in
camps throughout Southeast Asia.
The continuing grave condition of the economy and the alienation
from the international community became focal points of party
debate. In 1986, at the Sixth Party Congress, there was an
important easing of communist agrarian and commercial policies.
GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
A new state constitution was approved in April 1992, reaffirming
the central role of the Communist Party in politics and society,
and outlining government reorganization and increased economic
freedom. Though Vietnam remains a one-party state, adherence to
ideological orthodoxy has become less important than economic
development as a national priority.
The most important powers within the Vietnamese Government
in addition to the Communist Party -- are the executive agencies
created by the 1992 constitution: the offices of the president and
the prime minister. The Vietnamese President, presently Tran Duc
Luong, functions as head of state but also serves as the nominal
commander of the armed forces and chairman of the Council on
National Defense and Security. The Prime Minister of Vietnam,
presently Phan Van Khai, heads a cabinet currently composed of
four deputy prime ministers and the heads of 31 ministries and
commissions, all confirmed by the National Assembly.
Notwithstanding the 1992 Constitution's reaffirmation of the
central role of the Communist Party, the National Assembly,
according to the Constitution, is the highest representative body
of the people and the only organization with legislative powers. It
has a broad mandate to oversee all government functions. Once
seen as little more than a rubber stamp, the National Assembly
has become more vocal and assertive in exercising its authority
5 of 13
over lawmaking, particularly in the recent years. However, the
National Assembly is still subject to party direction. About 80%
of the deputies in the National Assembly are party members. The
assembly meets twice yearly for 7-10 weeks each time; elections
for members are held every 5 years.
There is a separate judicial branch, but it is relatively weak.
Overall, there are few lawyers and trial procedures are
rudimentary.
The present 18-member Politburo, elected in 1997 and headed by
Communist Party General Secretary Le Kha Phieu, determines
government policy, and its five-person Standing Committee
oversees day-to-day policy implementation. Although there has
been some effort to discourage membership in overlapping party
and state positions, this practice continues. Seven of the Politburo
members concurrently hold high positions in the government. In
addition, the Party's Central Military Commission, which is
composed of select Politburo members and additional military
leaders, determines military policy.
A Party Congress (comprised of 1,198 delegates at the Eighth
Party Congress in 1996), meets every 5 years to set the direction
of the Party and the government. The 170-member Central
Committee, which was elected by the Party Congress, usually
meets at least twice a year. The Ninth Party Congress is scheduled
to convene in early 2001.
Principal Government Officials
President--Tran Due Luong
Prime Minister--Phan Van Khai
National Assembly Chairman--Nong Duc Manh
Minister of Foreign Affairs--Nguyen Dy Nien
Ambassador to the United States--Le Van Bang
Ambassador to the United Nations--Nguyen Thanh Chau
Politburo (Eighth Party Congress Politburo, named Dec. 29,
1997; listed in order of rank as of August 1, 1999)
Le Kha Phieu--General Secretary
Tran Duc Luong--President
Phan Van Khai--Prime Minister
Nong Duc Manh--National Assembly Chairman
Pham The Duyet--Standing Politburo Member; President of
Vietnam Fatherland Front
Nguyen Manh Cam--Deputy Prime Minister
Nguyen Due Binh--Director, Ho Chi Minh National Political
Academy
Nguyen Van An--Chairman, Party's Commission for Personnel
Affairs
Pham Van Tra--Minister of National Defense
Nguyen Thi Xuan My--Chairwoman, Party's Commission for
Investigation
Truong Tan Sang--Chairman, Party's Commission for Economic
Affairs
Le Xuan Tung--Member in charge of ideological, cultural,
6 of 13
scientific, and educational affairs
Le Minh Huong--Minister of Interior
Nguyen Tan Dung--Permanent Deputy Prime Minister
Pham Thanh Ngan--Director, PAVN General Political
Department
Nguyen Minh Triet--Chairman, Party's Committee of Ho Chi
Minh City
Phan Dien--Chairman, Party's Committee of Da Nang City
Nguyen Phu Trong--Chairman, Party's Committee of Hanoi
Vietnam maintains an embassy in the U.S. at 1233-20th Street,
NW, #400 (tel. 202-861-0737; fax 202-861-0917).
ECONOMY
Economic stagnation marked the period after reunification from
1975 to 1985. In 1986, the Sixth Party Congress approved a broad
economic reform package called "Doi Moi," or renovation that
dramatically improved Vietnam's business climate. Vietnam
became one of the fastest-growing economies in the world,
averaging around 8% annual GDP growth from 1990 to 1997.
Vietnam's inflation rate, which stood at an annual rate of over
300% in 1987, fell below 4% in 1997. Simultaneously,
investment grew three-fold and domestic savings quintupled.
Agricultural production doubled, transforming Vietnam from a
net food importer to the world's second-largest exporter of rice.
Foreign trade and foreign direct investment improved
significantly. The shift away from a centrally planned economy to
a more market-oriented economic model improved the quality of
life for many Vietnamese. Per capita income, $220 in 1994, rose
to $372 by 1999 with a related reduction in the share of the
population living in acute poverty.
The striking economic progress that marked the 1990s slowed in
the last years of the decade. Despite an impressive 23% rise in
1999's export performance to $11.5 billion, a sharp drop in new
foreign investment commitments foreshadows slower economic
growth than Vietnam experienced in the early '90s. Government
control of the economy and a non-convertible currency have
protected Vietnam from what could have been a more severe
impact resultant from the East Asian financial crisis. Nonetheless,
the crisis, coupled with the loss of momentum as the first round of
economic reforms ran its course, has exposed serious structural
inefficiencies in Vietnam's economy.
Vietnam's economic stance following the East Asian recession
has been a cautious one, emphasizing macroeconomic stability
rather than growth. While the country has shifted toward a more
market-oriented economy, the Vietnamese Government still
continues to hold a tight rein over major sectors of the economy
such as the banking system, state-owned enterprises, and areas of
foreign trade. Substantial reforms to create a sound banking
system and privatize state-owned enterprises need to be speeded
up. Without these reforms, Vietnam might not cope with a rising
unemployment problem. Urban unemployment has been rising
steadily in recent years, and rural unemployment, estimated to be
up to 35% during non-harvest periods, is already at critical levels.
7 of 13
Layoffs in the state sector and foreign-invested enterprises
combined with the lasting effects of an earlier military
demobilization further exacerbate the unemployment situation.
The international community has told Vietnamese leaders that the
situation calls for a bold new round of structural economic
reforms. The country's leadership, however, has chosen to follow
a less ambitious, slow-paced reform program. Overall systemic
economic reform has been limited by both Vietnam's communist
ideology and a bureaucracy which views reform as a threat to the
status quo. The country's slow-paced reform has hindered
Vietnam from progressing in tandem with regional competitors.
The July 13, 2000 signing of the Bilateral Trade Agreement
(BTA) between the U.S. and Vietnam is a significant milestone
for Vietnam's economy. Pending U.S. congressional approval, the
BTA will provide for Normal Trade Relations (NTR) status of
Vietnamese goods in the U.S. market. Access to the U.S. market
will allow Vietnam to hasten its transformation into a
manufacturing-based, export-oriented economy. It would also
concomitantly attract foreign investor interest back to Vietnam,
not only from the U.S., but also from Europe, Asia, and other
regions.
Agriculture and Industry
Land reform, decollectivization, and the opening of the
agricultural sector to market forces converted Vietnam from a
country facing chronic food shortages in the early 1980s to the
second-largest rice exporter in the world. Besides rice, key
exports are coffee, tea, rubber, and fisheries products. Despite this
unquestioned success story, agriculture's share of economic
output has declined, falling as a share of GDP from 42% in 1989
to 26% in 1999, as production in other sectors of the economy has
risen.
Paralleling its efforts to increase agricultural output, Vietnam has
sought with some success to invigorate industrial production.
Industry contributed 32.5% of GDP in 1999. However, most
branches of heavy industry cement, phosphate, steel, etc. --
have stagnated or declined. State-owned enterprises are marked
by low productivity and inefficiency, the result of a
command-style economic system applied in an underdeveloped
country. Foreign direct investment (FDI) -- much of it gravitating
to the new industrial zones in the south -- is a new and dynamic
feature of Vietnam's industrializing economy. Billions of FDI
dollars from countries around the globe are helping to transform
the industrial landscape of Vietnam. Foreign invested enterprises
are also responsible for helping the country achieve large export
gains recently. Another inflow of FDI is expected once the BTA
is ratified by legislatures of both countries.
Of late, Vietnam has achieved some success in increasing exports
of some labor-intensive manufactures. Subsidies have been cut to
some inefficient state enterprises. The government has also
repeatedly stated its intent to "equitize" a significant number of
state enterprises. However, only a relatively small percentage of
8 of 13
remaining state enterprises have been equitized in recent years.
Trade and Balance of Payments
From the late 1970s until the 1990s, Vietnam was heavily
dependent on the Soviet Union and its allies for trade and
economic assistance. To compensate for drastic cuts in
Soviet-block support after 1989, Vietnam liberalized trade,
devalued its exchange rate to increase exports, and embarked on a
policy of regional and international economic re-integration. As
Vietnam's integration into the global community progressed,
bilateral and multilateral aid to the country resumed.
As a result of these reforms, exports expanded significantly,
growing by as much as 20%-30% in some years. In 1999, exports
accounted for 40% of GDP, an impressive performance in a
recovering Asia. Efforts to control Vietnam's import growth have
been fairly successful. In the last 4 years, import levels have
remained fairly stable. For the second consecutive year, Vietnam
had a balance of payments surplus in 1999. The country's balance
of payments surplus has been due to not only to robust trade
performance but also to official development assistance and
remittances from overseas Vietnamese. Vietnam's total external
debt, accounting for 37.1% of GDP in 1999, is $10.6 billion.
FOREIGN RELATIONS
During the second Indochina war (1954-1975), North Vietnam
balanced relations with its two major allies, the Soviet Union and
China. By 1975, tension began to grow as Beijing increasingly
viewed Vietnam as a potential Soviet instrument to encircle
China. Meanwhile, Beijing's increasing support for Cambodia's
Khmer Rouge sparked Vietnamese suspicions of China's motives.
Vietnamese-Chinese relations deteriorated significantly after
Hanoi instituted a ban in March 1978 on private trade, mostly
affecting Sino-Vietnamese. Following Vietnam's December 1978
invasion of Cambodia, China launched a retaliatory incursion
over Vietnam's northern border. Faced with severance of Chinese
aid and strained international relations, Vietnam established even
closer ties with the Soviet Union and its allies in the Council for
Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon). Through the 1980s,
Vietnam received nearly $3 billion a year in economic and
military aid from the Soviet Union and conducted most of its
trade with the U.S.S.R. and other Council for Mutual Economic
Assistance countries. However, Soviet and East Bloc economic
aid ceased after the breakup of the Soviet Union.
Vietnam did not begin to emerge from international isolation until
it withdrew its troops from Cambodia in 1989. Within months of
the 1991 Paris Agreements, Vietnam established diplomatic and
economic relations with ASEAN as well as most of the countries
of Western Europe and Northeast Asia. China reestablished full
diplomatic ties with Vietnam in 1991, and the two countries
concluded a land border demarcation agreement in 1999.
In the past decade, Vietnam has recognized the increasing
9 of 13
importance of growing global economic interdependence and has
made concerted efforts to adjust its foreign relations to reflect the
evolving international economic and political situation in
Southeast Asia. The country has begun to integrate itself into the
regional and global economy by joining international
organizations. Vietnam has stepped up its efforts to attract foreign
capital from the west and regularize relations with the world
financial system. In the 1990s, following the lifting of the
American veto on multilateral loans to the country, Vietnam
became a member of the World Bank, the International Monetary
Fund, and the Asian Development Bank. The country has
expanded trade with its East Asian neighbors as well as with
countries in Western Europe and North America. Of particular
significance was Vietnam's acceptance into the Association of
South-East Nations (ASEAN) in July 1995. Vietnam joined the
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) in November
1998 and also hosted the ASEAN summit the following month.
Vietnam currently holds observer status in the World Trade
Organization (WTO) and is applying for full membership.
While Vietnam has remained relatively conflict-free since its
Cambodia days, tensions have arisen in the past between Vietnam
and its neighbors (especially China). Vietnam and China each
assert claims to the Spratly Islands, an archipelago in a potentially
oil-rich area of the South China Sea. Conflicting claims have
produced over the years small-scale armed altercations in the area;
in 1988 more than 70 people were killed during a confrontation
between China and Vietnam. China's assertion of control over the
Spratly Islands and the entire South China Sea has elicited
concern from Vietnam and its Southeast Asia neighbors. The
territory border between the two countries is being definitively
mapped, and the dispute has yet to be taken to any official forum
for resolution.
U.S.-VIETNAM RELATIONS
After a 20-year hiatus of severed ties, President Clinton
announced the formal normalization of diplomatic relations with
Vietnam on July 11, 1995. Subsequent to President Clinton's
normalization announcement, in August 1995, both nations
upgraded their Liaison Offices opened during January 1995 to
Embassy status. As diplomatic ties between the nations grew, the
United States opened a Consulate General in Ho Chi Minh City
and Vietnam opened a Consulate in San Francisco.
U.S. relations with Vietnam have become deeper and more
diverse in the years since political normalization. The two
countries have broadened their political exchanges through annual
dialogues on human rights and regional security. They signed a
Bilateral Trade Agreement in July 2000, and are actively pursuing
agreements in other areas. A cornerstone of relationship remains;
cooperation on the issue of Americans missing from the war in
Vietnam. As of September 2000, 2,005 Americans who were
killed in action with bodies not recovered (KIA/BNR) remain
unaccounted for in Southeast Asia, 1,506 in Vietnam. The U.S.
Government is actively pursuing 1,363 missing Americans in
Southeast Asia, including 913 in Vietnam. Since 1973, 578
10 of 13
Americans have been accounted for, including 412 in Vietnam.
Since January 1993, the remains of 258 individuals have been
repatriated and identified and returned to their families, 140 in
Vietnam. Additionally, the Department of Defense has confirmed
the fate of all but 41 of 196 individuals who fall under the "Last
Known Alive" (LKA) priority discrepancy cases in Vietnam. The
United States considers achieving the fullest possible accounting
of Americans missing and unaccounted for in Indochina to be its
highest priority with Vietnam.
Reflecting the growing diplomatic relations between the two
nations, economic relations between the United States and
Vietnam have changed dramatically over the past decade. In July
1993, subsequent to the opening of the U.S. repatriation office in
Ho Chi Minh City, the U.S. dropped its objections to bilateral and
multilateral lending to Vietnam. In February 1994, following
substantial Vietnamese cooperation on POW/MIA issues,
President Clinton removed the long-standing trade embargo on
Vietnam. In March 1998, President Clinton granted a
Jackson-Vanik waiver to Vietnam, which he has renewed in 1999
and 2000 for one-year periods. (a Jackson-Vanik waiver is
required along with U.S. Congressional approval of a bilateral
trade agreement in order to grant Vietnam normal trading rights.
This waiver must be renewed annually and is based on Vietnam's
cooperation on emigration issues.) On July 13, 2000, the United
States and Vietnam signed a Bilateral Trade Agreement which,
following U.S. Congressional approval, will fundamentally
change Vietnam's trade regime and help liberalize its economy.
Increased trade between the U.S. and Vietnam, combined with
large-scale U.S. investment in Vietnam, evidence the maturing
U.S.-Vietnam economic relationship. In 1999, Vietnam exported
$655 million of goods to the U.S. and imported $291 million of
U.S. goods. Similarly, U.S. interests continue to invest directly in
the Vietnamese economy. During 1999, the U.S. private sector
committed over $120 million to Vietnam, becoming the
seventh-largest foreign investor in the country.
Principal U.S. Embassy Officials
Ambassador--Douglas B. (Pete) Peterson
Deputy Chief of Mission--Dennis G. Harter
The U.S. embassy in Vietnam is located at 7 Lang Ha, Ba Dinh
District, Hanoi, Socialist Republic of Vietnam (tel.
84-4-843-1500; fax 84-4-843-1510).
Principal U.S. Consulate General Official
Consul General--Charles Ray
The U.S. Consulate General in Ho Chi Minh City is located at 51
Nguyen Dinh Chieu, District 3, Ho Chi Minh City, Socialist
Republic of Vietnam (tel. 84-8-822-9433; fax 84-8-822-9434).
TRAVEL AND BUSINESS INFORMATION
11 of 13
VIETNAM BACKGROUND PAPER:
ECONOMIC REFORM AND THE BILATERAL TRADE AGREEMENT
Objective: Obtain high-level Vietnamese commitment to begin
early implementation and ratification of the bilateral trade
agreement (BTA), to lay a solid foundation for Congressional
approval in 2001.
Points to Make
Signing the BTA was a major step forward in U.S.-Vietnam
relations. Implementing the BTA will offer both
challenges and opportunities to deepen relations. Close
bilateral consultation and cooperation during this
process will ensure full mutual benefit.
Trade and investment reforms Vietnam agreed to make under
the BTA will help Vietnam compete in the global economy.
Early legislative approval by Vietnam would send the
right message to investors and also would facilitate
approval of the BTA by Congress next year.
Background
Though well-endowed with natural and human resources,
Vietnam needs to undertake extensive economic reform in
order both to meet its commitments under the BTA and to
achieve the gains it expects from improved access to the
U.S. market and eventual accession to the WTO. The legal
and regulatory infrastructure needed to foster a competitive
private sector is weak or absent. Priority lending from a
state-dominated financial sector to bloated public
enterprises crowds out private investment and fails to
create enough jobs for the rapidly growing workforce (1.3
million annual new job entrants). Official bureaucracy is
reluctant to cede control to market forces.
Top Vietnamese trade officials want to proceed with
developing BTA implementation machinery. Our experience of
negotiating the BTA underscores that implementation will
require steady bilateral engagement on our part and
sustained commitment from top Vietnamese officials. U.S.
technical assistance, projected at $6 million over the next
three years, should smooth implementation, but US aid cannot
be explicitly linked to implementation performance.
UNCLASSIFIED
BACKGROUND PAPER:
U.S. INVESTMENT IN VIETNAM
Objectives:
You should acknowledge Vietnam's positive commitments on
investment in the Bilateral Trade Agreement. You should also
encourage further liberalization of Vietnam's investment regime.
Key Points to Make:
The investment commitments you made in the Bilateral Trade
Agreement are an important step toward a more open and
transparent investment climate.
In today's competitive market for foreign investment,
countries that facilitate new investment will have an
important edge.
I encourage you to continue your efforts to remove barriers to
investment and to develop a more efficient and transparent
investment regime.
Background:
U.S. foreign direct investment into Vietnam last year is
estimated at $120.2 million, while the total stock of licensed
U.S. capital is $1.3 Billion. Major U.S. investors include
Cargill, Caterpillar, Coca-Cola, Citibank, Chase Manhattan,
Ford, AIG, Nike, General Electric, and Pepsi-Cola. U.S. and
other foreign direct investment has slowed significantly in the
past three years reflecting fundamental weaknesses in Vietnam's
investment climate.
One of the greatest challenges for Vietnam is to make its
economic system more competitive by cutting red tape,
streamlining regulations, and generally making the entire
economic system more efficient, transparent and less corrupt.
Some of the most vociferous and frequent complaints form foreign
investors concern the length of the contract negotiating process
and the delays in obtaining project approvals from the
government. Amendments to Vietnam's Investment Law passed by
the National Assembly in May are a positive step in the right
direction. In the Bilateral Trade Agreement signed July 13,
2000, Vietnam agreed to protect U.S. investments from
expropriation, eliminate local content and export performance
requirements and phase out its investment licensing regime for
many sectors. These commitments are important incremental
improvements to the investment climate in Vietnam; however, much
work remains.
UNCLASSIFIED
BACKGROUND PAPER:
POW/MIA COOPERATION
Objective:
Vietnam should be commended for its extensive cooperation in our
effort to account for Americans who remain missing in action
from the war in Southeast Asia.
Key Points to Make:
Obtaining the fullest possible accounting of our missing from
the Vietnam War remains our highest priority in Vietnam.
The U.S. appreciates Vietnam's cooperation in assisting the
U.S. on this issue; it remains an issue of high interest to
the American people and Congress.
Background:
Beginning in December 1996, Vietnam has received annual
Presidential Determinations that Vietnam is "fully cooperating
in good faith with the U.S." in our efforts to obtain a full
accounting of our missing service personnel from the Vietnam
War.
This annual determination is based on four criteria for
Vietnamese cooperation: recovery and repatriation of American
remains through joint field activities; resolution of "last
known alive" priority discrepancy cases; Vietnamese assistance
in implementing trilateral investigations with Laos; and access
to Vietnamese POW/MIA related documents, archives and oral
history interviews.
Since 1973, we have accounted for 424 Americans in Vietnam. Of
the 1,993 Americans still unaccounted for in Southeast Asia,
1,499 are Vietnam MIAs.
UNCLASSIFIED
BACKGROUND PAPER:
DEMINING AGREEMENT
Objectives: To show U.S. support for Vietnam's humanitarian
demining program, which seeks to save innocent lives,
restore land and infrastructure to productive use.
Key Points:
Note that the U.S. has contributed more than $400 million
for humanitarian mine action around the world since 1993
and will add nearly $100 million more in fiscal year 2001.
Praise Vietnam's commitment to humanitarian demining, as
evidenced by its efforts, with no outside assistance, to
clear landmines and Unexploded Ordnance (UXO).
Express hope that the demining equipment the U.S. has
already provided will help foster an improved relationship
between our two countries and will support Vietnam's
efforts to minimize the threat of landmines to its people
and to its economic well-being.
Background
Vietnam is one of the most severely landmine/UXO-affected
countries in the world. In spite of Vietnamese clearance
efforts, there are over 2,000 casualties per year.
Vietnamese experts estimate that it will cost billions of
dollars and take 15-20 years to remove landmines and UXO
leftover from the various conflicts.
In June 2000, the Government of Vietnam formally requested
U.S. humanitarian demining assistance. Since then, the
State Department (DoS) has provided over $3 million of
humanitarian demining equipment, including vehicles,
personal safety equipment and landmine/UXO detectors. DoS
will also provide funding for a comprehensive "level one"
survey. The Department of Defense provided funding for the
development of a database to track bombing and artillery
missions, and for computerized demining training equipment.
In 1998, DoS funded a children's mine awareness program in
Dong Ha, in the Quang Tri Province. Since 1991, USAID's
Leahy War Victims Fund has provided over $15 million to
provide rehabilitation services for adults and children and
advance the standard of prosthetics technology. Recently, a
delegation of Vietnamese demining experts completed an
extensive visit the U.S. to learn about the latest demining
management and technologies.
UNCLASSIFIED
BACKGROUND PAPER:
REPATRIATION
Objectives: To encourage Vietnam to accept repatriation of
their nationals with final orders of deportation.
Key Points to Make:
At a meeting in Hanoi in April, 2000, Vietnamese officials
agreed to review a draft repatriation agreement submitted by
the U.S. delegation and respond with a draft of their own by
the end of the year. We are still waiting for the
Vietnamese draft response.
We hope to establish quickly a procedure for cooperation in
accepting back nationals who have received final removal
orders. This is standard procedure among the vast majority
of countries around the world. Such an agreement would be a
positive step in our overall bilateral relations.
We look forward to the planned visit of a delegation from
Vietnam to the United States in the near future to continue
these very important discussions and observe U.S.
immigration and legal procedures.
Background
The U.S. government has sought unsuccessfully to persuade the
government of Vietnam to accept the return of its nationals
with final orders of deportation issued by the immigration
courts. Currently, over a thousand Vietnamese nationals with
final orders of deportation remain under detention in the
United States awaiting travel documents from the government of
Vietnam. Most of them have served their criminal sentences,
but remain under immigration detention. Repeated requests for
issuance of travel documents from the government of Vietnam
continue to go unanswered.
In response to a request by Vietnamese Ambassador Le Bang in
April 1998, the Department of State and Immigration and
Naturalization Service jointly prepared a draft repatriation
agreement, which was presented to him in September 1999. In
April 2000, a U.S. delegation traveled to Hanoi and met with
representatives of the government of Vietnam, with the goal of
establishing a procedure for reviewing requests for travel
documents. The Vietnamese emphasized the need to identify the
nationality of each individual and to consider humanitarian
concerns. The Vietnamese agreed to review the draft agreement
and provide a response by the end of the year.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
AGENT ORANGE
Objective: Promote Joint Scientific Research on the health
and environmental effects of dioxin exposure in Vietnam and
note DOD's willingness to provide information and advice
related to alleged Agent Orange contamination in Vietnam.
Key Points to Make:
Encouraged that Vietnamese and American scientists and
officials will meet at the end of November to discuss a
joint research effort on health and environmental effects of
dioxin exposure in Vietnam.
Hope this scientific program, possibly the first begun under
our new science and technology cooperation agreement, will
expand human knowledge and advance Vietnam's scientific and
health infrastructure.
Department of Defense is prepared to share information on
sites of potential dioxin contamination and provide advice
on ways to protect citizens from further exposure.
Background:
Agent Orange has always been a major issue in U.S.-Vietnam
relations, but the USG has consistently held that Agent Orange
should be addressed strictly on a scientific basis. Since
1997, the GVN has, nonetheless, publicly claimed Agent Orange
is the cause of major health problems, including cancer and
birth defects. Vietnamese officials often raise USG financial
compensation for the alleged effects of Agent Orange with U.S.
officials, veterans groups, and media. In the U.S., interest
in Agent Orange continues to simmer among members of Congress,
veterans, research scientists, and the media.
Vietnam accepted in June 2000 the USG proposal for joint
research on the health and ecological effects of dioxin
exposure in Vietnam, and agreed to a meeting at the end of
November between Vietnamese and American scientists and
officials to develop a joint research program. Meanwhile,
Secretary Cohen, in March 2000, committed the Defense
Department to share information and advice related to Agent
Orange distribution and exposure in Vietnam.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
HUMAN RIGHTS
Objective:
Vietnam needs to understand that progress on human rights is a
prerequisite for full development of the political relationship
between the U.S. and Vietnam.
Key Points to Make:
Full normalization of the political relationship between
Vietnam and the U.S. can not take place without Vietnamese
progress in meeting international norms for protection of
human rights.
As our economic relations become closer and more routine,
human rights concerns will have an increasingly higher profile
in our bilateral agenda.
Background:
Vietnam is a notably less repressive society than five or ten
years ago, but the Vietnamese Government continues to
significantly restrict freedom of speech, the press, assembly,
religion, workers rights, and association. In many cases,
dissidents no longer face arrest for their activities but are
subject to harassment through frequent interrogations and a form
of house arrest. This underscores the need for both judicial
system and prison system reform.
Vietnam restricts freedom of religion but, in recent years,
there has been significant easing of restrictions on the
activities of adherents of officially-recognized religious
organizations. Those who belong to groups not recognized by the
Government face harassment and some prominent religious
dissidents are under a form of house arrest; those facing
harassment include many Protestant adherents from minority
groups.
Although labor unions are controlled by the party and have only
nominal independence, union leaders influence some key decisions
such as on health and safety issues and on minimum wage
standards. The Government generally tolerates strikes. No
genuine collective bargaining is permitted in as much as all
collective bargaining requires the approval of the party-
controlled Central Labor Confederation.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
TRAFFICKING IN HUMAN BEINGS
Objective: To encourage Vietnam's support for regional efforts
to eliminate trafficking in human beings.
Key Points to Make:
We appreciated Vietnam's participation in and support for the
ARIAT Regional Anti-Trafficking meeting.
Vietnam's continued cooperation in promoting effective
regional cooperation and information sharing, as set forth in
the ARIAT Regional Action Plan, is critical to regional
success.
Background:
About 45,000 to 50,000 women and children are trafficked
annually into the United States, mainly from Southeast Asia. A
transnational crime and a socioeconomic issue, trafficking must
be addressed on the regional level to be fully effective.
Vietnam's active participation will be essential to the success
of the process.
The USG is committed to eliminating trafficking through a
comprehensive, three-part global strategy of prevention,
protection and prosecution. The recent passage of the Victims
of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act will further
strengthen USG policy in this area. At the July 1998 ASEAN
meeting, Secretary Albright raised the issue of trafficking and
invited countries in the region to work with the United States
to eliminate trafficking.
In March 2000, the USG co-hosted a meeting of the Asian
Regional Initiative Against Trafficking in Women and Children
(ARIAT) in Manila. Delegates from 19 Asian countries/economies
participated, developing a Regional Action Plan consistent with
the USG three-part policy framework. It is hoped that Vietnam
will commit to fulfilling the principles of the action plan by
instituting concrete activities in cooperation with its Asian
neighbors. The USG has sponsored regional programs such as
training law enforcement and immigration officials,
reintegration for trafficking victims in the Mekong Region, and
a shelter for trafficked children.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
HIV/AIDS
Objectives: The HIV/AIDS pandemic is a foreign policy issue with
humanitarian, security, and development implications beyond
traditional health issues. Vietnam should intensify its resource
commitment to combating HIV/AIDS.
Key Points to Make
The United States and Vietnam have a mutual interest in
containing the spread of HIV/AIDS.
Infection rates in Asia are exploding among high-risk groups
and more slowly among the general population. If HIV
transmission is not aggressively addressed now, the African
experience could be repeated in Asia.
The USG is increasing the resources it is providing to the
global fight against HIV/AIDS and is encouraging other states
to devote both resources and leadership.
Background:
Rapid economic development and growing mobility have opened
Vietnam to the global HIV/AIDS pandemic. Although precise data
on new infections is limited, the HIV epidemic has increased
rapidly in Vietnam during the 1990s, especially among
prostitutes, injecting drug users and persons with sexually
transmitted diseases. UNAIDS estimates that 100,000 Vietnamese
were living with HIV/AIDS at the end of 1999, and the majority
were young adults.
Unlike some other Asian countries, Vietnam has the capacity
to prevent a disaster. Its HIV/AIDS Strategic Plan is
implemented by an active National AIDS Committee comprised of 16
ministries and five national organizations, and a nation-wide
sentinel surveillance system is also in place. Many
international donors provide assistance including USAID. A CDC
expert in Vietnam works on HIV surveillance programs. Surgeon
General Satcher recently traveled to Hanoi to identify and
discuss areas of collaboration with Vietnam on health-related
issues, including HIV/AIDS.
The U.S. and Vietnam also cooperate on public health
education and injury control and reduction. In addition, the
recent flooding along the Mekong displaced 250,000 people
raising fears of an imminent outbreak of infectious diseases
like cholera and dengue fever.
HIV/AIDS/EID
TALKING POINTS
The fight against HIV/AIDS is both an urgent national and
international priority.
We must enlist both human and financial resources from the public
and private sectors to address the impacts and implications of
HIV/AIDS, which extend beyond the means and competence of any one
entity.
Resources alone will not ultimately defeat HIV/AIDS. The other
half of the equation is strong leadership and public political
commitment.
The impact of HIV/AIDS extends beyond the health sector, eroding
economic development, social cohesion, and political stability.
The worldwide HIV/AIDS pandemic threatens to rob multiple
generations of the promises and hope of a new century.
Regional efforts to stop the spread of AIDS must begin now,
lest Asia repeat the African experience. We are ready to
support Vietnam's efforts.
My administration is requesting of Congress an additional $100
million to combat HIV/AIDS internationally, for a total of
$342 million in FY 2001.
We value our cooperation on other public health issues as
well.
We are also very concerned about the potential health impacts
of the recent flooding. We are ready to help.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
FOURTH FOURTH WORLD CONFERENCE ON WOMEN (BEIJING + 5)
Objective: To encourage the government and civil society
of Vietnam to make every effort to implement the goals of
the Beijing Fourth World Conference on Women.
Key Points to Make:
Urge Vietnam to:
--Fight all forms of violence against women and
trafficking in women
--Support women's education and women in business
--Combat HIV/AIDS
--Support women's increased participation in
government
Background:
The Declaration and Platform for Action adopted at the
1995 Beijing World Conference on Women was the strongest
policy statement on women's empowerment ever made by the
international community. Beijing + 5, held in New York in
June 2000, took stock of the actions taken by governments
to improve the lives of women and adopted further
initiatives to implement the Beijing commitments. Beijing
+ 5 also set new goals to help women in the areas of health
care, domestic violence, trafficking, education, access to
credit, and participation in politics.
The Beijing + 5 Conference and its Outcome Document
demonstrated the now-internationally acknowledged truth
that "women's rights are human rights". The Document
contains strong language criminalizing all forms of
violence against women, including honor crimes. The UN
General Assembly just passed its first-ever resolution
condemning honor crimes and another resolution calling for
the elimination of all forms of violence against women,
including crimes specified in the Outcome Document.
Regarding trafficking, we must forge partnerships on
every continent to share information, coordinate legal
actions, and find and close criminal networks. In the area
of education, we strongly support accelerated action to
close the gender gap in primary and secondary education by
2005.
The Outcome Document also highlights HIV/AIDS, an
issue that was not specifically addressed in 1995. It
calls upon men to assume their responsibility in family
planning and practicing safer sex to stem the spread of
HIV/AIDS and states that women and girls should have access
to sexual education and all types of health care, education
and disease prevention throughout their lives.
Beijing + 5 also emphasized the need to increase
women's participation in the labor market, and to achieve a
balanced representation of women and men in all occupations
by, among other actions, encouraging the creation or
expansion of institutional networks to support the career
development and promotion of women. The United States
strongly supports improving women's access to financing,
business skills training, electronic commerce and
transborder trade. We must continue to work towards equal
pay for equal work or work of equal value.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
WOMEN AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
Objective: Emphasize that women's political
participation and diversity in general strengthen the
political process and society.
Key Points to Make:
Growing number of women active in politics and
government strengthen Vietnamese society and improve
the lives of Vietnamese women and families.
Role of Women's Union and the National Committee for
the Advancement of Women very positive; development and
legalization of independent NGO's would complement and
accelerate pace of change.
Background:
Vietnam has made important strides in incorporating women
into leadership in government and society. More than 26%
of National Assembly deputies are women, and the Labor
Minister, among others, is a member of the cabinet.
However, an informal "glass ceiling" exists, and for
those who have risen to higher ranks, power is limited.
The country's female vice president, who is a war
heroine, and the one women of the 18 members of the all-
powerful Communist Party Politburo has little decision-
making power. While there is no legal discrimination,
women face deeply ingrained societal discrimination.
Current challenges are to enhance women's voices in
decision-making and to change social norms and customs
relegating them to homemaking.
Equal opportunity for women is an underlying tenet of the
Vietnamese Government and ruling Communist Party.
Women's rights of participation in the labor force and in
positions of leadership are spelled out in resolutions
and policies, and increasingly women are promoted into
more senior influential positions. Two specialized
institutions work to increase women's political
participation: the Vietnam Women's Union and the National
Committee for the Advancement of Women. The Women's
Union has a broad agenda to promote women's rights,
including political, economic, and legal equality, and
protection from spousal abuse. The Women's Union
operates micro-credit consumer finance programs and other
programs to promote the advancement of women.
Although results in the last decade have been positive,
there is still a long way to go. While the number of
women in the National Assembly is respectable (26%), the
number of women leaders in the administration of
government remains low, at only 11% of ministers and 12%
of department heads. Women leaders tend to remain
segregated to the "soft" social sectors. Both men and
women continue to be influenced by traditional gender-
biased attitudes on women's roles and responsibilities.
Very poor women, especially in rural areas but also in
cities, have little political power or voice. They
perform menial jobs in construction, waste removal, and
other jobs for extremely low wages. Despite the large
body of legislation devoted to the protection of women's
rights in marriage as well as in the workplace, and Labor
Law provisions that call for preferential treatment of
women, they do not always receive equal treatment.
VIETNAMESE WOMEN'S UNION
And
NATIONAL COMMITTEE FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN
The number of women in the Government and party is relatively high, for example,
women make up one-fourth of the National Assembly, however, at the provincial and communal
levels of administration where traditional gender biased attitudes are prevalent, the number of
women in leadership roles and administration is particularly low. Women Ministers and Vice
Ministers make up 11 and 7 percent of senior administrators, and at the Department level about
one-eighth of the Department Heads and Deputy-Heads are women. In general, these leadership
roles are in the social fields, such as positions in the National Committee for Population and
Family Planning, the Committee for Protection and Care of Children and the Ministry of Labor,
Invalids and Social Affairs. There are two large government sanctioned women's organizations.
The Vietnam Women's Union is an officially sponsored, ministry-level organization
registered as an NGO under the Fatherland Front (the national umbrella for mass organizations).
It has 11 million active members, and is organized at the national, provincial, district, and
commune level. Besides women's issues, as such, the Women's Union is also concerned with
broader social problems such as curbing drug abuse, trafficking in women and children, etc.
Founded in 1930, the union supported women's participation in national defense,
construction and development. The Vietnamese Women's Congress is held every 5 years since
1950 and maps out the objectives and plans for the Union. It's objectives for the 1917-2002
period include:
-
Encourage women to use their abilities, creativity and talents to accelerate national
industrialization and modernization.
-
Support women in improving their standard of living, raising families that are prosperous,
progressive, and happy. Provide children with good nutrition and an education.
-
Strengthen the Union's institutional structure to provide services for the benefit of women.
The second organization is the National Committee for the Advancement of Women
(NCFAW) which was established in 1993. It is a governmental committee originally established
in 1985 as the National Committee for the Women's Decade. After the National Committee
was established, Committees of the Advancement of Women were established in ministries,
agencies, ministry departments, provinces, towns, districts and communes. The function of the
NCFAW is to recommend to the Government, measures, laws and policies to implement the UN
Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women. The
organization in addition to its advisory, research, and monitoring functions, provides various
training and workshops, including a workshop on leadership skills for the female candidates for
the National Assembly.
Prominent women from both the Vietnamese Women's Union and the National
Committee for the Advancement of Women have been invited to participate in the Women
Forum event.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
WOMEN AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN VIETNAM
Objectives: Raise awareness of the positive
contributions non-governmental organizations can make to
Vietnam's development.
Key Points to Make:
Efforts of Women's Union have improved women's
political participation, employment prospects, and
status in society.
Evolution of a broad range of new "grassroots"
organizations in Vietnam is tapping new sources of
inspiration, expanding opportunities and improving
peoples' lives.
Encourage Vietnam to pass its draft "Law on NGOs" soon.
Background:
An independent "civil society" does not exist in Vietnam.
According to Vietnamese law and Communist Party (CPV)
dogma, a Party-controlled umbrella organization, the
Vietnam Fatherland Front, serves as the mechanism to
supervise and channel the activities of "grassroots"
groups in society. Officially sponsored mass
organizations - such as the Vietnam General Confederation
of Labor, the Vietnam Women's Union, indigenous
Vietnamese NGOs, and officially-sanctioned religious
organizations - must be approved by the Fatherland Front
to insure that their activities remain consistent with
the policies of the Party. In theory, these sectoral
groups serve as two-way conduits between the Party and
each organization's constituency: they mobilize the
masses to carry out official policies and articulate the
interests of their members to the CPV.
Since the beginning of "doi moi" (renovation) economic
reforms in 1986, the Party has reformed the mass
organizations to make them more responsive to their
constituents' interests. Some mass organizations - the
Women's Union in particular - have become important
advocates for the interests of their members. The Party
leadership has worked to make mass organizations'
procedures more open, and their operations more flexible,
self-financing, and representative. Over the past
several years, mass organizations have played an
-2-
increasing role in both the policy-making process of the
government and the law-making process of the National
Assembly. In some cases, such as during the drafting of
labor legislation, they have advocated strongly for the
interests of their members.
These reforms have also strengthened the representative
role of quasi-official business associations, such as the
Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry. It also has
spurred the growth of grassroots voluntary organizations
in urban and rural areas. As the Party and state have
gradually reduced their roles as providers of education,
health and other social services since 1986, other groups
have helped filling the gaps. In the cities, there
increasingly are charity and research organizations, such
as municipal bar associations, children's welfare
foundations, women's empowerment groups, and
environmental research centers. In the countryside,
mutual assistance organizations such as credit groups,
shrimp-grower associations, and beekeeper associations
have formed. Some foreign scholars believe these groups
represent emerging elements of a "civil society" in
Vietnam. Official regulation has lagged behind the
development of these voluntary groups. The government
began drafting a law on Associations in the early 1990s
(now called the draft Law on NGOs), but tellingly, this
law has yet to be brought forward for passage by the
National Assembly. Vietnam's leaders tread carefully
when considering giving broader responsibility and
credibility to non-government-controlled groups.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
EMPLOYMENT AND ECONOMIC STATUS OF WOMEN
Objective: Promote employment equality for Vietnamese
women as a key element for economic development.
Key Points to Make:
Vietnam's women are making important positive
contributions to economic development, but could do
much more.
Vietnam's laws lay a good foundation for the equality
of women in the formal workplace; encourage Vietnam to
improve overall implementation of its laws and to
extend coverage to protect workers in the informal
sector.
Inclusion of wives as co-owners of land use rights is a
positive development; broadening women's access to
credit and job training programs could increase
contributions from a dynamic element of Vietnam's
society.
Background:
Women are active in the labor market, comprising 70% to
80% of the informal sector work force, although only a
smaller proportion work in the formal sector. Women
represent 54% of the total agricultural work force,
although they occupy 92% of new agricultural jobs each
year.
Vietnam's progressive labor legislation grants women
equal employment opportunities and equal rights regarding
property rights, but both implementation of the law and
traditional values favor employment of men for many jobs.
Some labor-intensive export sectors (shoes, food
processing, garments), many of them with foreign
investment, have created employment for young women.
However, "protective" labor laws on maternity leave, an
earlier retirement age, and exclusion of women from
dangerous professions restrict women's employment
options. Women also lack voice and fair-share in
decision-making and representation.
Opportunities for jobs in labor-intensive export sectors
have encouraged education for girls. Literacy in Vietnam
exceeds 90%. However, young women at present do not have
-2-
access to equal opportunities for training. To realize
their equal rights and opportunities under the law, women
need improved implementation of the law and better
training and professional skills.
Until recently, Vietnam's law did not recognize women as
co-owners (not of the land, which is publicly owned, but
of the land use rights) of land use rights, but the 2000
Law on Marriage and Family requires both spouses be
listed on land certificates. In contrast, women do not
have equal access to credit. Less than 10% of 4 million
annual loans from the Viet Nam Bank for Agriculture are
to women. Women are disadvantaged in the formal sector
by their lack of collateral, and are forced to use the
informal sector, where interest rates are higher and
funds are limited. The Vietnam Women's Union has an
extensive credit program for women, which requires
savings rather than collateral, offering small loans
(under $60) with easy terms and simple application
procedures. As is common in micro-credit lending to
women, the repayment rate is over 90%.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
VIETNAMESE WOMEN IN BUSINESS
Objective: Highlight the positive contributions women make
to Vietnam's economy and note that harnessing female
ingenuity, innovation, and energy will increase Vietnam's
economic growth.
Key Points to Make:
Women like Nguyen Thi Mai Thanh of Refrigeration
Electrical Engineering Corporation and Nguyen Cao Thang
of OPV International are leading large Vietnamese
businesses into world markets.
Thousands of others own and operate small businesses that
are the backbone of the private sector, Vietnam's hope
for future economic growth.
Vietnam's women can do more for their country and
Vietnam's government should take the steps necessary to
take advantage of the contributions of over half of
Vietnam's population.
Background:
A trip to any local market will reveal that most of
the stall merchants are women; street hawkers selling
vegetables are predominantly women; and many small
storefront shop owners are women. However, women are still
significantly underrepresented at senior levels of big
business and the management of State-owned enterprises.
Small businesses, run by both men and women, have in
the recent past had difficulty because of the domination of
State-owned enterprises and their desire to maintain their
market dominance. Small entrepreneurs have had difficulty
in borrowing capital, obtaining import and export licenses,
and in registering businesses. The last 2 years have seen
an improvement in the small business climate, with the
passage of legislation making it easier to license
businesses.
Although Vietnam's laws mandate workplace equality,
women face deeply ingrained societal discrimination. Few
women compete effectively for higher status positions, nor
does the Government effectively enforce equal pay for equal
BACKGROUND PAPER:
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN VIETNAM
Objective: To raise public awareness that violence against
women damages socio-economic development.
Key Points to Make:
Impressed that Vietnam has recognized that violence
against women, especially in the form of domestic
violence and sexual abuse, is a problem.
Encouraged that the Government of Vietnam wants to begin
in-depth research exploring the degree and extent of
violence against women.
Urge Vietnam to allow formation of NGOs to provide
support for victims of violence.
BACKGROUND
Vietnam is awakening to the costs of violence against
women, individuals, and society as a whole, despite the
fact that this is a highly sensitive topic that Vietnamese
find difficult to discuss. Women victims of domestic
violence rarely report to the authorities because of
cultural values - they do not want to "let people know
about their family affairs."
The 1946 constitution of Vietnam stipulates equity between
the sexes in all aspects of political, economic, cultural,
social and family life. The 1960 Marriage and Family Law
further established the principles of monogamy and equality
between husband and wife. This law forbids physical
violence against women and children. The Penal Codes of
1989 and 1991 stipulate that all violations of the Marriage
Law shall be punished. Although these laws exist, many
women are either unaware of their rights or are, for social
reasons mentioned above, unwilling to prosecute.
Stories:
(Taken from Population Council Domestic Violence Focus
Group
)
"When my boy knows we are quarreling, he says, 'Mum, don't
speak any more, dad is angry, he'll beat you and me! I'm so
scared. Because of my love for my child, I have to endure
my husband's abuse. I feel so sad but tell nobody about
this." (female client, age 42)
"I think when a husband beats his wife, they are both to
blame. A positive family atmosphere depends on the wife.
When she knows her husband is in a bad mood, she should
adjust herself to avoid conflict (female counselor, 26).
BACKGROUND PAPER:
POPULATION AND FAMILY PLANNING IN VIETNAM
Objective: Applaud the Government's efforts to improve
maternal and infant health, and girls education. Encourage
the adoption of voluntary, client-oriented comprehensive
approaches toward reproductive health and family planning.
Key Points to Make:
Compliment the Government on its efforts on female
literacy, contraceptive prevalence and infant mortality.
Stress the importance of voluntary, non-coercive family
planning policies and programs.
Note concern over Vietnam's high abortion rate and lack
of universal access to reproductive health services and
information, particularly for young and rural persons.
Background:
The population of Vietnam is now estimated at approximately
78 million. Vietnam appears to have been influenced
positively by the 1994 International Conference on
Population and Development (ICPD). New national population
and reproductive health strategies, incorporating many
elements of the ICPD are expected to be adopted by the
Government this year. National action plans have also been
developed for the empowerment of women, improvement of
girls' school enrollment, and prevention of STDs and
HIV/AIDS. Vietnam's total fertility rate has declined from
3.1 children per woman in 1994 to 2.5 in 1998, and a very
high percentage (75%) of married women use contraception.
However, despite government efforts to improve access to
primary health care and implement a national breast-feeding
program, maternal and infant mortality rates remain high.
This is in part due to the fact that reproductive health
information is limited in remote areas of the country, as
well as among adolescents and unmarried adults.
Additionally, the prevalence of abortion is very high, with
over 50 percent of women, increasingly adolescent women,
terminating unwanted pregnancies. HIV/AIDS is emerging as a
major health concern, with about 150,000 people infected.
The UN Population Fund (UNFPA) continues its long presence
in Vietnam, with the latest five-year program just approved
through 2005. The program will strengthen the quality of
reproductive health care and information, including through
gender-sensitive and client-oriented approaches. UNFPA is
also working to integrate population, gender and
reproductive health concerns into national development
programs and policies.
USAID continues to work on HIV/AIDS in two provinces, but is
not providing population assistance in Vietnam.
Several international NGOs work in Vietnam, often in
partnership with local NGOs. Planned Parenthood of Los
Angeles (PPLA), for example, is partnering with the
Provincial Committees on Population and Family Planning in
both Haiphong and Danang to help strengthen their peer
education and youth involvement programs.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
CHILDREN IN VIETNAM
Objective: To deliver the message that children, because
of their special vulnerability, are entitled to particular
protection measures by all sectors of society.
Key Points to Make:
Education is the bedrock of a modern society and a modern
economy; Vietnam has worked miracles with limited
resources to achieve an 85% literacy rate; the demands of
the information age will require an even greater
investment in education.
Vietnam's health system has made accidents the leading
cause of death and disability for children; Vietnam's new
helmet law is a positive change to reduce the risks to
children from motorcycle accidents; collaborative
research between American and Vietnamese scientists on
various infectious diseases may reduce their incidence
among children and lower the infant and child mortality
rates.
Background:
Vietnam is a country in economic transition with an
economic growth rate approaching 6%. However, 22% of the
population lives below the poverty line and disparities
between regions, classes and ethnic minorities are steadily
rising. The introduction of fees for medical care and
schools has reduced the availability of health care and
education for some children.
Vietnam's literacy rate, which once exceeded 90%, has
fallen to 85% while the educational system has to
accommodate an additional 1.5 million children every year.
Only 57% of Vietnamese children are completing primary
school, and more than 1 million children aged 6-14 have
never enrolled in school or have dropped out soon after
starting first grade. Low enrollment of ethnic minority
children is leaving them with a literacy rate of only 40%.
Declining literacy and school attendance figures are
directly related to a lack of adequate schools and a
shortage of 50,000 primary teachers.
Although accidents have overtaken disease as the leading
cause of death for children in Vietnam, thousands of
children are still dying or suffering from easily
preventable diseases. Acute respiratory illnesses,
especially pneumonia, account for 33% of all infant deaths
and diarrhea for another 25%. Other leading causes of
infant and child mortality are malaria, neonatal tetanus,
and measles.
A Story: Xuan is a 22-year old mother of a healthy five-
month old son. She and her husband are farmers. Xuan's
health and the health of their son have improved because of
Save the Children's work with the Women's Union on maternal
and child health care. "After receiving encouragement from
a Women's Union member, I had a prenatal checkup every
other month when I was pregnant." Xuan's hope for her son:
that he stays healthy, grows strong, and finishes his
education ( A dream denied Xuan, who left school at 14).
She wants him to become a teacher, a respected profession
in Vietnam, which will also let him support her and her
husband in old age.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
CHILDREN IN ESPECIALLY DIFFICULT CIRCUMSTANCES
Objective: To draw attention to the needs of Vietnamese
children living in especially difficult circumstances.
Key Points to Make:
Vietnam's children are its future; thousands of whom
appear to be at risk from exploitation.
NGOs can make a difference when government resources are
insufficient to meet all requirements; urge Vietnam to
allow NGOs to help children avoid exploitation.
Urge Vietnam to ratify ILO Convention No. 182 on the
Worst Forms of Child Labor.
Background:
An estimated 3 million children live in disadvantaged
circumstances in Vietnam. They include ethnic minority
children, street children and working children. Between
400,000 and 1.2 million Vietnamese children suffer from
various disabilities. Thousands of children are victims of
sexual exploitation, among which are 20,000 children who
are victims of prostitution. Additionally, 8,600 children
have run afoul of the law, 50,000 are street children, and
4,300 are child drug addicts (UNICEF estimates - no
comprehensive study has yet been conducted). Almost
unknown until 1990, cases of child prostitution, child drug
abuse, HIV/AIDS or children afoul of the law are now
regularly reported and growing. For example, the
percentage of child prostitutes has increased from 10% of
the prostitute population in 1990 to 15% in 1997.
Stories: A 9 year old boy: "I wish one day I would meet a
fairy who would grant me three wishes. Then I would wish
to be able to study well so I would have a future; I wish
to be able to do anything, except robbery; and I wish I
could see my mother again. I'd like to be a bricklayer
when I grow up. I don't want to be on the streets any
more." (Voice of Disadvantaged Children in Vietnam - Save
the Children)
A 12 year old girl paralyzed in both legs by polio: "I
want to go to school like other children. But the school
won't take me. They say they don't have special facilities
for me like ramps and tables
The teacher said that if
they took me they might lose the chance of getting promoted
if I were in the class as I might pull the class average
score down."
OPENNET/O/BCLTV/CHILDREN
IN
ESPECIALLY
DIFFICULT
CIRCUMSTANCES
11/13/00
x74023
Approved:
EAP: RBoyce
Drafted:
EAP/BCLTV:GHicks/Embassy Hanoi Staff
Cleared:
EAP/BCLTV: NSilver
ok
EAP/BCLTV: DRasmussen
OK
EAP/RSP:NForino
OK
G: DGraham
OK
S/PICW: Abotti
info
Situation Analysis and
Policy Recommendations
to promote the
Advancement of Women and
Gender Equality in Viet Nam
III
Prepared by the National Committee for the Advancement of Women
in collaboration with four national research teams
Centre for Gender, Environment and Sustainable Development Studies (GENDCEN)
Centre for Family and Women's Studies (CFWS)
Institute of Sociology (IOS)
Centre for Education, Promotion and Empowerment for Women (CEPEW)
and the Government Donor Gender Strategy Working Group
as part of the NCFAW Project VIE-96-01 with support from UNDP, Royal Netherlands
Embassy, CIDA, World Bank, ADB, Ford Foundation
(Draft copy for comments - to be finalised in 11/00)
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Abbreviations
CEDAW
Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women
CEPEW
Centre for Education, Promotion and Empowerment for Women
CFAW
Committee for the Advancement of Women
CFWS
Centre for Family and Women's Studies
CG
Consultative Group
GDGS
Government Donor Gender Strategy
Gendcen
Centre for Gender, Environment and Sustainable Development Studies
GoV
Government of Viet Nam
GRDD
Grassroots Democracy Decree
HEPR
Hunger Eradication Poverty Reduction Programme
IEC
Information, Education, Communication
IOS
Institute of Sociology
MARD
Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development
MOET
Ministry of Education and Training
MOF
Ministry of Finance
MOH
Ministry of Health
MOJ
Ministry of Justice
MOLISA
Ministry of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs
MPI
Ministry of Planning and Investment
NA
National Assembly
NCFAW
National Committee for the Advancement of Women
NIPA
National Institute for Public Administration
NSEDS
National Socio-Economic Development Strategy
PC
People's Council
PCT
People's Committee
POA1
Plan of Action for the Advancement of Women to the year 2000
POA2
Plan of Action for the Advancement of Women to the year 2005
VWU
Viet Nam Women's Union
1
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Acknowledgements
The wide range of institutions and individuals that have generously contributed their support,
time and ideas to the development of this report is a testimony to the broad based partnership
which this initiative represents.
Government
NCFAW: Mme. Ha Thi Khiet, Ms. Tran Mai Huong
VWU: Ms. Pham Thanh Tram
MPI: Ms. Vu Xuan Ty
MOH: Ms. Pham Thi Sen
NIPA: Mr. Nguyen Van Trung
MOJ: Ms. Duong Thi Thanh Mai
MOLISA: Ms. Pham Thi Thanh
MARD: Ms. Bui Thi Lan
MOET: Ms. Khuc Thi Chuyen
Donors
UNDP: Ms. Dagmar Schumacher, Ms. Khuat Thu Hong, Mr. Nguyen Tien Dung, Ms.
Chantal Oltramare, Ms. Suzette Michell
Royal Netherlands Embassy: Ms. Els Klinkert, Ms. Nguyen Nu Hoai Van
World Bank: Ms. Tosca Bruno Van Vijfeijken, Ms. Nisha Agrawal, Ms. Carrie Turk, Mr.
Bui Ngoc Quang, Ms. Nguyen Thu Lan
CIDA: Ms. Vu Thi Yen
Ford Foundation: Dr. Lisa Messersmith, Dr. Oscar Salemink
Research teams
Gendcen: Dr. Tran Thi Que, Ms. Vu Ngoc Uyen, Ms. Nguyen Thi Dan, Ms. Nguyen Thi
Hong Phan, Mr. Tran Dang Tuan, Mr. Tran Dang Thang
CFWS: Dr. Tran Thi Van Anh, Ms. Ngo Tuan Dung, Ms. Nguyen Phuong Thao
IOS: Dr. Nguyen Huu Minh, Dr. Vu Manh Loi, Ms. Phung To Hanh
CEPEW: Dr. Vuong Thi Hanh, Ms. Le Thi Ngot, Ms. Tran Thi Bach Mai, Ms. Nguyen Thi
Phuc, Ms. Do Thi Thach
Research analysis and policy training
Dr. Haroon Akram-Lodhi, Dr. Lorraine Corner, Dr. Jaiki Desai, Ms. Nora Fyles, Ms. Bridget
Crumpton, Ms. Mia Hyun
Commentors for research reports
Ms. Tran Mai Huong, Mr. Nguyen Van Trung, Dr. Khuat Thu Hong, Ms. Nguyen Nhat Tuyen,
Ms. Nguyen Thi Lan, Ms. Ngo Thi Ngoc Lien, Ms. Pham Kieu Oanh, Ms. Vu Kim Dung, Ms.
Tosca Bruno Van Vijfeijken, Mr. Bui Ngoc Quang, Ms. Carrie Turk, Dr. Lorraine Corner, Mr.
Nguyen Tien Dung, Ms. Dagmar Schumacher, Dr. Melanie Beresford, Dr. Lisa Messersmith,
Ms. Nora Fyles, Ms. Chantal Oltramare, Ms. Pascale Brudon, Dr. Jamie Urig, Ms. Mia
Hyun
Report: editing and synthesis
Ms. Nora Fyles, with input from Ms. Tosca Bruno Van Vijfeijken, Ms. Nisha Agrawal, Ms.
Carrie Turk, Ms. Tran Mai Huong and Ms. Mia Hyun
VIE-96-011 Project Office
Ms. Bui Thi Hong, Ms. Pham Kieu Oanh, Ms. Vu Kim Dung, Ms. Mia Hyun
2
Table of Contents
Abbreviations
page
1
Acknowledgements
2
Part I
Introduction
3
1.1
Structure of the report
3
1.2
Background
5
1.3
Main steps in the consultation process
7
1.4
Methodology
8
1.5
Common themes in policy recommendations
9
Part II
Synthesis
13
2.1
Gender issues in employment & economic status
13
2.1.1
Agriculture and rural development
15
2.1.2
Formal sector labour market
17
2.1.3
Access to land use rights
20
2.1.4
Access to capital and financial services
23
2.2
Gender issues in education & human resource dev.
27
2.2.1
School attendance in poor and ethnic minority areas
28
2.2.2
Gender stereotypes in school textbooks
31
2.2.3
Sex segregation in education
33
2.2.4
Access to agricultural extension training
35
2.3
Gender issues in health and safety
40
2.3.1
The impacts of health sector reform
42
2.3.2
Access to reproductive health care
44
2.3.3
Impact of HIV/AIDS
47
3.3.4
Domestic Violence
50
2.4
Gender issues in leadership and political participation
53
2.4.1
Participation in Party Committees and GoV Administration
54
2.4.2
Participation in elected positions: People's Councils
57
2.4.3
The public expenditure decision making process
59
2.4.4
The Grassroots Democracy Decree
61
Bibliography for the four research reports
65
1
Employment and economic status
65
2
Education and human resource development
70
3
Health and safety
74
4
Leadership and political participation
79
Part III
Draft summary policy recommendations
1
Employment and economic status
2
Education and human resource development
3
Health and safety
4
Leadership and political participation
5
National machinery for the advancement of women
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Part I
-
Introduction
This report is a synthesis of findings and policy recommendations resulting from an
extensive - but by no means exhaustive - research and consultation process focusing on
critical gender issues in Viet Nam. The purpose of this report is to provide research-based
analysis and advice to the Government of Viet Nam (GoV) to support the formulation of the
next National 10 Year Strategy and 5 Year Plan of Action for the Advancement of Women
in Viet Nam (POA2). The National Committee for the Advancement of Women (NCFAW)
has already agreed on an overall structure for these two policy documents which includes
6 sections:
1. Employment and economic status
2. Education, training and human resource development
3. Health and living standards
4. Leadership and decision making
5. Women's rights and benefits
6. National machinery for women.
This report is envisaged as a contribution to the on-going national consultation and dialogue
conducted in the context of developing sectoral strategies and plans, and in particular the
POA2 and the 10 Year Strategy for the Advancement of Women. The voices of women
and the analysis of independent researchers reflected in this report will ensure that these
important national policy decisions will be grounded in the reality of women's experience,
and will promote positive and meaningful change for Vietnamese women.
1.1 Structure of the report
This report is structured as follows:
Part I
Introduction and background to the consultation process
Part II
Situation analysis of women and gender relations in Viet Nam
Part III
Policy recommendations for promoting the advancement of women
and gender equality in Viet Nam.
The situation analysis in Part II is designed to give policy makers a better understanding of
the structural causes as well as the implications of gender inequality within each main
sector. Part III provides a list of suggested policy recommendations to be used as the
basis for further discussion among sectoral experts. It is envisaged that the
recommendations on this list will be revised, elaborated and strengthened before being
submitted to the government for consideration.
Part II and Part III are syntheses of 4 research reports commissioned by NCFAW for this
purpose and comments from a range of experts, and are presented in 4 sections, as
follows:
3
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Section 1: Employment and economic status (based on research carried out by
Gendcen)
The rapidly changing economic structure and the impact of globalisation bring both
opportunities and risks for men and women. The challenge for gender sensitive public
policy lies in creating an enabling environment to help women negotiate these. However,
labour market interventions (for example, equal opportunities and equal wage policies)
constitute only one policy instrument. They must be considered in conjunction with other
social and fiscal policies, which address discrimination prior to entry into the labour market.
This section therefore looks at gender issues in relation to labour force participation with a
special focus on agriculture and waged employment. It also considers access to factors
of production through property ownership (with a focus on land), and access to a range of
financial services including credit, savings and financial management skills.
Section 2: Education and human resource development (based on research carried
out by CFWS)
The inter-generational benefits of female education are well documented worldwide. In
Viet Nam there are additional benefits to female education due to the high participation of
women in the labour force. Women's education contributes therefore directly to labour
productivity. In an increasingly competitive international labour market, comparative
advantage relies more on the level of skill and education of the country's human capital
than on the availability of cheap labour. Developing human capital in Viet Nam should build
on universal basic education, and ensure that the current and future generations of workers
are equipped with the necessary technical skills. The current challenge for the education
and training system is to prepare women and girls to meet these future labour force
requirements. Gender equality in education means that 100% of the potential labour force
will be able to contribute to national economic development. Thus this section looks at all
levels and aspects of the education training system: primary and secondary education
focusing on poor and ethnic minority areas, gender stereotypes in education curriculum
and text books, matching vocational training and higher education to the demands of the
changing labour market and gender bias in agricultural extension services.
Section 3: Health and Safety (based on research carried out by IOS)
This section seeks to add new gender perspectives to issues on the current health policy
agenda, including the impact of health sector reform on women, increasing men's
responsibility for and access to reproductive health care, impact of HIV-AIDS on women,
and domestic violence. Viet Nam has a very high rate of abortion, indicating a need for
increased access to information and contraception for both men and women. Although
there is no nationally representative quantitative data on the prevalence of domestic violence
in Viet Nam, it is estimated that globally 1 in every 3 women has experienced violence in
an intimate relationship. The recommendations in this report seek to broaden the traditional
response to domestic violence from one of reconciliation to one which addresses both
consequences (through reactive legal and service strategies which punish the perpetrators
and protect the victims) and causes (through preventative strategies which include public
education campaigns addressing values, attitudes and actions related to gender-based
violence.)
4
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Section 4: Leadership and political participation (based on research carried out
by CEPEW)
Recognising Viet Nam's relatively high rates of women in leadership, this section addresses
the complex and multi-faceted nature of political participation, and highlights the need to
look at both quantitative as well as qualitative indicators when assessing gender in
governance. Increasing women's representation in leadership must go hand in hand with
strengthening both male and female decision makers' capacity to develop gender sensitive
policies and programmes. Gender analysis and planning must also be institutionalised
within decision-making processes in order to be self sustaining. This section looks at
promoting women in both appointed and elected positions, and examines two examples
of decision making processes: public expenditure¹ at central level and Grassroots
Democracy Decree at local level (GRDD). The GRDD, as a process of mobilising local
level political participation, is seen as a strategic opportunity for strengthening women's
access to decision making fora starting at the community level.
1.2 Background
This initiative is based on the recommendation of the Prime Minister at the mid-term
Consultative Group (CG) meeting in 1998 for the Government and Donor partners to come
to shared sectoral and intersectoral strategies, in order to increase Government-Donor
coordination and partnership, and prevent fragmentation. The Gender Strategy Working
Group was subsequently set up as one of the intersectoral working groups.
A Joint Government Donor Gender Strategy (GDGS) will be developed based on the
POA2 and will present the priority areas of concern for both Government and Donors to
achieve the goal of gender equality in Viet Nam over the next 5 to 10 year period.
The long term vision for the GDGS is the social, economic and political advancement of
women and gender equality in Viet Nam. This will require creating an overall enabling
policy environment, combined with a gender aware society, and gender sensitive institutional
structures, policy making processes and practices. These will go beyond targeted women
and family programmes and aim to analyse and influence macro and sectoral policies
and programmes. The ultimate objective is to create a 'level playing field' whereby women
and men will be in an equal position to access and utilise basic social services and factors
of production, and to make the necessary social, economic and political choices and
decisions on issues, policies and programmes impacting on their livelihoods and well-
being.
This partnership is being coordinated by NCFAW and the Viet Nam Women's Union (VWU),
in collaboration with CFAWs in key government agencies including:
1 Public Expenditure was selected as a case study for gender in decision making for two reasons: it
has a wide impact, and the recent Public Expenditure Review exercise carried out by the Govern-
ment, the Royal Netherlands Embassy. and the World Bank included a gender component which
provided some qualitative data in an otherwise unresearched area.
5
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Ministry of Planning and Investment (MPI)
Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development (MARD)
Ministry of Education and Training (MOET)
Ministry of Health (MOH)
Ministry of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs (MOLISA),
Ministry of Finance (MOF)
with the support and participation of a number of donors including:
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
the Royal Netherlands Embassy (RNE)
the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA)
the United Nations Fund for Women (UNIFEM)
the World Bank
the Asian Development Bank (ADB)
Ford Foundation
Oxfam Great Britain (OGB)
UNICEF
For the purposes of strengthening capacity in gender sensitive planning, the project followed
a participatory process grounded in extensive consultation, research and analysis, which
includes the following steps
database on gender and development in Viet Nam including bibliography of all relevant
documents and materials as well as inventory of all projects relating to women and
gender since 1993.
situation analysis report on women and gender in Viet Nam, based on a synthesis of 4
sectoral reports, and comments from experts².
capacity building in the area of gender sensitive analysis, planning and policy formulation
for national research institutions, CFAWs from key ministries, and donor organisations.
broad-based consultation with relevant stakeholders at the central level, as well as
through a series of participatory consultation workshops at the grassroots level.
formulation of gender specific strategic planning documents
the 2nd National Plan of Action for the Advancement of Women to 2005 (POA2)
the National Strategy for the Advancement of Women to the Year 2010
the Joint Government Donor Gender Strategy (GDGS) representing the combined
commitments and priorities of Government, NGOs, grassroots women, and donors.
On-going linkages and substantive input into other strategic planning initiatives such
as the
National Socio-Economic Development Strategy to 2010 (NSEDS), and other
sectoral plans and strategies
Hunger Eradication and Poverty Reduction Programme (HEPR), and the 10 Year
Poverty Reduction Strategy
Viet Nam Development Report 2001 to be presented at the next CG Meeting in
December 2000, where the Poverty Reduction Strategy will be discussed.
2
Given the wealth of material collected as part of the bibliography on gender, and due to time
constraints, the research in these reports was based on the analysis of secondary data sources, no
primary data was collected. However, where there was insufficient data, some research teams under-
took case studies to illustrate their arguments.
6
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
A crucial step to mainstreaming gender will be to ensure that the gender specific policy
recommendations are also cross-referenced with and ideally integrated into the relevant
'mainstream' policy documents. These include the NSEDS, the HEPR, as well as sector-
specific strategies such as those dealing with Economic Management, Rural Development,
Human Development (Education and Health), and Governance and Public Administration
Reform, and in the future others such as the HIV/AIDS prevention strategy.
1.3 Main Steps in the Consultation Process
It is anticipated that this report and particularly the recommendations put forward, will be
used as the basis for further discussion in preparation for the next 10 year strategy and
POA2. The project has organised a series of fora to facilitate this debate amongst a wide
range of stakeholders, to ensure that the process of developing these policy documents
is as participatory, consultative and inclusive as possible. As part of this process of broad
based consultation, a number of events have taken place and several others are currently
being planned:
Local level consultation with grassroots women
A series of 5 one-day workshops were held (July. August 2000) to consult with women at
the grassroots level about their views and perspectives on the current situation of women
in Viet Nam, starting from their own experience. Workshops were held in Hanoi, HCMC,
Lai Chau, Quang Binh and Tra Vinh, and included women of all ages and from all walks of
life: farmers, traders, local authorities (government and mass organisations), from both
rural and urban settings, in the North, South and Central regions. A total of 250 women
participated in these workshops, approximately half were from outside of the government
and mass organisations, and 14% were from ethnic minority groups. The main points
raised in these workshops are also reflected in this report.
Inter-disciplinary analysis and policy workshop
A two week workshop was organised (June 2000) to facilitate a dialogue between the 4
research teams responsible for much of the analysis in this report, and government officials
responsible for policy advice, most of whom were representatives from CFAWs within
key line ministries, as well as concerned Donors. A team of international gender and
macro-economic policy experts provided technical input and guidelines for gender analysis
and planning (see following section on methodology).
High level consultation with Government and Donors
A two day workshop will be organised (26, 27 October 2000) to launch the findings in this
report as well as two other gender related reports (Engendering Development, World
Bank 2000, and Gender Assessment of the Legal Framework, Dr. Ngo Ba Thanh, 2000)
and to discuss the recommendations presented here. It is anticipated that 4 sectoral
working groups will refine the recommendations which will then be used as a basis for a
subsequent national workshop to develop the next 10 Year Strategy and POA2.
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Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
National level consultation with Central and Local Government
A three day national conference will be organised (8, 9, 10 November 2000) to report back
on the implementation of the Plan of Action for the Advancement of Women to the Year
2000 (POA1), to consult with provincial and central level government authorities on finalising
POA2, and to revise and strengthen the role and functions of NCFAW and the VWU. This
conference will be attended by CFAW representatives from 50 ministries and 61 provinces.
1.4 Methodology
The above process is based on the premise that sound policy should be grounded in
sound research. It therefore follows that gender sensitive policy and planning must be
start with gender sensitive research. The methodology used to compile this report
emphasises two distinct but mutually reinforcing approaches: the advancement of women
and gender equality, using gender analysis and planning as a guiding tool.
It is important to distinguish between policies for the advancement of women and policies
promoting gender equality. Policies which focus only on women do not necessarily address
the complexities of the causes of women's disadvantaged status in relation to men. Thus
there is a need to broaden the focus to include an analysis of gender relations: the
relationship between women and men, as individuals and as groups, as well as the
differential relationship between women, men and institutions, and how these relationships
affect the work that they do, the productive resources they have access to and the benefits
they receive, and their level of input into decision making processes in all spheres. The
analysis of these gendered relationships reveals the causes of social, economic and
political inequalities between men and women, and how they are embedded in individual
behaviour patterns, institutional decision making processes, and in some cases the legal
framework. These causes are related and mutually reinforcing, thus any strategy to address
gender inequality must address issues at all levels: socio-cultural, institutional, and political.
Gender is a complex analytical construct which helps us to understand the causes of
inequality between men and women, and thus formulate more gender sensitive policies.
In order to analyse the critical gender issues and more importantly develop policy
recommendations to address them, an analytical framework (described below) was
designed to ensure a systematic and methodical approach to the research and analysis,
and as a result to the policy recommendations. The researchers and analysts who
contributed to this report have all applied this framework to 4 critical gender issues in their
respective sectors. The causes and consequences of each issue are systematically
highlighted, allowing policy recommendations to be developed for each of the causes and
consequences.
Analytical framework for gender sensitive research and policy advice
Gender inequality both influences and is influenced by a range of factors which can be
loosely clustered under the following headings:
Legal and policy framework: enshrined in national laws and policies and international
conventions.
8
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Stakeholders: national, international, government, non government institutions,
community interest groups, who have an interest in or are affected by specific gender
issues.
Poverty: interpreted here as a condition characterised by systemic economic, social
and political disadvantage (both relative and absolute). Causality may work in both
directions: gender inequality can increase poverty and poverty can also intensify gender
inequality.
Social norms and customs: manifested in daily actions and decisions taken at the
household level which have a gendered impact, as well as the gender stereotypes
which inform those actions and decisions. It should be noted that the impact of these
gender stereotypes is actually much wider than this and influences institutional practice
as well as informs policy development and implementation. Likewise, policies influence
the socio-economic environment in which intra-household decisions are being made
every day. Policy makers must understand the intra-household dynamics and decision
making patterns in order to formulate more gender sensitive policies³.
1.5 Common themes in policy recommendations
In order to assist policy makers to address critical gender issues in policy development
and implementation, policy recommendations have been designed for each cause and
consequence identified⁴. There are some common themes and concepts in the policy
recommendations, which are summarised here.
Mainstreaming
The gender in public policy discourse refers to the concept of mainstreaming in relation to
gender, and yet there is still some confusion as to what this means and how to approach
this. It is useful to make the distinction between two different aspects of mainstreaming
1) Mainstreaming women means ensuring that women are adequately represented in all
activities, especially in management and decision making.
2) Mainstreaming gender means ensuring that the policy agenda incorporates a gender
perspective and that gender analysis becomes an integral part of policy analysis. Together
these result in policies which reflect the priorities and needs of both men and women.
For example, having an institutional quota for women is a necessary but not sufficient
condition to achieve the goal of gender equality. It is also necessary to strengthen the
3 For example, most family planning campaigns target married women, and yet it is often men, both
married and single, who make decisions regarding contraception use.
4 Policy recommendations were developed using a standard format: Policy Objective, Policy Instru-
ments (activities necessary to reach that objective), Measurable Indicators (quantitative and qualita-
tive indicators to measure progress in achieving the objective).
9
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
institutional capacity for gender analysis to ensure that the policies and programmes reflect
a gender perspective.
Legal and Policy Framework
It is increasingly recognised that all laws and policies have a gendered impact and therefore
it is necessary to closely examine the gender implications of the broader legal and policy
framework, and not just policies which explicitly state their relationship to women (which
tends to be protective, and not always in the best interest of gender equality). Likewise it is
important to look at not just national laws but also international or regional agreements
(eg: UN Conventions and international trade agreements). Such an analysis will suggest
possible amendments to ensure that all laws and policies are gender sensitive. In the
spirit of the rights based approach adopted by the UN (UNDP Human Development Report
2000) it is also important to position policy recommendations in the broader context of the
relevant UN Conventions (such as the Beijing Platform and Beijing Plus Five, Convention
on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), Convention
on Elimination of Violence against Women, ILO labour codes, Rights of Child.)
There are a number of challenges with respect to the legal and policy framework:
Understanding the constraints to implementation of national policy and International
Conventions. Strategies to overcome these constraints will have to be factored into
plans and programmes.
Drafting the appropriate policy for gender issues not currently covered by the legal and
policy framework (such as gender gaps in education and sexual harassment).
Some laws and policies are not implemented in a gender sensitive way because
implementors do not explicitly recognise gender-specific constraints to implementation
(for example the Land Law) and thus it may be necessary to raise awareness to
ensure gender equitable outcomes.
Some protective policies which are intended to safeguard 'women's rights', for example
their 'right to take care of their families' or to retire earlier than men, actually have a
potentially negative effect on women, and in addition reinforce traditional gender roles
(for example maternity leave and benefits, requirement that employers with many
women employees have creches). Policies which facilitate the involvement of both
parents in childcare result in equalising the cost of social reproduction as well as
promoting equal sharing of responsibility for family matters.
There is a need to strengthen gender sensitive policies to generate long term change,
rather than just temporary measures, including:
distributive policies focusing on de facto property rights and income,
changes in the division of labour in paid and unpaid production through increased
participation of women in the waged labour force and increased participation of men in
unpaid household work,
educational and training programmes to prepare women for the requirements of
technological change and productivity increases in different sectors of the economy,
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Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
addressing negative gender stereotypes which reinforce the unequal power relations
between men and women,
integrating gender targets and recommendations into mainstream policies and plans.
Institutional strengthening and capacity building
Policy change brings with it the opportunity to reassess the roles, functions, accountability,
responsibility and capacity of key stakeholders. Section 6 of Part III on recommendations
for POA2 includes an additional section on strengthening the role and function of the
national machinery, understood as NCFAW and the Viet Nam Women's Union (VWU), as
well as the network of Committees for the Advancement of Women (CFAWs) in each line
ministry and province. Emphasis is placed not only on the national machinery's role in
terms of policy advice and monitoring, but also on placing responsibility and accountability
for implementation of gender sensitive policies on the appropriate line ministries and other
government bodies. Emphasis is also placed on the role of the line ministries and provinces,
through the CFAWs, to take responsibility for implementing relevant policies in the POA2.
As stated by the Prime Minister in Announcement 207/TB/VPCP, dated 7 December 1999,
'Ministries, branches and people's committees in provinces and cities directly under the
central authorities need to integrate gender issues in the national economic development
plan and overall socio-economic development plan for the period from 2001 to 2010.'
The NCFAW- CFAW network will require strengthening in terms of its capacity to coordinate,
monitor and evaluate the implementation of POA2. This would require a revision of the
NCFAW CFAW's mandate to strengthen their political decision making position to include
consultation and input into macro and sectoral policies. It will also require capacity building
in both quantitative and qualitative gender analysis at macro (policy), meso (institutional)
and micro (grassroots) levels: such as collection and interpretation of sex-disaggregated
statistics, gender analysis of policy planning processes as well as outcomes and gender
budgeting.
There should also be stronger linkages between VWU and NCFAW in order to capitalise
on the grassroots experience of the VWU and the policy advice role of NCFAW. Both
institutions would also benefit from stronger linkages to CFAWs in the key line ministries
and government offices, and advocacy skills to ensure that their voices are heard at the
highest level. As part of this process, technical capacity within CFAWs in each key line
ministry and local government bodies should be strengthened to achieve gender equity in
their policies and programmes⁵. Strengthening networks with other relevant national as
well as regional or international gender research and advocacy groups would also be
useful.
It will also be necessary to reassess the respective roles and functions of NCFAW and the
VWU. The VWU is currently expected to take responsibility for addressing women's needs
in a range of sectors: for example, maternal and child health and family planning, literacy,
credit and micro-enterprise development, agricultural extension, domestic violence, and
5 The Technical Working Group in MARD provides an example of how this can be operationalised at
ministerial level.
11
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
others. All of these activities in principle should fall under the remit of key line ministries
such as MOH, MOET, MOLISA, MARD, MOF. To promote mainstreaming responsibility
and accountability for gender, these activities should be recognised as the responsibility
of key line ministries, leaving the VWU free to undertake more strategic activities such as
awareness raising, research, analysis and advocacy, and the monitoring and evaluation
of gender impact of policies and programmes.
Implementation
In the spirit of mainstreaming it is crucial for all key line ministries, government offices and
mass organisations to take responsibility for implementing and financing activities to reach
the targets set out in POA2. Gender should be an integrated part of all government strategy
and policy development, implementation and monitoring activities. However, in extreme
cases where there are major gaps, there is justification for stand-alone gender policies
and programmes, in this case MOF and MPI should consider establishing a separate
budget for implementing particular aspects of POA2.
Donors must also take responsibility for the above approach in their work and include
gender as part of all projects in their on-going portfolio of development assistance, in
addition to the necessary gender-specific projects. Donors also consider mainstreaming
gender as the way forward: in an increasingly competitive development aid environment
characterised by shrinking resources, donors are moving towards holistic sectoral
approaches and partnerships, which must include a gender perspective.
Follow up
Throughout the course of this research and consultation process, it became increasingly
clear that there is a need to deepen our understanding of gender in a number of areas in
Viet Nam, such as the differential gender impact of poverty, and the impact of poverty on
gender relations. Likewise, more work needs to be done on developing gender sensitive
indicators, particularly for measuring more qualitative influences on gender equality such
as awareness of rights, decision making power, self-confidence, and gender stereotypes.
A number of recent international publications on development and gender look at many of
these issues. These include Attacking Poverty and Engendering Development, World
Bank 2000; UNDP Human Development Report, Human Rights and Human Development,
2000; Progress of the World's Women, UNIFEM 2000. These documents could be used
as the basis for modeling future gender analysis and planning work in Viet Nam.
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Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
PART II - Synthesis
2.1
-
Gender issues in Employment
and Economic Status
Introduction
Socialist economies with centrally planned politically and socially oriented models of
development, like Viet Nam before Doi Moi, have tended to be more responsive to women's
interests than market economies. Political and social policies in Viet Nam from the late
1950s to the late 1970s, and mobilization for national defense increased women's socio-
economic, administrative and political participation, particularly in the North. An emphasis
on social and political goals largely through the public provision of social services
considerably enhanced social development and women's and children's welfare above
the levels that would have been predicted by economic indicators.
By the mid 1980s, however, seven out of every ten people in Viet Nam were living in
poverty (Viet Nam Development Report 2000), and the country was suffering severe
economic and social problems.
During the second half of the 1980s, Viet Nam like most other economies in the Asia-
Pacific region adopted a market-oriented approach to economic development in order to
increase the pace of economic growth and reduce poverty. Returning responsibility for
agricultural production to the individual farming household and economic liberalisation
together form the core of the new thrust of Viet Nam's Doi Moi or economic renovation.
This has resulted in rapid economic growth, striking reductions in the incidence of poverty
and improvement in the general wellbeing of the population. (Viet Nam Development Report
2000). New opportunities for investment, employment and entrepreneurial innovation have
benefited women as well as men. However, the new emphasis on market forces and
competition has also had critical consequences for women's position in the labour market,
as well as their access to income and productive resources, and to health, education and
welfare. The country's political commitment to equality is also being tempered by conflicting
social values, which tend to be less progressive in terms of gender relations.
Economic renovation introduced a significant reduction in state subsidies to public services,
the deregulation of the market and increased competition. The resulting redundancies in
the state and co-operative sectors during 1990-92 affected women disproportionately.
About 550,000 women lost their jobs during the downsizing of the state owned enterprises,
compared to roughly 300,000 men. This loss was larger in relative terms, as employment
in SOEs represented a larger share of wage employment among women. These changes
to the employment sector resulted in large numbers of women leaving more secure wage
and salary employment in these sectors and moving partially into less secure household
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Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
and informal sector work, where they now constitute about 70 to 80 percent of the workforce.
Between 1991 and 1996, the number of private enterprises including micro and small
enterprises increased four times. In many countries this is a dynamic sector that contributes
to economic growth and poverty reduction. Those women who moved into profitable formal
private business sectors received higher, though less secure, returns on their labor; the
exact extent to which this happened is uncertain.
Reproductive work carried out in the pre-reform era by local crèches is often taken over
by grandmothers or older girls, keeping girls out of school. This is not reflected in female
enrolment rates, which have shown an upward trend. It does, however, perhaps influence
female educational attainment if less time is spent on homework and additional classes.
Thus the redistribution of reproductive labor in a way that concentrates it within the
household has implications for the ability of women to engage in economically productive
activities, for the quality of childcare and the prospects for long term improvement in the
status of girl children.
The revival of the family farm and the development of household enterprises are central to
the recent reforms. Under new Civil and Land Laws, individuals were granted rights to
use, improve and trade land on a long-term lease basis, thus gaining personal benefit
from any investment of labour or capital. Emphasis on the independent family units however,
also tended to strengthen hierarchical relationships within the household, with women
having less power and more work than men. The pressure on women to contribute labour
to the family production unit has increased. This means that women's access to and
control over household resources is largely dependent on family relations. Family labour,
especially women's labour, has been substituted for the animal and mechanical power
formerly provided by the communes. As managers of family farms or household
enterprises, women have poorer access to bank credit, because certificates of land
ownership and other valuable property are held in the names of male heads of household.
They also have less information about borrowing opportunities and procedures and poorer
access to the official approvals required to obtain loans, as well as to information on new
technologies.
Women's access to child care has been reduced and the quality of public education and
health care has declined. The cost of accessing these services has increased due to the
withdrawal of state subsidies. In general, the average number of hours of housework
required for the maintenance of the household has reduced over the decade due to
economic growth and an increase in social goods and services. However, women continue
to work considerably longer hours than men on housework and especially childcare (VLSS
1993; VLSS 1998) which limits women's ability to take advantage of opportunities for
employment or education, or to rest.
Four key issues have been identified in regard to gender and women in the economic
sector. These address:
1. Agriculture and rural development
2. Formal sector employment
3. Access to land use rights
4. Access to financial services
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Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
2.1.1 Agriculture and Rural Development
Background
The process of economic reform has resulted in fundamental changes to the legal status
of farms, the organization, management and production of agriculture, and to rural social
institutions and family relations. The status of women farmers and gender relations within
the agricultural community have also been affected by changes in the larger economy.
In broad terms, reforms in agriculture between 1986 and 1997 introduced a shift from
state managed collective system to a market-oriented household economy. This involved
granting long term land use rights to households and enabling households to retain profits
from subsidiary activities. The trade in agricultural inputs and outputs has been deregulated.
The family farm has thus become the basic unit of production, and individual farmers are
now free to invest in and develop their land, and also pursue other forms of paid employment.
Since the early 1990s the living standards of rural households has improved dramatically,
due to rising agricultural incomes, and a diversification of both on-farm and off-farm
activities. Agricultural incomes have risen dramatically by 61 percent (VLSS 1998).
With the dismantling of the cooperative system, services like child care, free education
and health care, and collective use of machinery have been eliminated or replaced with
fee-charging services. This has increased family reliance on women for productive as
well as reproductive tasks.
The agricultural sector is likely to remain the most significant source of employment for
women in the near future. With economic renovation, the rate of women engaged in
agricultural activities has grown, and currently 68 percent of the female labour force is
engaged in the agricultural sector, including farming, forestry and animal husbandry.
Women represent 54 percent of the agricultural workforce. Of the new agricultural jobs
created each year, women take up 92 percent. Over the last five years, men have tended
to move from agriculture to non-farm employment, both self-employed and for wage
earnings (Bales 2000).
Women are involved in all aspects of farming, and play a dominant role in rice production
and animal husbandry as well as irrigation, food processing and marketing. Research
indicates that women are also taking on farming tasks that have been traditionally done by
men, and tasks formerly provided by the communes and carried out by either animals or
machinery (UNIFEM 2000). In spite of women's significant contribution to agricultural
production, they earn less than men, often for the same type of work (NCFAW 2000;
VLSS 1998).
Economic renovation has given women the opportunity to engage in higher productivity
activities and raise their incomes. However, a general lack of skills, low level of technology,
reduced access to credit, limited access to training, competing responsibilities for domestic
maintenance and reproduction tasks and limited say in fundamental decisions made in
the household severely restrict women's ability to become successful farm entrepreneurs.
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Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
At the same time, in the coming years, the agricultural sector will increasingly be unable to
absorb the annual expected 1.2 to 1.4 million new entrants to the labor market. Also, the
potential for further agricultural productivity growth (as manifested in the past 10 years) in
the current structure of small-sized farms is limited. This will mean that new entrants will
either seek work in the off-farm rural enterprise sector if this takes off properly, or move
increasingly to cities. The gender impacts of these expected shifts need to be understood
better. It is important that women will not remain 'stuck' in sectors with low return on their
labor.
Influencing Factors
While the overall rate of trained workers in Viet Nam is low, at less than 10 percent, the
rate of women with technical training is even lower. Girls' access to primary education is
virtually equal to boys, but the participation of girls declines in poor and ethnic minority
areas, among the poor in other areas, and at the lower and upper secondary levels (VLSS
1998). Very few women pursue agricultural studies at vocational schools or colleges or at
university. Furthermore, in spite of a dominant role in agriculture, women tend to receive
less agricultural extension services than men.
Women represent only 25 percent of the participants in training programs for animal
husbandry and 10 percent of the participants in programs on cultivation (MARD 1998:21;
MARD 1999:34). Agricultural extension does not tend to address the needs of women as
it generally focuses on areas of the sector and types of activities in which women are less
likely to be involved. Livestock extension for example, receives less attention than cultivation
extension. There are inadequate numbers of agricultural extension workers and almost
no women working in the field.
In the agricultural sector, the emphasis on family-based production and economic
development has led to a strengthening of the male dominated family, which has a negative
effect on women's well being and productivity (UNIFEM 2000). Most agricultural decisions
involving significant purchases or sales tend to be made by men. Discussions regarding
agricultural activities at the village or commune level are traditionally carried out by men,
even when they concern tasks generally done by women such as irrigation (Le Thi Nham
Tuyet 1996). Traditional perceptions of the role of women in agriculture as inferior to the
role played by men, are reinforced by men's control over some of the major factors of
production. including land, access to credit, and access to technical skills.
Current economic trends may have serious implications for women in agriculture. With
the movement towards globilisation and the resulting increase in international trade, industry
and advanced technology, the nature of the agriculture sector as well as women's role in
the sector is likely to change. An accelerated shift from subsistence agricultural production
to the growing of cash and export crops introduces new opportunities as well as risks for
women. On the one hand, the introduction of new technology could allow farmers to
diversify and intensify their agricultural production, raising productivity and incomes and
reducing their vulnerability to crop failure. However, research shows that capital intensive
mechanisation of agriculture in other countries has resulted in the displacement of female
labour, as men are preferred for operating heavy agricultural machinery (NCFAW 2000).
The increase of new production methods through foreign investment is likely to displace
traditional methods of production and land use, as well as small scale producers and
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Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
traders, the majority of which are women. Foreign investment in agriculture is still limited,
however, and the sector is likely to be dominated by farming households for some time to
come. The implications of current economic trends on women in agriculture should be
explored and policy developed to address future needs of a large portion of the labour
force.
Recommendations
1. Promote the involvement of women farmers in extension training, especially for animal
husbandry, establishing a quota for women's participation within the regular training
programme and developing additional training especially for women farmers. Provide
child care for participants to reduce barriers to women's participation.
2. Promote the participation of girls and women in agricultural vocational training.
3. Foster women's access to off-farm employment opportunities through targeting them
for information dissemination on the new Enterprise Law, vocational and business
development skills training, access to larger size formal loans.
4. Promote the diversification of women's agricultural and off-farm activities to include
higher value commodities such as fruit trees, mushrooms, fish, livestock and
processed goods. Provide necessary support in terms of credit, market analysis and
training for such activities.
5. Increase women's access to agricultural technology appropriate for the household
level, including post harvest and food processing technology.
6. Expand rural women's access to credit and savings institutions that account for
gender-specific constraints such as traditional forms of collateral, limited experience
and training, limited ability to travel.
7. Enhance public opinion of women's role in agriculture through the schools, local
government and mass organisations.
8. Research impact of economic change in Vietnam on women in agriculture, including
the mechanisation and commercialisation of agriculture, and increased trade
liberalisation.
9. Research impact on women and gender relations of expected shift of agricultural
workers to off-farm rural enterprises.
2.1.2 Formal Sector Labour Market
Background
Most workers in Viet Nam continue to be self-employed farmers. As the following chart
indicates, 58 percent of men and 65 percent of women are self-employed farmers. Another
17 percent of men and 20 percent of women work as self-employed workers, but in the
non-farm sector- in small-scale trading, household enterprises, etc. And only 24 percent
of men and only 15 percent of women work for wages. Of these, the share working in the
formal sector-which we define simply as wage jobs in the non-agricultural sector-are
even smaller; only 20 percent of male workers and only 10 percent of female workers
work in the formal sector. The informal sector, which comprises the self-employed non-
farm plus the wage workers in agriculture, thus accounts for 22 percent of male workers
and 26 percent of female workers. Thus, for both males and females, the predominant
17
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
employment type by far is self-employment in the agricultural sector, followed by
employment in the informal sector, and lastly employment in the formal labor market.
In the future, as Viet Nam will industrialise and modernise, the share of wage employment
will increase and that of the other two forms of employment will go down. In recent years,
annual growth of wage employment has been at the rate of 3.5 percent per annum, with all
of the growth coming in the formal sector: wage employment in industry has increased by
4.5 percent per annum, and that in services has grown by 7 percent per annum. Of all
wage jobs, roughly 41 percent are in the state-owned sector, and 50 percent are in the
private sector. Formal sector jobs usually offer the best level of earnings and benefits
within the economy. In some areas of the sector, such as non-state-owned manufacturing.
women play a dominant role. In fact, some of the foreign invested labour-intensive export-
Chart 1: Employment type by Sex, 1997-98 (%)
Male
Female
80
64.8
58.3
60
40
17.4
20.2
24.3
15
20
0
Self-employed farm
Self-employed non-
Wage employment
farm
Source: VLSS 1997-98
oriented sectors (garments, shoes, food processing) which have grown significantly under
Doi Moi have primarily created employment for young women. This experience is very
similar to that of other East Asian countries in past 20 years. The positive impact of this
development on the economic status of these women, their status in the family, their
technical qualifications, should not be under-emphasized. This development is also
creating extra incentives for parents to educate their girl children.
There are on the other hand, however, restrictions to women's participation in formal
employment, and factors which limit women's ability to gain equal benefit from such
employment. Viet Nam has a large set of 'protective' labour policies towards women
employees relative to its development level, such as on retirement benefits, maternity
benefits, exclusion of women from certain sectors deemed to be unhealthy or dangerous.
While labour policies to protect pregnant women, for instance, are certainly warranted
and in the interest of women as well as society, the costs of comprehensive protective
policies should not be so high as to form a disincentive for employers to hire, train or
promote women. Women are also restricted by Labor Law from working in fields that are
considered dangerous to women's health. Laws should not restrict the choices of
occupations that are available for women.
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Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
One major issue for workers in the formal sector is their retirement benefits. Women in
Viet Nam are required to retire five years earlier than men-at the age of 55 years as
compared with 60 years for men. Earlier retirement restricts women from earning full
retirement benefits. And because women live longer than men, if pensions are not properly
indexed to inflation, female living standards fall proportionately as they age (Engendering
Development, World Bank 2000). In addition, because women will retire at 55 years, this
prevents them from being promoted to the top leadership and senior positions since they
will be forced to retire before they are able to reach those positions. The view in Viet Nam
is that women should be "rewarded" by early retirement for their contribution to society. If
that is the case, early retirement could be offered as an option and it could be left to
individual workers to decide if they wanted to take up this option.
In Viet Nam, as in many other countries, women earn less then men for the same work.
While some of these differences can be explained by the differences in the qualifications
and years of experience of men and women, some part of the difference remains
unexplained. In 1998, women earn an average of 87 percent of men's wage in all sectors
of the economy. In the service sector, in which women dominate, women earn significantly
less than men. This is partly because they are concentrated in the lower paying service
jobs, such as teaching and health workers, while men are concentrated in the higher
paying service jobs. For example, 28 percent of female wage earners are working in the
government and social services sector, and only 19 percent of men work in this sector. In
contrast, 9 percent of men and only 2 percent of women work in the transport and
communications sector.
Influencing factors
The most important issue for the formal labor market is the kind of labor legislation that
exists and how well it is implemented. Viet Nam has progressive labour legislation, which
protects the rights of women to equal employment opportunities and conditions. The
Labor Law states, for example, "Employers are forbidden to exert discriminating actions
against female employees Employers must apply to men and women equal rules in
employing, using, increasing salaries and paying employees. Employers must give women
priority by employing a woman if she meets all requirements for the work which is suitable
for both men and women and is needed by the enterprise" (Chapter 10 article 111).
Labour Law requires firms employing large numbers of women to either provide childcare
services or pay some of the private childcare costs paid by women. Furthermore, the
government provides certain financial incentives in order to cover the costs for services
for women.
In practice, however, the regulations and laws tend to leave room for interpretations, and
include few specific guidelines for implementation. Methods for adequately monitoring or
enforcing the implementation of labour policies do not exist, and the repercussions
(accountability) for failing to implement the labour policies are unclear. The incentives to
support enterprises are also not readily applicable. Protective labour legislation is therefore
rarely implemented in either public or private enterprises.
In Viet Nam, as in many developing countries, the Government does not have enough
resources to adequately monitor the implementation and enforcement of the labor
19
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
regulations. Strong labor unions that represent the rights of workers-rather than those of
management-are needed for enforcing labor standards. As the country industrialises
and as the private sector grows, issues of working conditions in factories, many of which
will have a predominantly female labor force, will become more prominent. It is important
that capacity is built in the Viet Nam Labor Union to monitor the implementation of labor
legislation and to help workers protect their rights. The role of the labor unions will need to
be different in a market-based, multi-sectoral economy, compared to their role in the existing
economy which is dominated by state-owned firms.
Recommendations
1. Review the labor legislation to ensure that it does not make it too costly to hire female
workers so that employers will discriminate against them.
2. Equalise the retirement age for both men and women.
3. Provide training and capacity building of the Viet Nam Labor Union so that it can begin
to ensure that labor laws are being applied and workers' rights are being protected.
4. Develop affirmative action policies to promote more women in non-traditional areas
and break through the 'glass ceiling' to move to higher levels.
2.1.3 Access to Land Use Rights
Background
Land is a critical resource for rural women. First, land access is important for household
food security and for market-oriented agricultural activities. Second, to a large extent land
ownership determines access to credit. Land, as the key household asset for most rural
people, is a crucial factor determining economic and social status (Action Aid 1999).
Women and men are granted equal rights regarding property and assets through the
Constitution and relevant laws governing ownership of property such as the Civil Code
(1995), the Law on Marriage and Family (1986) and the Land Law (1993), and relevant
regulations guiding implementation of these laws. However, certain aspects of the laws
tend to counter the prior commitment to equality. Moreover, the implementation of laws
and regulations regarding land, and the traditional values concerning the rights and roles
of women, mitigate against women enjoying equal access to land use.
In general, women are in a poor legal and social position to influence decisions regarding
land use. As heads of the household, men have the power to make decisions in most
important matters such as land use and transfer, accessing credit, purchasing production
tools, the division of labour within the family and the use of family income (Le Thi). In most
households, men make the majority of the agricultural decisions (Desai 1995). The head
of the household, usually male, has the dominant role in land use decision-making, and
given that land is the household's most valuable asset, this results in men having more
economic and legal power than other household members do.
According to the law, family members must be consulted before the householder can
make decisions about the transfer, sale, rent, inheritance, mortgage and contribution of
20
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
land as equity for business. Agreement by family members should be authorised in writing
or finger mark. Other adult members of the household may also legally represent the
household if they have written authorisation from the householder. In practice however,
there is little scope for women to challenge decisions regarding land (Oxfam Hong Kong
1999) and women are rarely able to carry out transactions using householder authorisation
(Do Thi Binh 1996).
Women's access to information, training and other development programmes is also
limited by their inferior legal status regarding land. The head of the household is considered
to be the principal user of land and the target beneficiary in most agricultural development
activities such as agricultural and forestry extension, credit schemes, meetings concerning
access to common goods and services such as water and the dissemination of information.
Although women play a dominant role in many aspects of agricultural production, as they
are not registered heads of household, women tend not to be included in these activities
(Esser 1996).
Influencing Factors
The Civil Code and the Land Law determine that in Viet Nam, all land is owned by the
public and the Government exercises unified management over land. The Government
allocates rights to land use to individuals and households for a long term period, from 20-
50 years, and individuals and households are entitled to transfer, exchange, rent, inherit,
and mortgage land use rights allocated to them.
Legally, land is considered the common property of all adult members of a household.
The certification of the household's rights to land use however, is registered in the name
of a single person, the householder. There is no mention of co-ownership in the Land Law.
Under the Civil Code, the householder is the legal representative of the household in civil
transactions regarding allotted land, and it is understood that the householder carries out
transactions for the common benefit of the household. When 80 percent of households
are currently headed by men, and 20 percent headed by women, legal registration of land
rights in the Land Use Certificate and other land management documents is mainly held
by men (VLSS 1998).
The laws concerning land use rights do not specify individual rights, so that through
marriage, divorce, and the death of a husband, women often lose access to the land held
in the name of their father or husband. In principal, in the case of marriage, separation or
divorce, women are allowed to rent or sell their land use rights, but in practice this is
improbable, as the disposal of land is a family rather than an individual decision. As women
are not co-owners of land they are not eligible to inherit from their husbands unlike adult
children.
While the 1986 Marriage and Family Law grants husband and wife equal obligations and
rights regarding commonly held property, under the Land Law, women are not co-owners,
so they do not enjoy the legal rights common tenure. The 2000 Law on Marriage and
Family stipulates that land certificates for household common land must list the names of
both spouses, indicating shared possession. Implementation of the law in 2001 will require
the re-printing and issuance of land certificates, with the provision of two title holders, and
this will become the basis for women's equal rights to land use.
21
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
The implementation of land management and administration tends to be carried out by
men and to focus on men. The General Department for Land Administration has a largely
male staff and leadership, and little experience or training regarding gender issues. The
People's Committees at the district and commune level are responsible for administering
the transfer and exchange of land use rights at district and commune levels, and for
managing and monitoring these changes. Furthermore, women are not generally invited
to land related meetings and thus do not attend, and do not receive information about the
allocation process and their land tenure rights (Oxfam GB 1997; MARD 1998; Oxfam
Hong Kong 1999).
As the actual role of women in the agricultural sector increases, there is some change in
traditional attitudes towards women's status in the community. In general, however, gender
stereotypes and patriarchal thinking is dominant in the rural areas. Inheritance of land
rights and assets as well as associated wealth and power passes through the oldest son,
often bypassing daughter and widow. It is generally assumed that the head of household
should be male, and female heads of household have little status in the community. At the
commune and village level, decisions regarding land, infrastructure, economic development
and other associated issues tend to be considered the responsibility of men. Within the
family, men dominate in decision-making related to the buying and selling of major assets.
There is some evidence however, that as women take on a larger share of the agricultural
work they also make more decisions regarding production, and that some men recognise
this trend (Rural Women in the Red River Delta 1996; Hoang Ngoc Phuong 2000). Local
government and administration tend to perceive land, agriculture and business to be male
issues and prefer to work with men within the household.
Finally, women themselves tend to be unsure about their legal rights on land use, and
receive little counsel of such rights.
Recommendations
1. Amend the Civil Code to ensure that both spouses are listed as co-householders with
equal rights and obligations to represent the household in civil transactions regarding
land.
2. Amend the household registration regulations to indicate that the spouse currently
named as household member is recognised by law as a co-householder with equal
rights to represent the household in civil transactions.
3. Re-issue Land Use Certificates to include the name of both spouses as co-
householders. Revise existing Land Registration Ledgers to include both spouses as
co-householders.
4. Provide training on gender implications of land issues for government officers
responsible for the allocation and management of land, and judges responsible for
settlement of land disputes.
5. Provide information for women, especially poor and ethnic minority women, on land
rights. Establish a system for the provision of advice and support for women on
negotiating land transactions.
22
Source. VLOO 1991-90, genuer analysis by GENCEN
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
2.1.4 Access to Capital and Financial Services
Background
International research has shown that providing women with greater access to savings
institutions and credit enhances their economic status and security, and helps improve
household welfare (World Bank 2000). When women have access to credit, their social
position within the family and the community tends to improve, and their role in decision-
making tends to increase (BDFW 1998). In general, however, female-run enterprises in
developing countries tend to be undercapitalised, which reduces the ability of women to
take advantage of opportunities and increases their vulnerability in the face of family crises
and economic dislocation (World Bank 2000).
In Viet Nam, the shift to a market economy has resulted in greater financing needs for both
men and women. The significant demand for credit has resulted in a wide range of services,
both formal and informal. The state commercial bank, the Viet Nam Bank for Agriculture
(VBA), for example, reaches at least 4 million farmers every year, serving between 30 and
40 percent of the farming households through a network of branches at all levels (Dao Van
Hung 1999). Other formal sources include the State Bank, the Viet Nam Bank for the Poor
(VBP) and People's Credit Funds. International organisations, NGOs and mass
Outstanding loans by sex 1997-98
73.1
67.4
63.1
58.3
49.8
50.2
41.7
36.9
32.6
26.9
Total
VBP
Other gov.
HEPR
Job creat.
banks
Prog.
Male
Female
Source: VLSS 1997-98; gender analysis by GENCEN
23
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
organisations provide semi-formal sources of credit, and the informal sector, including,
moneylenders, traders and relatives is very active. The use of official savings institutions
is very limited, however several kinds of informal savings practices exist involving cash,
gold and livestock (Le Roy and Robert 1999).
Women in Viet Nam tend to face more difficulties than men do in accessing formal sources
of credit, and predominate as borrowers in the informal sector, where they face higher
interest rates and limited funds. Less than 10 percent of loans from the Viet Nam Bank of
Agriculture are to women and one district-level study revealed that only 2.5 percent of
borrowers from the VBA were women (Esser 1997). Data from the 1998 VLSS show that
women hold 41 percent of all loans, but only 29 percent of loans from official sources.
Access to credit of any kind is the most problematic for the poor in general and poor
women in particular.
Surveys report that in Viet Nam men generally dominate in decisions related to borrowing
money and investing loan funds. Only when women are able to access credit through
specialised programs do they control loan funds.
Influencing Factors
According to the Law on Credit Institutions, the Government monitors and manages all
banking activities. By law, preferential credit services in terms of funding, interest rates,
terms of payment and payment period should be provided to the poor and people in difficult
situations and in people in rural, mountainous, island and remote areas. In practice,
however, it is difficult for formal credit systems to provide suitable credit to these borrowers,
and there are few incentives for credit officers to serve these customers.
Bank procedures are complicated and require many documents and certifications. This
creates serious difficulties for those people, including many poor women, who have limited
education, access to information and influence within government and Party administration.
The process of application can become so time-consuming that the opportunity cost of
the loans does not warrant the effort (Dao Van Hung 1999).
There are higher transaction costs to providing banking services in remote areas, for
farmers and to poor people, including women. Isolation makes service delivery more
expensive. Loans for agriculture involve higher risks than non-agricultural loans. To ensure
high repayment rates, more monitoring activities are required and technical assistance
may be necessary. Commercial banking is less likely to be successful for these clients
than other not-for-profit institutions.
Women in particular are disadvantaged from accessing loans by the lack of collateral.
Currently, women are not legally registered as householders on Land Use Certificates,
which are generally used as collateral. Government policy indicates that the VBA can
provide loans of up to 5 million VND without collateral, but in practice VBA staff require a
property list and collateral trust of the Chairman of the Commune People's Committee.
The amount of loan does not exceed 80 percent of property value. In the case of failure to
pay, bank staff will deduct funds to the value of the unpaid loan from the commune budget.
Many commune chairmen therefore, refuse to provide a collateral trust (NEU and Viet
Nam Farmers Association 1998). Women's lower status and power in the community
makes it more difficult for them to receive the support of the Commune People's Committee,
which is often a key factor in obtaining approval for credit.
24
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Traditional social values assign financial decisions regarding larger sums of money to
men rather than women, believing that men are more forward looking. External relations,
including negotiations with government or bank officials is also considered to be more
appropriate for men than for women. Thus men and women alike have lower expectations
for women's participation in the financial sector, and women may be discriminated against
when they seek financial services.
Currently, the Women's Union has the most extensive credit program for women, with a
revolving fund totally 4 000 billion VND, which reaches women in all regions and all levels
of the country. VWU micro-credit schemes do not require collateral, but set strict savings
requirements, and ensure good monitoring by members of savings-credit groups. Loans
are generally small (300 to 800 000 VND), have easy terms, follow simple application
procedures and are administered at the hamlet, village or commune level. They integrate
their savings and credit services, with other development activities such as family planning,
literacy training, nutrition, information exchange, and agricultural extension. The rate of
repayment is usually above 90 percent. VWU has often implemented credit and savings
schemes for international donors and now receives foreign funds to support its own financial
services for women.
However, women seeking larger sums of money cannot access them through the VWU.
The VWU is not a professional credit institution and most of the agents are not trained
bankers. Without improved legal status, and improved professional skills the VWU may
not be able to expand or sustain its financial services over the long term. The VWU may
therefore do better to concentrate on its traditional role as 'credit broker' for its members,
eliminating structural discrimination in formal financial institutions and providing banks
with community development services.
International NGOs and international organisations also provide micro-credit schemes,
which tend to be similar to those provided by the VWU. At least 70 percent of all beneficiaries
of internationally sponsored micro-credit programs are women. As with the VWU, credit
and savings projects provided by international donors have no legal status within the system
of banking activities. This may affect the sustainability of these credit schemes.
Recommendations
1. Establish legal status for non-formal micro-credit schemes.
2. Review and simplify VBA and VBP lending procedures for the purpose of targeting
prioritised customers, including women. Review and enforce the implementation of
VBA non-mortgage lending policy.
3. Establish credit guarantee funds as a substitute for collateral.
4. Diversify financial services to increase access to women, such as installment lending
and incentives schemes for bank accounts opened and managed by women.
5. Strengthen community-based savings schemes through mass organisations such
as the VWU.
6. Provide training for women regarding their rights, opportunities and options with regard
to the formal banking structure.
7. Develop the role of the VWU as a broker between VWU members and the formal
credit institutions.
8. Explore options for the future involvement of the VWU in micro-credit and savings for
women through strategic planning activities. Enhance the financial management skills
of VWU staff and officers.
25
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Conclusion
Creating opportunities for women to have employment and income which are equal to
that of men not only enhances women's economic status but also mobilises the entire
labour force to effectively participate in economic activities, thus reinforcing economic
growth and social development. Micro-economic research in countries with low-income
levels have shown that gender inequity exerts a considerably negative impact on
productivity, thereby reducing national economic growth. In addition, strengthening women's
economic status also increases their level of respect and decision making power within
the household and the wider community (Engendering Development, World Bank. 2000:
38-39).
26
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
2.2
Gender issues in Education &
Human Resource Development
Introduction
Over history, education has been highly valued among Vietnamese people, and the country's
leaders have long recognized the importance of education for national as well as personal
development. Since the introduction of socialist rule, the government has undertaken
significant efforts to provide basic literacy education for adults and primary education for
children, as well as develop a complete education and training system from pre-school to
post-graduate university. Equal access to education and training for women and men was
enshrined in the Constitution in the early years of the socialist government, and girls and
women participate at all levels of education as learners, teachers and trainers.
The results of this effort have been impressive. The national literacy rate stands at nearly
90 percent. Primary school enrolment is almost universal, gender differences in primary
school are comparatively small and the quality of basic education has been gradually
improving through the introduction of a reformed curriculum. During the last ten years,
higher education has increased 100 percent. Vocational training centres have expanded
in major cities and towns, and access to vocational and professional training has increased
rapidly. In rural areas, agricultural extension services have been established in all provinces
to provide training for farmers.
However, major challenges in education and human resource development still exist.
Children's participation and achievement rates are significantly lower in the mountainous
areas and in the Mekong Delta, than they are in other parts of the country. Performance
rates of children, especially at the lower and upper secondary level are low, reflecting a
need to address not only school enrolment but also education quality, grade repetition and
drop out rates (Desai 2000). Professional and technical qualifications of the labour force
remain low, especially in the rural areas.
Over the last 25 years Vietnam has made remarkable progress towards the objective of
gender equality in education. At the primary level for example, there is very little difference
in the rate of enrolment of boys and girls (VLSS 1998). In spite of a commitment to equality
of opportunity for girls and women and great achievements in practice, there are still a
number of gender issues in the area of education and training. The rate of girls attending
primary and secondary education in poor and ethnic minority areas remains low. Although
women play a dominant role in the farming sector of the country, women farmers have
inadequate access to agricultural extension services. School textbooks reflect and reinforce
traditional gender stereotypes, which may result in girl students adopting domestic and
subservient roles within the society, limiting their choices and opportunities. Although access
to higher education and vocational training has expanded, and the number of female
students has increased significantly in both universities and secondary technical schools,
the number of women with technical qualifications is still low. Fewer women than men
have training of any kind. In 1999, for example, just over 3 percent of the total rural women
aged 13 and over have technical qualifications. The percent of women over the age of 13
with technical qualifications was approximately 6% in 1999, while for men it was 9%.
27
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Furthermore, women are over represented in areas of training and education such as
pedagogy and social sciences, while male students dominate in technical disciplines.
This segregation is likely to limit women's ability to participate in the changing labour market,
as well as the country's ability to develop a trained and flexible human resource with which
to build a modern economy.
Improving the situation of women in the education sector will be a complex and long-term
process, involving the development and implementation of a range of policies and
programmes. Four critical issues have been identified as being most timely and most
readily addressed by policy, affecting most women, and having both immediate and strategic
significance. These are:
1. The rate of girls attending primary and lower secondary education is low in poor and
ethnic minority areas.
2. School textbooks reflect and reinforce gender stereotypes.
3. Women are segregated in certain fields of study and inadequately prepared to participate
in the changing labour market.
4. Women in rural areas have inadequate access to agricultural extension services.
2.2.1 School attendance in poor and ethnic minority
areas
Background
Over the last decade, Vietnam has made great achievements in the primary and lower
secondary school levels, with high overall enrollment rates and relatively small differences
between males and females (Desai 2000). These gains, however have not been consistent
in all regions and between all socio-economic and cultural groups. Children from the more
remote, and poor and ethnic minority areas have lower rates of participation and
achievement, this is especially true for girls.
In 1999, 1.1 million out of a total of 16.5 million children aged 6 to 14 have never attended
school (Census 1999). Of the children currently not in school, 87 percent were from rural
areas and 50 percent were from ethnic minority areas. These children are more likely to
be from the poorest segment of society (Desai 2000). Amongst the poor, girls have fewer
opportunities for education than boys do. In 1998, in the poorest quintile, the rate of girls
who had not attended primary and lower secondary school was 16 and 32 percent,
respectively, while for boys the rate was 11 and 20, respectively (Desai 2000).
At the lower secondary school level, children's participation in school decreases, as their
ability to contribute to the household maintenance and income-earning activities increases.
While in urban areas, the gender gap between girls' and boys' school enrolment at this
level is insignificant, in the poorest segment of the population and amongst ethnic minorities,
girls' enrolment is 11 percent lower than boys, and this rate has remained stable over the
last five years (Desai 2000). Across all segments of the population, girls represent 70
percent of all dropouts (MOET 1999; UNDP 1999).
28
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Poor & ethnic minority girls less access to school
POORCHILDREN NOT ATTENDING SCHOOL
Dropout
35
80
30
70
25
60
20
50
40
15
30
10
20
5
10
0
0
PRIMARY
LOWERS ECONDARY
Dropout
Girl
G IRL
B OYS
Boy
As in the future, schoolgirls become mothers, it has been widely demonstrated that girls'
education can affect all aspects of development (World Bank 1996). In Viet Nam, women
who have completed lower secondary school have a fertility rate 53 percent lower then
those without schooling (VLSS 1998). Child mortality is 75 percent lower for children whose
mothers completed lower secondary school, than for children whose mothers had no
schooling (Oxfam 2000). Children of more highly educated mothers have more
opportunities to go to school and tend to stay in school longer. Furthermore, the less
educated households have the highest incidence of poverty. Research demonstrates
that investment in girls' education can increase labour productivity and income (Bales
2000). Therefore, increasing the school enrolment of girls from families in poor, remote
and ethnic minority areas is an effective method of improving the standard of living of the
girls, as well as their families and communities.
Influencing Factors
Lower enrolment rates for girls from poor, remote and ethnic minority areas are a result of
a failure to target the participation of these students, and a series of mitigating factors
which encourage parents to keep girls at home rather than sending them to school. Laws
and policies do not address the specific needs of girl children, but subsumes these needs
within the broader concern for basic education (Desai 2000). Laws which are intended to
safeguard girls' participation in school, namely the Marriage and Family Law and the Labour
Law, are not adequately enforced. Educational research which influences policy
development has not considered gender issues in its analysis of schools and education in
Viet Nam, and standard statistical information on education tends not to be disaggregated
by sex.
A number of financial issues restrict the participation of girls from poor, remote and ethnic
minority areas. Sixty five percent of public spending in education goes to the higher levels
of education, which favors students from the middle and higher income families, as only
29
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
30 percent of the poor advance beyond primary school (Oxfam 2000). While tuition is free
at the primary level, additional fees for school construction and maintenance, school
materials, uniforms, textbooks and other costs must be paid by individual families, and
are a heavy burden on the household budget of the poor. Poor families face not only direct
costs for education but also opportunity costs associated with sending a child to school,
which represent the loss of the child's labour on household maintenance tasks and income-
generating activities. In low income families, especially where the household enterprise is
the main source of income, the opportunity cost of sending girl children to school beyond
primary level is high (Desai 2000). A system of fee exemption operated by the Provincial
People's Council exists, but poor families do not tend to receive such exemptions, and the
difficulties of girl children are not taken into consideration in the assessment of need (PER
2000). Poverty alleviation programmes also do not address the educational costs of poor
children (MOLISA 1998).
Factors affecting the quality of schooling and practical issues such as a lack of school
buildings and poor school facilities also discourage the participation of students. In remote
and ethnic minority areas, there are too few teachers and these are generally poorly
qualified, often recently graduated teachers from lowland areas on two-year terms.
Significantly fewer teachers are ethnic minorities, with similar language and cultural
knowledge as the students. Of those who are ethnic minority, fewer still are women. School
facilities are also poor, lacking water and sanitation, school materials, or other amenities.
Under these circumstances, the quality of education tends to be low, reducing the success
rate of students and the relevance of sending children to school. As there are also
insufficient schools, children must travel for long distances in order to attend. Nine percent
of the northern mountainous communes, for example, have no local primary school (GSO,
1998). Families are discouraged from allowing young children to begin school and older
children to attend regularly. For girls, the safety issue is an additional limiting factor.
Community involvement in the schools is limited, neither supporting the teachers and the
school program, nor families who are struggling to keep their children in school. The
number of pre-primary schools is limited especially in poor, remote and ethnic minority
areas, reflecting the lower interest in education and the lack of funds required to establish
and maintain the programmes. With insufficient pre-primary schools, girl children must
often care for younger siblings rather than attend school or do homework, negatively
influencing their educational opportunities and study results.
Finally, throughout society, and particularly among poor and ethnic minority families, gender
biases influence parents' decisions regarding school attendance in favour of boys. It is
understood that girls' place is in the home and on the farm, in both the present and the
future, thus reducing the relevance of education. Boys' role, in contrast, is to provide for
the future of the family, justifying present sacrifices for boys' education.
Recommendations
1. Develop ways of promoting understanding and concern among policy makers and
educators regarding the specific needs and interests of girl children. Disaggregate
education statistics by sex. Encourage gender analysis of the education sector in Viet
Nam. Research girls' attendance patterns and identify appropriate means of intervention
to reduce girls' drop out at the lower secondary level.
30
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
2. Increase budget allocation for primary and lower secondary education to poor and
ethnic minority areas in order to improve education quality. Develop mechanisms to
ensure tuition exemptions target the poor. Provide funds for the poorest communes to
cover parents' contribution for girls, possibly through existing poverty alleviation
programmes. Ensure that at least 50 percent of all scholarships are awarded to girls.
3. Set quotas for the participation of ethnic minority girls and women at boarding schools
and teacher training colleges.
4. Establish mobile teacher training units to provide short term teacher training in remote
areas.
5. Support the further development of the pre-school system in remote areas, through
government-community joint ventures, sponsorships and other funding arrangements.
6. Increase the role of local government, mass organisations and parent associations in
mobilising and supporting parents to keep girls in school through the lower secondary
level. Increase public awareness of the benefits of girls' education.
2.2.2 Gender stereotypes in school textbooks
Background
Within the Vietnamese education system, official school textbooks are the principal tools
for teaching all subjects and all levels. They are the official source of learning material for
children, and provide both information and guidelines for teachers to use in the preparation
and presentation of lessons. Textbooks guide the intellectual, emotional and social
development of both teachers and students, and thus are highly influential documents.
In most formal education systems worldwide, textbooks reflect accepted social values,
and reinforce conventional attitudes and behaviors. For that reason, textbooks often include
common stereotypes or generalisations about groups of people, which do not portray the
full range of human diversity or potential (Government of Australia, Department of Education
1991). Gender stereotypes are ideas or beliefs about girls and women, their physical
characteristics, personality traits, abilities and role in society. Textbooks often portray males
and females in traditional roles and occupations, which are even more sex-segregated
than those they actually fulfil in society.
Gender stereotypes in school textbooks provide students with an insufficient or biased
understanding about the world, which influences their attitudes toward themselves and
others. When gender stereotypes are presented in school textbooks, they tend to limit
expectations of students' ability and consequently limit access, participation, performance
and outcomes. Gender stereotyping also adversely affects children's occupational
aspirations (Leo-Rhynie 1999) by limiting what they consider to be acceptable choices.
An analysis of a selection of school textbooks for three subject areas, Viet Language,
Ethics and Citizenship, demonstrated the prevalence of gender stereotyping in Vietnamese
school textbooks. The images and ideas presented in the school textbooks showed girls
and women in traditional roles and occupations in the home, on the farm or as doctors
and nurses, working, taking care of others and doing manual work. Girls and women
were presented as timid, emotional, hard working, dependent on the help of others, and
31
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
inferior to men. Boys and men were shown in less traditional and restricted roles and
occupations, working and playing, in the community and the broader society, as leaders,
scholars, explorers, and technically trained workers. Boys and men were presented as
strong, rational, confident, technically competent, independent and well respected by others
(Viet Language, Grades 1-5, MOET 2000; Ethnic, Grade 7, MOET 2000; Citizenship, Grade
9, MOET 2000).
Gender stereotypes in school textbooks influence teachers as well as students, particularly
teachers' expectations regarding students' behaviour, school performance, training and
higher education choices and future occupations. Combined with teachers' own gender
bias, stereotypes in school textbooks contribute to gender segregation in the labour market.
Girls are timid, helping in housework.
Men are decisive, dealing with
important issues
Influencing factors
Gender is not a common construct in research and policy development concerning
education in Viet Nam. Educators and writers of educational material are not sensitive to
the role of gender stereotypes in textbooks, and the approval of official textbooks, which is
controlled by a specialised Textbook Appraisal Committee, considers only pedagogical
and not gender issues. There is no other forum for the review of educational materials by
independent research, and little prior interest in the area.
Recommendations
1. Provide gender awareness training for the members of the Textbook Appraisal
Committee, the writers of curriculum and school textbooks. Include gender sensitive
images as one of the criteria for assessing acceptability of textbooks.
2. Revise school textbooks and curriculum to reflect positive images of gender equality
in both the text and the illustrations.
3. Improve the gender sensitivity of teachers through formal teacher training system and
in-service training opportunities.
4. Introduce gender awareness units in school curriculum at the lower secondary level.
32
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
2.2.3 Sex segregation in education
Background
Over the period of economic restructuring, the economy of Viet Nam has grown and
changed considerably. Currently, the areas of greatest growth, in terms of contribution to
the GDP and the rate of absorption of employment, are industry and services (GSO 1999;
Bales 2000). The proportion of trained persons in the labour force, however, is relatively
low, and available skills are not suitable for the expanding economic sectors, which are
based on new skills and technologies. Fewer women than men have specialised training.
Around six percent of working-age women have technical training and about two percent
have higher education, while the rates for men are around ten and three percent,
respectively (Bales 2000:72).
The areas of training and education pursued by women tend to be in traditionally female
dominated fields such as pedagogy and social sciences, which limits their choice of
occupation to corresponding sectors within the labour market. Men have a higher rate of
participation in more technical fields, such as technology, agricultural science and natural
science (MOET 2000). Over the last ten years, sex segregation by field of study has
increased at certain levels of the education system, with women's rate of participation in
technical fields decreasing while men's rate of participation has increased (MOET 2000).
Women also have lower rates of participation in higher levels of education.
Women's work is also sex segregated, with women dominating in education, health care,
sales and services, agriculture, food processing and textiles. Men dominate in heavy
industry, electronics, utilities, construction, transport and communications and professional
or managerial occupations (Bales 2000).
Sex segregation within the labour market tends to restrict women's access to higher
income and higher prestige positions and sectors. Traditionally female dominated sectors
tend to be lower paying and have lower social status. In all sectors, men hold more
prestigious and higher-paid positions, while less prestigious and less well paid positions
are held by women. In the teaching profession, for example, which is a female dominated
profession, the majority of the primary school teachers are women, while the majority of
secondary school, college and university teachers are men. Far fewer women than men
are employed as headmasters at all levels of the system. Higher levels of training are
required in order to work at the higher levels of teaching and management, which often
restricts women to the lower levels of the system, and the lower-paid and lower-prestige
positions.
Women's lower participation in training and education in the technical fields tends to exclude
them from jobs and professional careers in the promising field of high technology, or
restrict them to assembly work or other untrained positions. As Viet Nam moves towards
the modernisation, and a greater role for technology, the country will face a growing need
for a flexible labour force with technical, managerial and high-level skills, which women
are unlikely to be able to provide.
33
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Sex segregation by field of study in University
:
:
TO
:
10
:
10
28
10
#
Sex segregation by occupation: Women are concentrated in education, health,
services; men are concentrated in electronic, transport
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
Education
Health
Sales
Electronic
Heavy ind
Transport
Services
Women
Men
Influencing factors
Prevailing social values assert that women are less adept at technical tasks and less
career oriented than men, and that men rather than women should take positions of
leadership and responsibility within the workplace. Thus the segregation of women in
'female areas of study', 'female sectors' of the economy and inferior positions within the
workforce is expected and accepted. Policy makers or educators at various levels have
not considered the segregation of women in 'traditionally female' areas of study an issue,
and little has been done to facilitate women's admission to more technical disciplines.
None of the programmes designed to encourage participation in technical and technological
34
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
fields are targeted at women. In some areas and disciplines, universities have in fact
restricted enrollment to men (MOET 2000).
Insufficient labour market information and poor linkages with vocational and professional
training and higher education limit employment, human resource development and
education forecasting. Furthermore, job recruitment and promotion practices discriminate
against women in the labour market and limit women's access to technical and non-
traditional occupations and higher positions. Such barriers to entry and promotion restrict
women's real choice regarding area of study to those in which they expect to be restricted
in terms of finding employment.
Recommendations
1. Raise gender awareness among education planners. Integrate gender analysis in the
setting of targets for enrollment levels in vocational and higher education. Increase the
influence of future labour market needs on gender equitable educational and human
resource development planning.
2. Conduct research on sex segregation in both education and employment and the
influence of sex segregation on the labour market. Explore ways of increasing women's
involvement in non-traditional areas of study and work.
3. Increase women's participation in technical fields of study. Eliminate restrictions on
women's participation in all areas and levels of education and training. Establish quotas
for women's enrollment in technical disciplines at vocational schools and universities.
Provide scholarships and internships for women to study in technical fields and
especially high technology. Develop methods to attract female teachers in non-traditional
areas at all levels of the education and training system.
4. Conduct research into discrimination against women in the labour market. Develop
legislation to restrict sex discrimination in the workplace, especially in recruitment
promotion practices, and methods to enforce labour legislation.
2.2.4 Access to agricultural extension
Background
In Viet Nam, women play a dominant and expanding role in agriculture. Between 1993
and 1998, the number of female farmers increased by almost 1 percent every year, while
the number of men involved in agriculture decreased. At present, more women than men
are involved in the cultivation, animal husbandry, agricultural processing and the selling of
agricultural products (Desai 2000). In the production of livestock such as pigs, chickens
and ducks, women are responsible for almost all aspects of the process (MARD 1998).
Women also play an active role in the cultivation of rice and other short-term crops.
In agricultural extension training, however, women participate far less often then men.
Women represent only 25 percent of the participants in training programmes for animal
husbandry and 10 percent of the participants in programmes on cultivation (MARD 1998:21;
MARD 1999:34).
35
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Women do the work Men attend the extension training
Production
Training
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Livestock
Cultivation
Lives. train
Cul. train.
Women
Men
As agriculture has become feminised over the 1990s, increasing the income of female
farmers is an important factor for the reduction of poverty in rural areas (World Bank
1999:49). Improving the skills and knowledge of women farmers in animal husbandry and
the cultivation of short-term crops is one of the key factors in increasing productivity and
income. Training in animal husbandry in particular can play an important role in the increase
of income, as the production of livestock grants a higher return than the cultivation of rice.
The provision of training in this area also has been shown to reduce the risk of livestock
loss which can cause serious financial difficulties especially for poorer households (World
Bank 1999).
Current agricultural extension services do not meet the needs of many farmers in Viet
Nam. The training needs of women receive even less attention, as agricultural extension
tends to focus on areas of the sector and types of activities in which women are less likely
to be involved. Livestock extension, for example, receives less attention than cultivation
extension.
The type of extension services also tends to neglect the low input and small-scale approach
to agriculture, which is more common to women and poor farmers. One of the most
common agricultural extension activities, for example, is the introduction of new seed and
breed varieties. This presumes the availability of inputs to maintain such varieties, which
poorer farmers and many women do not have.
Another common technique, the demonstration plot, is carried out in conjunction with a
successful farmer, who has ample land, capital and skill (MARD 1998). These farmers
are seldom women and almost never poor, as women farmers lack the land and funds
needed to take part in and learn from the demonstration fields (Christoplos 1998). Similarly,
livestock extension services for farm animals generally concentrate on regular vaccinations,
the control and treatment of animal diseases and advice regarding the use of cross-breed
36
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
animals, rather than the selection of local breeds, feeding using local products, and the
prevention of diseases (MARD 1998:16; The Vietnam-Sweden Mountainous Development
Program 1999:75). Furthermore, agricultural extension services mostly do not include
instructions on the processing and marketing of agricultural products, which are carried
out mainly by women (GSO 1999).
Influencing Factors
Policy on agricultural extension does not stipulate the specific needs of women farmers,
and gender concerns have not been integrated into the research, planning, or implementation
of any official programmes or activities initiated by the Department of Agricultural Extension.
There are inadequate numbers of agricultural workers and almost no women working in
the field. Training for extension workers tends to be traditional with a technical orientation,
and little attention to participatory methods or communication skills. Gender issues are
not part of the training curriculum for extension workers. Agricultural extension training is
usually not targeted at women farmers, especially poor women, and the VWU is often
given the responsibility of providing agricultural extension to women, which further
marginalises women from mainstream agricultural extension activities. Finally, women's
access to agricultural training is limited by personal roles and responsibilities. They often
have prior commitments to the daily household maintenance and income-generating tasks,
which interfere with attending courses. Their participation in courses is also limited by the
need to obtain approval from their husbands in order to attend, and the general
understanding within the community as in society at large, that women farmers do not
need or can not use new skills and knowledge in order to do their work.
It can be concluded that the current agricultural extension services do not address the
needs of female farmers. In order to improve the skill level of women farmers and especially
poor women, existing policy and programmes as well as the training of extension workers
will need to be revised.
Recommendations
1. Provide gender awareness training for policy makers and managers within the
Department of Agricultural Extension, and among extension workers at all levels.
Expand the role of the CFAW at MARD to review policy and programmes and to
provide gender awareness training. Expand opportunities for cooperation between
Farmer's Union, VWU and MARD for the development of agricultural extension policy
and the implementation of community level activities. Consolidate extension activities
within MARD.
2. Expand the curriculum at agricultural colleges to include gender awareness and
participatory training methods, targeting both students and staff. Increase the number
of women students at agricultural colleges, establishing a target for participation and
providing financial incentives such as scholarships and internships.
3. Promote women as agricultural extension workers in the field. Provide additional
training for existing women agricultural officers in the area of animal husbandry and
subsistence farming. Develop regulations and monitoring systems to ensure the
participation of women in extension work at the district and commune levels.
4. Promote the involvement of women farmers in extension training, especially for animal
husbandry, establishing a quota for women's participation within the regular training
program and developing additional training especially for women farmers.
37
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
5. Ensure that women farmers benefit equally from new technology transfer.
6. Enhance public opinion of women's role in agriculture through the schools, local
government and mass organisations.
Conclusions
Access to education is a basic human right, and the fair provision of education to girls and
women as well as boys and men is a major political responsibility. Although no other
justification is necessary, society also benefits in many ways from higher levels of women's
education, from improved nutrition for children and lower birth rates, to the provision of
skills necessary for labour and government (World Bank 2000).
Women with more education have lower fertility levels
4
FERTILITY
3.5
3
2.5
2
1.5
1
0.5
O
NONE
LESSTHAN
PRIMARY
LOWER2ND
UPPER2ND
TECHNICAL
ITY UNIVERSITY
"Education is one of the best long-term investments in national development"
(Women and Development 1998).
Ensuring the participation of girls and women is therefore fundamentally rewarding, in
terms of equity and also efficiency. Since independence, Viet Nam has pledged
commitment to education for all, and this has resulted in the development of a nation-wide
education system for all levels of study and relatively progressive levels of participation by
women and girls.
The challenge to Viet Nam's education and training system as it develops and matures, is
to address the issues of access and achievement. Access for girls and women will
involve providing sufficient and appropriate education and training services, eliminating
barriers to participation, and increasing demand for services. The specific needs of some,
like ethnic minority girls and rural women farmers may require specialised services. Funds,
research, and new teaching and training approaches will need to be made available for
this. Eliminating barriers may require the introduction of new systems to ensure that
38
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
subsidies, scholarships and invitations to participate are granted to girls and women.
Childcare will also need to be provided to allow girls and women freedom to attend.
Increasing demand may require the development of new ways of demonstrating the benefits
of female education and training so that communities and families are encouraged to
change traditional attitudes regarding the value of education for women and girls.
Achievement is a product of the quality of teaching and of learning, and leads to the
application of new skills and knowledge in daily life and work. To ensure achievement of
women and girls, education and training must maintain standards of quality for all, so that
all may have equal opportunities to pursue any field of study and area of work. This
counters traditional social expectations regarding the participation of women and girls in
society and traditional divisions of labour.
All these measures target girls and women rather than presume that the standard national
programmes of education and training will meet their needs. Policy makers and educators
then, must recognise and address the real constraints to female participation and
achievement. As formal education is traditionally conservative, reproducing social values
rather than shaping them, this call to gender sensitivity is a serious challenge.
Additional research in the area of gender and education will help develop an understanding
of the influence of gender bias in the classroom and the larger education system, and will
hopefully encourage debate of issues as well as the development of appropriate policy
and programmes. Important areas for further work include: gender bias in teaching and
training methodology, gender stereotyping in the curriculum and textbooks, community
participation in education and training for children and adults, Vietnamese as a second
language for ethnic minorities, gender awareness training for teachers, affirmative action
programmes for women in higher education, and education and training for labour market.
39
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
2.3 Gender Issues in Health and
Safety
Introduction
Since Doi Moi and the implementation of a program of health reform in the early 1990s,
Viet Nam has achieved great advances in the development of a national health system. In
spite of budget constraints, the Government has invested significant resources in this
sector. Many health facilities have been upgraded in terms of infrastructure and essential
equipment. The health care network at the grassroots level has been strengthened and
expanded to cover every region of the country. Almost all communes have a commune
health center (CHC) with an average of four health workers. More than 30 percent of
CHCs are staffed with a medical doctor and 82 percent with at least a midwife or an
obstetric-pediatric assistant doctor; 52 percent of all villages have a community health
worker (Ministry of Health 2000a). The quality of health services has also improved
significantly. In addition to the public health system, increasing numbers of private health
facilities including hospitals and clinics have been established in most provinces and major
cities. Except for remote areas, health care services for women and children are generally
available. Health workers have been trained in basic health care to serve women's health
care needs and are able to provide essential obstetric care and safe motherhood services.
During the last decade, improvements to the health system in conjunction with economic
growth, has resulted in significant advances in the heath and wellbeing of the population.
During the last decade, the under-five mortality rate has fallen from 55 to 48 per 1,000 live
births. The infant mortality rate declined to 39 per 1,000 live births. Life expectancy at birth
is now 11 years higher than that of other countries, which have similar GDP per capita
levels (United Nations 2000). There are also considerable achievements in the areas of
reproductive health (RH) and family planning (FP). Great efforts have been made in the
provision of obstetric-pediatric care, especially pre and post-natal maternal care. The
proportion of births delivered in health facilities and with assistance of trained health workers
is increasing. During the last ten years, the number of delivery complications has declined
by 52 percent; the maternal mortality rate has reduced from 2 to 1 per 1,000 live births
(Ministry of Health 2000b). The number of couples using FP methods is also increasing.
The fertility rate, therefore, has fallen sharply from 3.8 in 1989 to 2.3 in 1999 (UBQGDS-
KHHGD 2000). In 1999, Viet Nam received the Population Award from the United Nations
for its great achievements in family planning.
Following the 1994 Cairo Conference, the Government developed strong commitments
to broaden the scope of its population policy by linking population with development.
Currently, the Government is increasing efforts to provide high quality RH services for
women, particularly those who live in rural, difficult and remote areas. Current objectives
in the area of reproductive health include a reduction of maternal mortality, obstetrical
complications and abortions, and an increase of reproductive tract infections (RTI)
treatments, breast cancer diagnosis and treatments and access to basic RH/FP services.
Although the availability and quality of health care services has improved significantly,
many challenges remain. Not all regions and social groups benefit at the same level from
40
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
health care reforms. Women, particularly poor women, ethnic groups, women living in
remote and mountain areas face difficulties in accessing basic health care services. Fee
for service charges, ineffective implementation of the fee exemption program and an
inequitable budget allocation mechanism have resulted in great differences in access and
quality of services between rich and poor areas, and between the rich and the poor. Health
care services provided by Commune Health Centres tend to be low quality, reflecting
restricted budget, a lack of qualified staff, and insufficient equipment and supplies.
Furthermore, within poor families, the distribution of scarce resources for health care
continues to favour men, while responsibility for the care of sick family members falls to
women.
Women have few choices regarding health care in general, and reproductive health and
family planning services in particular, and these services are not readily available in remote,
mountain and island areas. An extensive family planning programme provides free
contraceptive services and IEC throughout the country. Knowledge of modern contraceptive
devices is widespread, and at present, half of married couples at reproductive age use
modern contraception methods. The mix of contraceptives used however is not diverse,
with heavy reliance on the IUD. The Total Abortion Rate in Viet Nam is high, at 2.5, indicating
that on average every woman will have 2.5 abortions if the current patterns remain
unchanged (UBQG DS-KHHGD 1999). Although there has been a slight increase in the
use of condoms in urban areas (VLSS 1998), there is a high expectation for women to
take responsibility for contraception and little attention to men's role in reproductive health.
The quality of contraceptive services and counseling for both men and women, especially
young, single, or never-married women and sex workers is inadequate.
Problems such as maternal mortality, obstetric complications, abortion, and maternal
and child malnutrition are still at high levels, although the situation has been gradually
improving. Reproductive tract infections are a common condition among women in Viet
Nam, yet women have little knowledge of how to prevent or cure RTIs and they often do
not receive appropriate treatment at commune health centres.
Problems associated with RH and FP are more severe among ethnic minority communities,
where access to services is more limited, rates of maternal and infant mortality are higher
and the use of modern contraception is lower than in other parts of Viet Nam.
HIV/AIDS is an increasingly significant problem for women, as are STDs. In 1997, 1246
women were infected with HIV/AIDS (Viet Nam 1999:83), and by June 2000, the number
of women with HIV/AIDS infection had reached nearly three thousand representing about
14 percent of total HIV/AIDS cases. Women are in a very vulnerable position regarding
HIV/AIDS due to men's reluctance to use condoms and women's lack of power to determine
their own sexual relations and negotiate safe sex, and general lack of information about
the disease.
Gender-based violence is another national problem causing damage to women's health
and safety. Gender-based violence includes trafficking of women, exploitation of women
by forcing them to serve as sex workers, rape, and domestic violence against women.
Although it is difficult to estimate the number of women and children involved in trafficking
in Viet Nam, at least ten thousand have been sold since 1990 (Kelly and Le Bach Duong
1999). The main goal of trafficking is to provide women for the sex industry. According to
41
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
an estimation of MOLISA and UNICEF, currently about 200,000 women are involved in the
sex industry, and at least ten percent of these are children (Bond and Hayter 1998; cited
by Kelly and Le Bach Duong 1999:19).
The reported incidence of rape has increased significantly over the last decade. In the
early 1990s, about 400 to 500 rape cases were reported each year (Hong Khiem 1994;
cited by Le Thi Phuong Mai 1998:22), while data from the Supreme Court show that the
number of reported rape cases increased by 40 percent from 1994 to 1996 (Le Thi Phuong
Mai 1998). An alarming development is that the number of rape cases involving children
under 16 is increasing. Before 1990, child rape cases accounted for 4 to 6 percent of the
total number of rape cases and by 1995, 30 percent of rape cases involved children (Hoang
Ba and Pham Kim Ngoc; cited by Le Thi Phuong Mai 1998). As with all types of gender-
based violence, it is likely that the incidence of rape is under-reported.
Domestic violence against women by men is another form of gender-based violence that
occurs in all regions of the country and in all social strata (Le Thi Phung Mai 1998; Vu
Manh Loi et. al. 1999). Violent behaviors, such as battering, killing, verbal abuse and sexual
abuse have damaging effects on women's health, safety and dignity. The incidence of
domestic violence cases in the courts is increasing, currently accounting for at least 16
percent of all cases. The most common type of domestic violence is that perpetrated by
the woman's husband, which accounts for 65 to 70 percent of all domestic violence
cases (Tran Quoc Tu 1997). As domestic violence is generally understood to be a family
problem, involving outsiders only as a last resort, little is being done to address the causes
or the consequences of domestic violence, either through the health care system, the
legal system, local government, the schools, mass organisations or the media.
Four key gender issues related to women's health and safety in Vietnam have been selected
for further analysis. The four key issues are:
1. The impact of the health reform programme on the poor and poor women
2. Women and men's access to reproductive and family planning services
3. Women and HIV/AIDS infection
4. Domestic violence
2.3.1 The impacts of health sector reform
Background
In 1989, Viet Nam introduced a programme of health reform, which replaced universally
free health care with a fee-for-service system. Although the health reform programme has
mobilised funds for the improvement and diversification of health care services, this
programm,e has also reduced the ability of the poor to access health services. In general,
the health reform includes the introduction of user fees, the provision of health services by
the private sector, the liberalisation of the sale of drugs and other medical supplies, and
the introduction of health insurance.
The payment of health care fees is a serious challenge for the poor in general and poor
women in particular. According to the VLSS 1998, the actual expenditure by the poor for
42
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
one visit to a public hospital consists of 45 percent of non-food expenditure per capita,
while for the rich this cost represents only 4 percent of the non-food expenditure (World
Bank 1999). Being unable to afford health care fees, the poor are less likely to seek health
services, relying instead on drugs purchased without prescription from local outlets, and
care provided in the home by women. Access to health services is particularly difficult in
the poor, rural, mountainous, and remote areas.
Within the health care system, women tend to be more disadvantaged than men. First,
women have more health care needs than men, largely to do with pregnancy and child
birth, and also because they bear most of the responsibility for birth control and associated
health risks and side effects. Second, women are the primary caregivers in the family
and therefore provide additional care in the home to compensate for reduced access to
services from the health care system. Two-thirds of those who stop work to care for sick
family members are women (Houghton 1999). Third, social values prescribe that in a
situation of scarcity, women should sacrifice their personal health care needs for the well
being of other family members (Bo KHDT-Lien Hop Quoc 1999). Thus women, especially
poor women, are less likely than men to pay for and receive health services, and when
family members are sick, women are more likely than men to care for them.
INCIDENCES OF ICKNESS/INJURES DURING 4 WEEKS PRIORTO S URVE Y, VLS 1997-98
%
80
70
60
50
40
30
MALE
20
FEMALE
10
0
0-4
10-14
20-24
30-34
40-44
50-54
60-64
65+
AGE GROUP
Influencing Factors
A system of health insurance to ensure equal access to services is an integral part of the
health reform program. In practice however, few of the poor benefit. Generally the poor
are not eligible to participate in the state organised compulsory insurance system and do
not benefit from the subsidy program which was designed to purchase health care
insurance for the poor (Pham Manh Hung 2000). Furthermore, poor women are not
considered a special target group within the subsidy insurance program, which would
increase their chances of receiving insurance benefits.
The current system of budget allocation for health care results in fewer health services for
the poor. Funding allocation tends to favour the more heavily populated areas and
specialised health services, with fewer funds going to the rural and remote areas, and the
43
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
primary health services provided at commune health centres. In 1997 for example,
commune health centres received only 7 percent of the total public health budget (Lien
Hop Quoc Viet Nam 1999). Commune health centres are understaffed and ill equipped,
generally providing low-quality care, especially in remote areas. A policy of fee exemptions
for poor and disadvantaged persons should be implemented at the commune level, but
the state does not offset the cost of this service, and many CHCs cannot afford to cover
the costs. Low quality service discourages people from using paid services at community
health centres, thereby further reducing the budget capacity of these centres to provide
fee exemption to the poor (Ministry of Health 2000a; Wright et. al. 1992). Moreover, even
when implemented, the fee exemption programme often fails to target the poor (Oxfam
GB 2000).
Women's access to health services is limited also by gender inequality within the family.
Men's use of family funds for recreation activities such as drinking and gambling tends to
absorb a large percentage of the budget, especially in poor families (Viet Nam Development
Report 2000), which limits funds available for women's health care needs. Social values
assign responsibility for maintaining the health and well being of the family to women.
Poor women therefore, must weigh the needs for health care for themselves against the
need to pay for services for other family members. Under health reform conditions,
women's health care tends to depend on the availability of disposable funds not already
committed to other members of the family. Men's dominant role in finalising decisions
involving money can also restrict women's ability to access health care services for
themselves.
Recommendations
1. Revise health care policies to specify sex. Target poor women for special assistance.
2. Review the budget allocation mechanism for health care expenditures. Increase direct
support for commune health centers, especially in poor areas. Review and revise the
fee collection process ensuring that fee levels reflect the quality of services and the
conditions in each level and geographical area.
3. Review and revise the mechanism for implementing the fee-exemption policy to target
the poor and specifically poor women.
4. Improve the quality of health care services by upgrading facilities, providing basic
equipment and supplies, training health staff and improving the distribution of qualified
health personnel in each level.
5. Enhance IEC and counseling services on women's rights to health care, including
information on the risks of self-treatment. Provide specialized communication and
counseling services for poor women. Provide IEC to increase men's participation in
family health care.
2.3.2 Access to reproductive health care
Background
Although great efforts have been made in the area of reproductive health and family planning
during the last ten years, the issue of access to RH and FP services for both men and
women, and the quality of these services remains critical.
44
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Percent of women who received pre-natal care
for m ost recent pregnancy
90
80
70
60
Percent
50
40
30
20
10
0
Poorest
2nd
3rd
4th
Richest
20%
quintile
quintile
quintile
20%
Many women do not receive adequate pre and postnatal care, resulting in maternal
complications and death, much of which could be prevented if treated in time (UNICEF
2000). Only 28 percent of pregnant women have the standard 3 pregnancy check ups
(VLSS 1998) and 23 percent have safe delivery (UNICEF 2000).
Reproductive tract infections are relatively common, especially in the rural areas. One
survey reported RTIs in over 70 percent of the women in 10 communes in five provinces
(Ministry of Health 1999). Women's knowledge of how to prevent and care for RTIs is low
and the capacity of the health care system to diagnose and treat RTIs at the commune
and even the district level is weak. The role of men in the spread of RTIs is not addressed,
nor is the relationship between RTIs and STDs.
Women, men and couples, particularly in poor areas, do not have adequate access to
reliable contraceptive services. At present 56 percent of couples use modern contraceptive
methods, however the mix of methods is limited and users have little choice. The IUD is
most common, with 73 percent of all rural women using modern devices choosing the
IUD. In urban areas, the mix is somewhat more diverse and a slight increase is reported
in the use of condoms to 22 percent of those using modern contraception (Desai 2000).
Abortion continues to be a common form of birth control. It is estimated that over 40
percent of all pregnancies are terminated (Ministry of Health 1999). Half of the abortions
and menstrual regulations terminate pregnancies which took place when women were
using contraception, including modern methods. This suggests a need for improving FP
counseling to ensure that better quality contraception is being used and used properly.
Contraceptive services and public education has traditionally concentrated on married
couples, for the purposes of controlling fertility rates. Although recently this focus has
shifted slightly, men and women who are not married continue to receive less attention
than couples and married women. The relationship between contraceptive method and
women's reproductive health, especially protection against HIV/AIDS, is still not addressed
adequately in education, counseling or other services within the public health system.
45
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Contraceptive Method Mix Among Current Users
%
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Pill
IUD
injection
Condom
Female
Male
Traditional
Non
Use
Sterilization Sterilization
Methods
Influencing Factors
Throughout the 1990s, the Party and Government developed laws, policies and
recommendations in support of maternal health care, population and family planning. The
implementation of these policies however, has been limited by financial, institutional and
societal factors. The constraints limiting access to health services in general also create
problems for women's access to RH and FP services.
Insufficient funds and the allocation of funds in favor of specialised services rather than
commune health centres, has resulted in poor equipment, limited supplies, few qualified
service providers, and poor benefits for existing health workers at the commune level. All
of these factors have a negative influence on the provision of maternal and reproductive
health care and FP services. Private health care services are playing an increasingly
important role in the provision of reproductive health services and are attractive because
of the quality of services, but for many, the private sector is inaccessible due to the high
service fees. The budget of the National Committee for Population and Family Planning
(NCPFP) has also been drastically reduced, thus restricting its activities and impact (UBQF
DS-KHHGD).
The NCPFP communication and service program does not reach all sectors of the
population with adequate information and a full range of services. Contraception requiring
clinical services, especially the IUD and sterilization are encouraged through an incentive
system, while the provision of condoms and the pill include no incentive for either users or
providers. This may influence general preference for clinical interventions. Although studies
show that poor women, ethnic minority women, unmarried women, sex workers and women
in remote areas have more difficulties accessing contraceptive information and services,
interventions designed to address their specific needs have not been introduced. Few
qualified FP counselors are available through the public health system.
Local party and government have traditionally exerted pressure on women and possibly
couples to comply with national family planning targets through a system of incentives
46
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
and disincentives such as fines or denial of access to credit (UNICEF 1994; UBQG DS-
KHHGD 1999). For poor women and their families these actions have serious
consequences. These campaigns would be far more effective if they were to target men,
and also lobby authorities for improved information, counseling and services.
Men play a key role in decisions regarding the choice of contraceptive method and its use.
Women generally have limited power to negotiate safe sex, yet suffer the consequences
of pregnancy or the possible negative side effects associated with IUDs, abortions and
other methods. To date, family planning strategies have not adequately addressed the
area of male responsibility and the associated alternative methods of birth control and
protection against STDs. Son preference, which is prevalent throughout society also has
a potentially strong influence on women's use of contraception, and as seen in other
countries with strong son preference there is danger that it can lead to sex-selective
abortions.
Recommendations
1. Increase government budget for RH and FP activities. Priority should be given to CHCs.
2. Revise policies to encourage health personnel to work in rural and remote areas and
develop appropriate benefit policies for population and family planning workers at the
commune level.
3. Encourage the development of private facilities, which provide RH and FP services.
4. Improve capacity of health personnel and FP workers.
5. Diversify contraceptive methods and services; extend target groups to include men,
adolescents, and unmarried women.
6. Improve the quality of RH and FP services by providing RH and FP counseling.
especially counseling on pregnancy care and abortion; encourage the development of
private counseling centers.
7. Enhance IEC to raise men and women's awareness and knowledge about RH and
FP.
8. Review and revise incentive-disincentive policies concerning FP at the local level to
avoid punishing poor women and improve programme effectiveness. Develop other
programmes specifically designed for the poor and ethnic minority groups.
2.3.3
Impact of HIV/AIDS
Background
Since the first detection of HIV in Viet Nam in 1990, the number HIV/AIDS cases among
both men and women has increased rapidly, as has the risk of HIV/AIDS infection for
women. By June 2000 20, 215 HIV positive cases were detected, with women accounting
for almost a fifth of those infected. Drug addicts make up 65 percent of the HIV/AIDS
cases, sex workers 5 percent and STD patients more than 2 percent.
In Viet Nam HIV is perceived as a result of socially deviant behaviour, such as drug addiction
and sexual promiscuity. As social acceptance of such behaviour is less lenient for women
47
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
than for men, gender norms shape the way men and women infected with HIV are perceived.
For example, HIV-positive women face greater disgrace and rejection than men.
Long-term care and expensive drugs and therapy are required for the treatment of HIV/
AIDS. Few patients or their families are able to afford to purchase necessary treatment
and health services. Most provide care within the family. As women are considered the
primary care givers, women play a leading role in caring for family members who are
infected with HIV/AIDS. Furthermore, in the case of poor households, if the husband contracts
AIDS, the woman adopts additional responsibilities regarding income generation as well
as domestic responsibilities and providing health care for the patient.
Since 1995, the Government and Party have taken important measures to curb the spread
of HIV/AIDS, by creating a policy environment supportive to treatment and prevention efforts.
Practical activities have been introduced, largely under the guidance of the National AIDS
Committee. These include safe professional practices within the health care system, a
prevention campaign, laws restricting high-risk behaviour such as prostitution and drug
abuse, and treatment for HIV/AIDS patients. Information about HIV/AIDS has been integrated
into Ministry of Culture and Information publications, the primary and secondary school
curriculum, and national television and radio programming. Mass organisations such as
the Fatherland Front and the Women's Union have also implemented communication and
counseling programs. Despite these efforts, the HIV/AIDS epidemic continues to spread
in Viet Nam, and the increasing trend of women's infection is alarming.
Influencing Factors
Although in Viet Nam the number of women with HIV/AIDS is lower than the number of
men, many factors limit women's ability to protect themselves from infection. Many women,
especially rural women, lack adequate information about the transmission and prevention
of HIV/AIDS. Men generally do not recognise their responsibility in the protection of women's
sexual health. One study reported that of 91 male AIDS patients, 39 percent did not inform
their family about the disease, and only 37 percent used a condom when having sex with
their wives after they knew they were infected (Le Dang Ha et. al. 2000). Women have
limited power to negotiate safe sex with their male partners, to discuss sex or sexual
responsibility or determine their own contraceptive or sexual behaviour (Esposito et al.
2000). Therefore, women's chances of infection through husbands who engage in high-
risk behaviour such as unprotected sex with many partners including sex workers or
intravenous drug use is very high.
Proportion of men not using condom while having sex with
their wives after knowing that they are HIV positive
37%
Using condom
63%
Notusing condom
48
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
IEC campaigns for prevention of HIV/AIDS do not reach all sectors of the population and
have not met the needs of individual target groups, particularly women who do not practice
high-risk behaviour, and poor women. Awareness campaigns often focus on individuals
considered by society to be deviant and rarely address changing behaviour such as safe
sexual behaviour and use of clean needles.
Government resources allocated for combating HIV/AIDS are very limited and knowledge
about the prevention and treatment of the disease within the health system is inadequate,
especially at the commune level. Not all health centres are able to provide a safe blood
supply or sterilised equipment. Through RH and FP procedures women are more likely to
be vulnerable to infection through unhygienic conditions than men.
Quality counseling services for both men and women is not readily available, particularly
within reproductive health programmes. Health workers rarely address the risk to RTI
patients of contracting and spreading HIV/AIDS, and rarely promote the use of condoms
for birth control and protection against STDs. Men's responsibility for protecting themselves
and their female partners from HIV/AIDS is not addressed through IEC or counseling.
Finally, protecting women from HIV/AIDS has not been considered by the national HIV/
AIDS program to be an urgent task. Gender-sensitive policies, and especially policies
addressing the critical role of men in preventing HIV/AIDS through practicing safe sex,
have not been developed.
Recommendations
1. Raise men's awareness of their roles and responsibility in practicing safe sex to limit
the risk of spreading HIV/AIDS to their sexual partners.
2. Increase awareness and knowledge of HIV/AIDS prevention for women, especially
rural women by improving IEC on HIV/AIDS.
3. Improve quality and efficiency of the IEC program on HIV/AIDS by revising message
content and communication methods to make them more appropriate for individual
target groups, especially unmarried, poor and ethnic minority women.
4. Provide good quality counseling services for both men and women on HIV/AIDS and
related issues. Provide training for counselors and health workers on communication
skills, gender awareness, social issues and HIV/AIDS.
5. Integrate HIV/AIDS communication and services into other national programmes such
as RH/FP, HEPR, public education and other social and economic programmes.
6. Increase resources allocated for blood screening and for the enforcement of hygienic
procedures, especially in obstetric and gynecological services. Increase resources
for the provision of free condoms and for advocacy and communication campaigns
on the use of condoms.
7. Review existing laws and policies relating to the ethical and professional orientation of
health service providers, the prevention and suppression of commercial sex work,
and the regulation of sex education in schools.
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Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
2.3.4 Domestic Violence
Background
Once a hidden issue, domestic violence against women is now recognised as a widespread
problem in all regions, and in families from all social groups (Le Phi Phung Mai 1998; Vu
Manh Loi et al. 1999). Violence against wives by their husband is the most common form
of domestic violence and, as the nature of husband and wife relations are dictated by
social values, it is the most difficult to address. Domestic violence against women seriously
damages women's physical and mental health, and fear of violence limits women's ability
to access resources for productive and other activities (UNDP 1995). Currently, a certain
level of domestic violence is accepted as a normal aspect of married life, but when the
level of violence is considered dangerous or when the woman lodges a complaint, efforts
are made to reconcile the partners and reestablish harmony within the family.
Percent of abuses by husbands against wives last
year (N=601), 1999 WB study
100
80
Percent
60
40
20
0
Neglect
Verbal
Forbid
Beat
Forced
Any
abuse
sex
abuse
Influencing Factors
Domestic violence is rooted in unequal gender relations, whereby men are more powerful
than women, and women are expected to support men and respond to all their demands.
Social values dictate that within the family men are permitted to enforce their will and
maintain their position of dominance through acts of violence. A certain level of domestic
violence is considered acceptable and the woman is often deemed responsible for the
husband's abusive behaviour for failing to fulfill a wifely duty. Women therefore are reluctant
to report acts of violence against themselves and blame themselves and other women for
violence by men.
As domestic violence is believed to be normal and a matter internal to the family, there is
little concern for early detection of violence against women through the health system or
50
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
other services. Communities, resident groups, neighbors and relatives intervene when
wife abuse becomes dangerous or causes disorder in the resident area. Reconciliation
groups, the commune legal committee and the Women's Union may become involved in
family conflicts that lead to domestic violence. The goal of their intervention is generally to
stop violence and facilitate reconciliation between husband and wife, so that the family
may continue to exist as a unit (Vu Manh Loi et al. 1999). Domestic violence is rarely
treated as a criminal case by the courts and only when the wife presses charges against
her husband. The legal system addresses domestic violence as part of divorce proceedings
and is generally concerned about the integrity of the family rather than the rights of the
woman (Le Thi Phuong Mai 1998).
In recent years many counseling centres focusing on marriage and family issues have
been established in major centres, and the demand for counseling is high (Population
Council and the Centre for Counseling on Psychology, Education, Love, Marriage and the
Family 2000). However, these services are inadequate, being unable to respond to the
present need, especially in the rural areas, and poorly qualified to provide suitable counseling
for women and victims of family violence (Le Thi Phuong Mai and Linda Willshire 2000).
Policy interventions to address domestic violence must respond to both the causes, through
preventative strategies including public education campaigns addressing values, attitudes
and actions related gender-based violence, and the consequences, through reactive legal
and service strategies which punish the perpetrators and protect the victims. This will
require a change of attitude from one that understands domestic violence as an internal
matter of the family to one that recognises wife abuse as a violation of the basic rights of
women to life and security.
Recommendations
1. Raise awareness of the prevalence, causes and consequences of domestic gender-
based violence among leaders and local authorities, health workers, teachers, mass
organizations, school children and students and the public at large.
2. Implement an advocacy programme for policy makers in order to include policy
measures against domestic violence explicitly in legal and policy documents, creating
favorable institutional environment for combating domestic violence.
3. Through mass communication channels, oppose societal perceptions that domestic
violence is acceptable and private, and advocate for women's rights before the law
and within the family.
4. Increase women's sense of empowerment, communication skills and understanding
of their legal rights through education, and increased community and political
involvement.
5. Provide legal and counseling skills to increase the community's ability to respond to
situations of domestic violence. Target officers working in legal and justice sectors,
police, reconciliation groups, mass organisations and health workers. Stress women's
rights and the criminal nature of domestic violence.
6. Increase counseling options and the capacity of counseling centres deal with domestic
violence and women's rights; establish new counseling centers in rural areas. Increase
the scope of counseling services to include hotlines, counseling centres, and services
through health centres and the Women's Union.
7. Provide assistance for the victims of gender-based domestic violence by legal
counseling and counseling on family issues for women and their husbands; develop
51
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
comprehensive intervention measures to stop violence; establish temporary refuges
for women victims and their families who have no options to escape from violent
husbands.
8. Establish systems to monitor domestic violence through the courts and community
systems such as health centres.
Conclusion
Gender relations are at the heart of most issues regarding women's health and safety in
Viet Nam. Women's level of health is most likely to improve with a more equal sharing of
resources and responsibilities within the family. Policy interventions to improve women's
health in Viet Nam must not only ensure ready access to appropriate and high quality
health services for women, but also target men's individual behaviour and its influence on
women's lives. To that end, gender sensitive health policies must address the restructuring
of social institutions and the education of men and women, as well as the provision of
health services.
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Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
2.4 - Gender Issues in Leadership,
Political Participation and Decision-
Making
Introduction
Equal opportunity for men and women is one of the underlying tenets of the Party and
Government of Viet Nam. Women's rights to participation in the labour force and in positions
of leadership and decision-making are stipulated in resolutions and policies, and apply to
all levels, sectors and geographic regions. Commitment to the enhancement of the position
of women is also articulated in official documents. Politburo Resolution 04-ND/TW, July
1993, for example, declares that there should be an increase in the number of women in
positions of authority in all sectors within Party Committees and in the Government. It
also states that there should be a concerted effort to fight against disrespect and
discrimination against women, specifically in the workplace. A strategy for implementing
Viet Nam's commitment is presented in the National Plan of Action for the Advancement of
Women. Two specialised institutions, the Vietnam Women's Union (VWU) and the National
Committee for the Advancement of Women (NCFAW) represent the rights and interests
of women in the community, the Party and the government.
In the last decade, gender policies regarding leadership and decision-making have attained
positive results. Women now occupy positions of leadership in all levels of the Party and
the State, including, member of the Politburo, Vice-President of the State, and Vice-
Chairperson of the National Assembly (NA).
The rate of female leaders in the Party and the Government has increased, especially in
the elected bodies. In the 1997-2002 term of the National Assembly, 26 percent of the
deputies are women, an increase of eight percent over the previous term. Although this
rate of participation is low in comparison with Scandinavian countries, it is the highest in
the Asia region. The rate of female deputies in the National Assembly in China, for example,
is 20 percent, in the Philippines, 11 percent, in Laos, 9 percent, and in both Thailand and
Cambodia, the rate of females deputies is 6 percent (VWU 1997).
However, the number of women leaders in the administration of the Government, the
various branches and levels of the Party, and within legal, research and scientific bodies,
remains low, falling short of the targets set by the POA1. At the lower levels of the Party
and the government, the rate of women's participation in leadership and decision-making
is particularly low, especially at the commune and village levels. Furthermore, at all levels,
women leaders tend to be segregated in 'soft' social sectors and few, if any, are involved
in 'hard' sectors such as the economy, science and technology.
In general, men continue to play the dominant role in the leadership and administration of
the country: fewer women than men hold positions of power, and few influence decisions
concerning key issues. Traditional gender biased attitudes regarding the role and capabilities
of women continue to influence both men and women, often resulting in gender blind
policies and limiting the effectiveness of policies and programmes designed to ensure
gender equality.
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Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
A thorough analysis of gender in governance should examine a number of factors, which
influence whether decisions and decision making processes are gender sensitive. First,
the number of women in positions of leadership and decision-making should be examined.
Second, the number of women involved in key decision making processes should be
considered. Third, the ability of women leaders to contribute significantly to the decision
making process should be assessed, both in terms of their individual capacity for policy
analysis and advice as well as the extent to which their voice is being heard. Finally, the
extent to which decisions made by both men and women leaders are gender sensitive
should be explored. It is relatively easy to document, analyse and quantify the number of
women in leadership and identify their specific roles. However, assessing and documenting
the nature of women's contribution to decisions and evaluating whether the decision-
making process results in gender sensitive decisions and outcomes is more difficult.
Similarly, it is relatively simple to set targets for women's representation, but far more
challenging to influence women's real authority to affect change, and shape leaders'
decisions to reflect the needs of women.
Further research should document or assess the more intangible elements of women's
participation and the representation of gender equality and women's interests in affairs of
the State. Recommendations for change should focus on fostering the development of a
gender sensitive leadership, which identifies and addresses the full needs of the Vietnamese
population, both male and female.
With the above principles in mind, four key gender issues have been identified in regard to
leadership, political participation and decision making. These address:
1. Women's participation in Party Committees and the Government administration
2. Women's participation in elected positions such as the People's Council (1999-2004)
3. Gender impact analysis and women's participation in public expenditure decisions
4. Gender impact analysis and women's participation in the implementation of the
Grassroots Democracy Decree
2.4.1 Participation in Party Committees and the
Government administration
Background
The Executive Committees of the Party develop resolutions and other official decrees,
which, once adopted by the National Assembly, direct the work of the Government. The
participation of women in Party Committees therefore is of key importance. Gender-
sensitive resolutions developed at this level can influence a wide range of policies and
programmes. At present, however, the number of women in Party Committees is low.
Currently, the rate of women in Party Committees averages 10-11 percent at the central,
provincial, district and commune levels of the Party (Central Party Commission for
Organisation and Personnel 1997).
54
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Women in Party Committees
%
100
89.42
88.75
88.29
90.06
90
80
70
60
so
40
30
20
10.58
11.25
11.71
9.94
10
0
c ENTRAL
ROVINCAL
DIS TRICT
c OMMUNE LEVEL
OMEN
MEN
Of those women who are members of Party Committees, few are in positions of authority.
The rate of women in key positions such as Secretary or Vice-Secretary averages 3 to 8
percent at all levels (VIII National Women's Congress 1997). Furthermore, the majority of
female members of the Party Committees are in charge of more administrative tasks
associated with inspection and mobilisation of people rather than more strategic roles.
Within the administration of the Government, women in positions of power and decision-
making may promote the formulation of policies to the benefit of women. Over the last
decade, the number of women in key positions in the Central Government administration,
has increased slowly but remains low. At the Ministerial level of the Central Government,
the rate of female Ministers and Vice-Ministers is 11 and 7 percent, respectively; the rate
of female Heads and Deputy-Heads of Department is 12 and 13 percent, respectively (VII
National Women's Congress 1997). The rate of women in leadership positions in the
People's Committees, which administer policy and programmes at lower levels, is also
low. An average of 5-7 percent of the People's Committee members are women, and the
rate of women Presidents of People's Committees averages 1 to 3 percent at the Provincial/
City, District/Quarter and Commune/Ward levels (GCOP 1997).
As in other areas of leadership, in the administration of the Government, women's
participation in leadership is usually limited to the social fields, with very few women holding
leading positions in the fields of economic management, planning, and scientific research
and management. The three female ministers, for example, are responsible for the Ministry
of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs, the Committee for Protection and Care of Children,
and the National Committee for Population and Family Planning. This segregation restricts
women's influence on the more strategic sectors of the Government.
55
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Women in People's Committee
%
100
93.6
95.1
95.46
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
6.4
10
4.9
4.54
0
Province
District
Commune
Women
Men
Influencing factors
A number of laws and policies detail the country's commitment to enhancing the role and
position of women in leadership and decision-making. Strategies to implement these
regulations, such as for example, a long term national plan for training and fostering women
leaders through the Ho Chi Minh National Political Academy and other formal and informal
processes are yet to be developed. Comprehensive systems for monitoring, assessing
and promoting women in the Party and the Government are not yet in place, and there are
few women leaders within the Party and government bodies which are responsible for
organisation and personnel. A system for monitoring, assessing and improving efforts to
implement policies regarding women in the Party and the Government has not been
developed, and there are no regulations decentralising responsibility for the implementation
of such policies to various levels and branches.
More generally, social values fail to recognise women's capabilities, and the importance
of women's participation in leadership and decision-making. This leads to women's
disadvantaged position in education and in the workplace, particularly in the assignment
of strategic tasks and the promotion of women to positions of authority. As women have
lower levels of education and professional training then men, they have fewer opportunities
for career advancement. Furthermore, women traditionally are expected to bear the
responsibility for maintaining the family, which limits women's freedom to devote themselves
to their careers or to political commitments.
Recommendations
1. Initiate an integrated programme for the development of female leaders in the Party
and the administration of the Government. Develop a long term national plan for training
and fostering women leaders through the Ho Chi Minh National Political Academy and
other formal and informal processes, as well as a system for on going training,
promoting, monitoring and assessing women officials. Institutionalise responsibility
for the promotion of women leaders and design a process for supervising the
56
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
implementation of the program at all levels. Establish a temporary policy for affirmative
action reservation of an equitable percentage of seats for women until targets have
been reached.
2. Improve the capability of VWU and NCFAW and enhance their role as policy advisors
to the Party and Government.
3. Influence social values through public communication on gender issues and the
presentation of positive images of women in positions of authority.
4. Encourage the formation of a network of female leaders to support their personal and
professional development and their ability to influence gender-based policies.
2.4.2 Participation in elected positions: People's
Councils
Background
All Vietnamese citizens have the right to seek election for the National Assembly (NA) and
the People's Council (PC), regardless of sex, religious affiliation, socio-economic status,
or ethnic background. The PC are the elected decision-making bodies which develop
strategies for addressing the various needs of each specific locality, and monitor the work
of parallel state organisations including the People's Committees.
Women's right to participate in People's Councils is guaranteed by law, and an active and
expanding role for women in this elected body is specified in the Constitution, as well as
various decrees and regulations. Traditionally, however, men dominate People's Councils
at all levels. In 1997, the Government reconfirmed its commitment to increase women's
participation in the PCs. A target of 20-30 percent was specified in the first Plan of Action
for the Advancement of Women, and a concerted effort was mounted by VWU and NCFAW
to prepare women candidates for the 1999 election. Although the results were encouraging,
the number of women elected fell short of the target, being 22 percent at the provincial
level, 20 percent at the district/quarter level and 16 percent at the commune/ward level.
Without more equitable representation of women in elected decision-making bodies, the
concerns and needs of Vietnamese women have a less than equal chance of being reflected
in official policy or being or addressed by government programmes.
Influencing Factors
Fewer women than men are elected to People's Councils principally because of factors
related to the election process, as well as factors influencing the candidates and the
voters.
The election process is specified by law to ensure fairness and consistency in the election
and also representative diversity within the elected council. In practice, however, certain
aspects of the process tend to discriminate against women. For example, members of
the Election Guiding Board, who oversee the procedure of identifying appropriate candidates,
are generally men and tend to bring a male-bias to the selection process. The system of
quotas, designed to ensure that a diverse range of citizens' groups are represented on
57
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
People's Councils, has at times also had negative effects on the women candidates.
Some surveys have shown that one candidate, often a woman, is selected to fulfil a number
of quotas reflecting age, ethnic background or other criteria in addition to sex, thus making
it more difficult for her to be elected. Furthermore, in the process of selecting candidates
through three consecutive stages of the pre-election Consultative Conferences, relatively
large numbers of women candidates must stand for nomination at the first Consultative
Conference if 20-30 percent are to be chosen by the third Consultative Conference.
Women in People's Council
%
90
83.44
77.67
79.88
80
10
60
50
40
30
22.33
20.12
16.56
20
10
0
PROVINCIALIEVEL
DISTRICTIEVEL
C OMMUNE LEVEL
WOMEN
MEN
There is a common perception that fewer women than men are qualified and willing to
stand for election in People's Councils. Traditionally, women have not played a dominant
role in political bodies. In general, social values assign women to the domestic sphere
and men to public life, believing that this division of labour reflects women and men's
respective capabilities. Consequently, women tend to have less experience than men do
in the public sector and less knowledge of political processes, including skills such as
election lobbying and discussions with constituents. Reflecting dominant social values,
women tend to have less confidence in their own ability to participate effectively in politics,
and they are less likely than men to present their opinions on matters such as economics
or infrastructure, which are traditionally male-dominated areas of concern and responsibility.
Women also tend to have less education, and they have less time to dedicate to other
activities which do not relate to income generation or domestic maintenance, such as
politics.
Voters also are less prepared to choose a women candidate over a male candidate.
Accepting dominant social values, which undervalue women's leadership abilities and do
not favor women's participation in social or political activities, most voters do not trust that
women candidates will make good representatives. Lacking support from both male and
female voters, women candidates tend to be less successful.
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Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Recommendations
1. Introduce gender awareness training for leaders and officials involved in the
development of regulations and procedures guiding election proceedings and those
responsible for their implementation, to reduce barriers to women's participation as
candidates and elected members.
2. Increase the quota for women candidates to People's Councils, to 40 percent at the
provincial, district and commune levels.
3. Increase the role of the WU in identifying and supporting potential women candidates
and monitoring the election process.
4. Increase training for women candidates; provide further training for successful women
members of People's Councils to increase their capacity to advocate for gender issues
within the PC and to higher levels of decision making.
5. Organise communication activities to raise gender awareness among voters and
enhance acceptance of women's role in leadership and decision-making.
2.4.3 Public expenditure decision-making process
Background
Public expenditure refers to recurrent and capital investment spending by the state. In
Viet Nam, the Ministry of Finance (MoF) and the Ministry of Planning and Investment (MPI)
develop plans for public expenditure (PE) in coordination with the State Bank. The National
Assembly Committee for Economy and Budget and the Prime Minister then approve
expenditure plans. Decisions concerning public expenditure determine resources available
for all ministries, branches and localities within the country.
Between October 1999 and June 2000, the Government of Viet Nam, with the World Bank
and small group of bilateral donors, undertook a review of the current public expenditure
process, and included a gender component. The results of this study provide a preliminary
understanding of the position of women advisors and the role of gender analysis in the PE
process in Viet Nam (Akram-Lodhi 2000).
In Viet Nam, decisions regarding public expenditure have not explicitly involved a
consideration of gender issues. It is generally perceived that policies concerning women
are limited to marriage and family, population and employment, and women officials are in
principle meant to be involved in their development. Public expenditure policy, however, is
considered to be gender neutral, concerning and influencing all citizens equally. There
has been therefore, no explicit concern for the inclusion of women officials in the process
of public expenditure decision-making, and in an assessment of the costs and benefits of
government budget decisions for women.
As men and women have different needs for government services, and are affected
differently by these services, decisions regarding the allocation of government resources
by sector, region and program have important gender implications. The cost recovery
program for education which resulted in a reduction in the provision of government-funded
pre-schools, for example, has had a more significant influence on women and girls than
59
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
on men, as social conventions assign the care of small children to women and girls.
Similarly, investment in rural roads is likely to have a greater impact on women than men,
as more women are involved in transporting and marketing agricultural goods and
purchasing consumer goods for domestic use. Decisions regarding the allocation of public
funds therefore must involve an analysis of the impact of public expenditure on men,
women and gender relations, in order to ensure that public spending reflects the needs
and interests of both men and women. Failure to recognise gender differences when
designing policy can compromise the effectiveness of these policies, both from equity
and efficiency perspectives (World Bank 2000).
Influencing Factors
In general, in Viet Nam, state decisions regarding macro-economic planning are not
considered to be a 'woman issue'. Officials and leaders responsible for public expenditure
do not analyse the gender implications of budgetary decisions; thus potential gender biases
are not addressed.
Women do not play a significant role in decisions regarding public expenditure. Very few
women hold positions of authority at the agencies responsible for planning or approving
the state budget. At MPI's Department of Finance and Money, for example, only two of the
seventeen experts are female. However within the Ministry of Finance, there are a few
women holding high level positions.
Moreover, within the public expenditure process there are no formal mechanisms for gender
sensitive review and impact assessment of the state budget. Within central ministries
and provincial departments, CFAWs are intended to monitor and appraise all policy for its
impact on women. In practice, however, only those policies targeted at women are
monitored and evaluated by CFAWs. CFAWs also have few staff, little resources and are
often not trained in gender analysis. Thus the potential role of the CFAWs in policy review
is limited. Within the National Assembly women are concentrated in Special Committees
handling social affairs and are under-represented in the Committee of Economy and
Budget.
Women in Committees of the tenth National Assembly
%
96.7
96.9
100
89.2
so
84.22
78.79
80
67.66
70
58.83
60.53
60
so
41.1
39.4
40
32.3
30
21.2
15.71
20
10.7
10
33
3.1
0
E DUCATION,
E THING
$ OCIAL
LAW
F OREIGN
$ CIENCE,
NATIONAL
E CONOMY &
YOUTH &
c OUNCIL
AFFAIRS
A FFAIRS
TECH &
DEFENSE &
BUDGET
c HILDRE
E INVIRONMENT $ ECURITY
WOMEN
MEN
60
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
Within the Party there is no formal mandate to review and evaluate the impact of economic
decision-making on women or on gender relations. Similarly, the VWU has no official
institutional means to review or revise state spending policies. It can only work through
personal connections in the ministries or in the Party.
In summary, within the ministries, the bodies of elected representatives and the mass
organisations, there are no formal mechanisms through which budgetary decisions can
be reviewed for possible gender bias, and if necessary, revised (Akram-Lodhi 2000).
Recommendations
1. Increase the number of women in decision making positions within the Ministry of
Finance and Ministry of Planning and Investment, and in the Committee of Economy
and Budget of the NA.
2. Enhance the role of the VWU and NCFAW as advisors in public expenditure decisions.
3. Undertake studies (based on international experience in this area) into gender budgeting
and other related issues. Develop standard mechanism to review and revise proposed
budgets and policies regarding their impact on gender issues.
4. Provide training on gender analysis, gender budgeting and gender impact assessment
of public expenditure decisions for both men and women members of the Committee
of Economy and Budget of the National Assembly and leading cadres and officers in
charge of public expenditure allocation in MPI and MoF, as well as for the NCFAW,
CFAWs and WU.
5. A strategy to improve central level tracking of local budget expenditures should include
strengthening capacity to collect and analyse sex disaggregated data. This would
allow central and local government to measure one aspect of the equity dimension of
their public expenditure, by illustrating, for example, to what extent men and women
benefit from public services. This would be a critical first step towards reducing gender
gaps in access to social services and social safety nets.
2.4.4 The Grassroots Democracy Decree
Background
With the passing of the Grassroots Democracy Decree (GRDD) and legislation regulating
the conditions of its implementation, Viet Nam established a process through which all
citizens may discuss and make decisions regarding local issues. The Decree provides a
legal framework empowering citizens to meet at the village or hamlet level to express their
opinions and develop recommendations on issues such as the construction of infrastructure
and public works, local contributions to these and other projects or services, plans for the
socio-economic development of the commune, commune conventions and rules, and
poverty alleviation programmes. Surveys show that the GRDD is being actively
implemented throughout the country - although with variation in rigor with both men and
women attending meetings in villages and hamlets, and chairpersons relaying reports on
the people's opinions to the People's Committees.
61
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
In the implementation of the Decree, however, women do not participate equally, either in
the organisation or chairing of discussions, decisions or leadership of the meetings. In
interviews with women about their experiences with the Grassroots Democracy process,
some reported that they do not participate in meetings, as attendance is perceived to be
the responsibility of men. Others stated that even in situations where many women are in
attendance, men dominate in the meetings. Women are less likely to talk within the meeting,
and when they do, women generally address issues that they consider to be related to
their areas of domestic responsibility, such as children's education, production loans for
women, alcoholism amongst men, and women's security. Men discuss issues relating to
economic development, infrastructure, and leadership. One woman reported,
"Men discussed many important issues such as infrastructure. Women only
discussed about family problems such as male alcoholism, loans for production,
difficulty of providing children with education: high school fees and contributions,
poor road conditions and long distances for travelling, no electricity."
Some women stated that they were afraid to speak out, as they had little education, or that
they were fearful of saying the wrong thing. Others stated that they did not speak up in
meetings because their opinions were not respected.
"Men are chairpersons in the meeting. Men talk much. Women talked less and
usually talk with each other about children, and their childbirth. Women did not
discuss about commune's issues. We gave birth at home and did not go to hospital
because the hospital was far away and we had to pay hospital fee. We did not have
pay money when giving birth at home."
Closer analysis of these statements reveals that although women do not consider their
ideas to be 'political issues' worth discussing, their concerns are directly related to macro-
economic policy: for example impacts of cuts in public spending on basic social services
such as health and education, and under-investment in rural infrastructure. (The above
quotes are taken from in-depth interviews in Lai Chau, Tra Vinh, Quang Binh and Ho Chi
Minh City, NCFAW, 2000).
Influencing Factors
Traditional values regarding the roles of men and women which presume politics and
commune matters to be the realm of men, restrict women's participation in the
implementation of the GRDD. First, the regulation describing the implementation of the
GRDD specifies that heads of households will attend meetings. As men are considered
to be the head of most households, more men than women are invited to participate in the
meetings. Second, almost all leaders involved in the implementation of the GRDD, including
the local Party and administration, members in the Guiding Board and the village/hamlet
chiefs, are men. They do not expect women to participate fully in the local political process.
Women are therefore less likely than men to be consulted on broad commune issues and
less likely to be able to influence policies and decisions made as part of the GRDD.
Third, the perception is that women can only focus on traditionally 'female' areas of interest
and expertise, and have little experience and knowledge about social and political affairs.
As we saw in the analysis of the above interview statements, in reality women are
62
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
discussing issues of political interest but are not making that connection and do not have
the 'words' to translate their concerns into policy recommendations, nor the 'voice' to
articulate their concerns publicly. Women tend to have less education than men and less
time to devote of activities which are not associated with income generation or domestic
maintenance. With less experience and knowledge, women are unlikely to feel confident
expressing their opinions or bringing up their concerns, and less likely than men are to
participate actively in commune meetings or influence decisions regarding policy and
programmes.
Recommendations
1. Increase the representation of women in Steering Committees overseeing the
implementing of GRDD.
2. Revise GRDD regulations to invite both men and women within each household rather
than heads of households to attend meetings.
3. Provide training for women in gender awareness, political participation and leadership.
VWUs should mobilise women to participate actively in the GRDD.
4. Increase the number of women leaders at the commune and village/hamlet levels in
charge of organising and chairing meetings, train them in leadership, decision making
and gender sensitive policy analysis and advocacy skills. Develop a system of rotating
chairs (male female).
5. Provide gender awareness training for GRDD Steering Committee members and
leaders at the commune and village or hamlet level.
Conclusions
The full participation of women in leadership, decision-making and public life enhances
the welfare of not only women but also the society at large (World Bank 2000). Women in
positions of power help to ensure that the opinions of women are expressed and their
needs addressed. Moreover, studies have found that higher levels of women in the politics
and administration of the country lead to better governance. In a comparison of countries
with the same education, civil liberties, legal institutions and income levels, it was found
that
"countries where women have greater rights and participate more in public life
tend to have cleaner business and government. As the influence of women in
public life grows, the level of corruption declines (World Bank 2000).
In general, Viet Nam's record on the participation of women in leadership is commendable.
Viet Nam's strong commitment to women's participation in leadership and decision-making
is ratified in laws and policies. In comparison with other Asian countries, Viet Nam has a
relatively high number of women in the National Assembly. In addition, recently Viet Nam
has undertaken ambitious and progressive efforts to increase women's involvement in
political leadership, such as the countrywide training for women candidates to the National
Assembly in 1997 and the People's Councils in 1999.
Improving women's rate of participation in leadership, however, involves not only increasing
the numbers of women in positions of power but also enhancing women's voice, which is
women's ability to influence and contribute to the decision-making process. This will involve
63
Situation Analysis & Policy Recommendations: Advancement of Women & Gender Equality in Viet Nam
the development of systems for implementing progressive policies, and mechanisms for
enforcing, monitoring and reviewing implementation. Furthermore, all gender disparities
are embedded in social norms and customs which influence decisions of both men and
women leaders. Thus, additional measures will be necessary to address these social
factors which undermine the implementation of policies, limit women's ability to voice
their concerns in appropriate fora and restrict society's ability to respond to the interests
and needs of women.
Current knowledge and understanding of the role of women in leadership and decision-
making must be supplemented through further research. Studies should include a national
focus, looking at specific regions and sectors, as well as an examination of the role of
women in the legal system, and the fostering of women leaders in community-based
politics. International research and experience should also be studied, including issues
such as gender budgeting, the development of women's lobby groups or caucuses, and
the role of women and leadership in the global economy.
64
BACKGROUND PAPER:
PUBLIC SAFETY CAMPAIGN
Objective: Support Ambassador Peterson's "Safe Vietnam"
initiative to advance personal safety awareness and
injury/disability prevention.
Key Points to Make:
Coordinating with other major donors, NGOs, and private
companies, Ambassador Peterson launched his "Safe
Vietnam" initiative in 1999 because injury is the leading
cause of preventable death and disability for children
and adolescents.
Subsequently, the Communist Party adopted "traffic
safety" as one of its three social development priorities
(the other two are "social evils" and HIV/AIDS), enacted
a law requiring motorbike riders to wear helmets, and is
developing a National Child Safety Plan.
Background:
Motorbikes are the primary mode of individual
transportation in Vietnam, and, since most riders do not
wear helmets, accidents often produce terrible injuries.
Under the Ambassador's leadership, major donors, NGOs, and
U.S. companies 3M, Ford, Coca-Cola, and American President
Lines came to together to work with the Government of
Vietnam to reduce Vietnam's serious accident rate.
Following passage of Vietnam's new helmet law, Ford and
Coca-Cola provided funding to purchase 750 motorcycle
helmets, and Vietnam's newest NGO, the Asia Injury
Prevention Foundation (AIPF) funded the importation of
15,000 child helmets to begin a National Safe Kids Program
centered on primary schools. AIPF is currently developing
educational games and teachers curricula, and it is
tracking head injury rates of children over the next six
months to demonstrate the effectiveness of helmets in
preventing serious brain injuries resulting from accidents.
Both the Centers for Disease Control and USAID have
contributed funding to the "Safe Vietnam" initiative.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE TO VIETNAM
Objectives: Reaffirm USG willingness to provide appropriate
humanitarian assistance to Vietnam. Highlight USG disaster
assistance to Vietnam to date, including both disaster response
and preparedness initiatives.
Key Points to Make:
USAID/OFDA has provided $497,645 in flood relief assistance to
Vietnam in recent weeks, nearly all of it in response to the
Mekong Delta flooding. This includes assistance to support
relief efforts of the International Federation of Red Cross
and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), and airlift of USAID/OFDA
relief commodities delivered to Ho Chi Minh City October 18,
20, and 21. (DOD provided air transport for the October 18 and
October 20 deliveries.)
USG humanitarian assistance to Vietnam has been ongoing for
several years. USAID/OFDA has provided disaster assistance to
Vietnam every year since 1994 totaling more than $3 million,
most of it flood and storm-related.
The USG, while committed to doing what it can to complement
GVN efforts, recognizes that Vietnam has a well-developed
disaster response capability, and notes that Vietnam was
recently the recipient of a United Nations prize for its
achievements in natural disaster prevention and relief.
There is a growing recognition worldwide that disaster
preparedness measures result in a large return on investments
if properly targeted. We are pleased to support Vietnamese
flood preparedness efforts. In this regard, USAID has recently
awarded a grant to the United Nations Development Program for
a flood early warning system in central Vietnam.
Background
Vietnam experiences nearly annual flooding primarily in its
central provinces and in the Mekong Delta region in southern
Vietnam. However, it is currently experiencing what is perhaps
the worst Mekong river flooding in 75 years. USAID/OFDA
supports flood preparedness efforts through a $994,000, four
year grant (2000-2003) to the United Nations Development Program
(UNDP) to develop early warning systems in flood-prone central
Vietnam.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
USAID Programs and Activities
Objective: Reaffirm USG interest in helping Vietnam carry out
its economic reforms and overcome obstacles to its global
competitiveness.
Key Points to Make:
The growth of the USAID assistance program since 1991 from a
$1.4 million humanitarian program to a $7.5 million multi-
faceted program ($38 million total to date) reflects the
growing US-Vietnam partnership.
USAID's strategy for Vietnam is focused on: (1) Enhancing the
Environment for Trade and Investment; (2) HIV/AIDS and flood
relief; and (3) Environmental Management.
These areas are important for Vietnam's future and its
leadership role in the region.
Background:
USAID assistance to Vietnam began in 1991, and was limited to
humanitarian activities only. With the passing of legislation in
1997 and 1998, all legal restrictions on aid to Vietnam were
lifted. Since then USAID assistance has grown almost six-fold
to nearly $8.0 million in FY2000.
Trade and Investment: Through the US-Vietnam Trade Council,
USAID has helped Vietnam better understand the reforms required
under the Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA). USAID supports Boise
State University's partnership with the National Economic
University in Hanoi to train Vietnam's future economic leaders
to operate in a free market context.
War Victims/Displaced Children: Since 1991 the USAID's Leahy War
Victims Fund has provided prosthetics, rehabilitation and
improved accessibility for Vietnamese war victims. The Leahy
fund has been expanded to address the huge need for orthotics,
especially for children. In addition, the Displaced Children
and Orphan's Fund (DCOF) assists displaced and disabled children
through training, advocacy, and vocational rehabilitation.
Vietnam leads the region in treatment for the disabled.
HIV/AIDS: As part of a regional effort, USAID is helping Vietnam
control the spread of HIV/AIDS by improving surveillance
capacity, policy-based interventions, and prevention programs.
This will be part of the FY2001 expansion of the President's
LIFE Initiative.
UNCLASSIFIED
DECL: N/A
BACKGROUND PAPER:
HHS PROGRAMS AND ACTIVITIES
Objective: Highlight the positive contributions Department
of Health and Human Services programs are making to
Vietnam's social and economic development.
Key Points to Make:
DHHS, through the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) and
National Institutes of Health (NIH), is helping build
Vietnam's public health infrastructure and scientific
research capability.
CDC, along with the Rockefeller Foundation, is expanding
public health education capacity and promoting personal
safety awareness and injury/disability prevention.
The NIH is funding a broad range of collaborative
research and advanced training for scientists.
Background:
Following Secretary Shalala's 1997 visit to Vietnam, DHHS
technical assistance and cooperative research programs have
become been improving Vietnam's public health
infrastructure, Major areas of cooperation include
research on infectious diseases, chronic diseases, injury,
environmental and occupational health, traditional
medicine, reproductive health, and biomedical research.
CDC and the Rockefeller Foundation are expanding graduate-
training capacity at the Hanoi School of Public Health.
CDC also actively supports Ambassador Peterson's "Safe
Vietnam" initiative through collaboration with UNICEF to
advance personal safety awareness and injury/disability
prevention.
NIH collaborative biomedical research grants are funding
research on vaccines for Typhoid Fever, Cholera, and
Shigella, treatment to prevent breast cancer recurrence,
and HIV/AIDS. The NIH's Fogarty International Center
currently supports graduate study of Vietnamese scientists
at the University of Washington, as well as training
programs at numerous Vietnamese centers for higher
education.
UNCLASSIFIED
EDUCATION EXCHANGE PROGRAMS
The State Department's Bureau of Educational and Cultural
Affairs has an earmark of $4 million for the Vietnam
Fulbright program and in FY 2000 awarded a total of thirty-
eight grants to eight U.S. scholars, seven Vietnamese
scholars, eight U.S. students, and fifteen Vietnamese
students. Another aspect of the program, the Vietnam
Fulbright Teaching Center, is managed by Harvard University
through a grant from the Bureau for $1.55 million.
The Bureau is supporting two partnership grants between
U.S. and Vietnamese universities to enable the
institutional partners to pursue educational objectives
through exchanges of professors and administrators over a
three-year period. The current affiliations are University
of Oregon/Oregon State University/Van Lang University/Payap
University and University of San Francisco Law School/Ho
Chi Minh City College of Law.
There are currently three Vietnamese scholars pursuing
research projects in the U.S. via the Herbert H. Humphrey
Fellowship Program. Their areas of study include gender
issues and policies, AIDS prevention program management,
and international fisheries development.
The Bureau will bring twenty-two Vietnamese in ten
different International Visitor Program projects to the
U.S. The programs cover issues ranging from information
technology to drug abuse, the judicial system, the U.S.
economic system, and urban planning.
The Bureau awarded a grant in the amount of $110,534 to the
U.S.-Vietnam Trade Council to implement a four-week U.S.
exchange entitled "Trade and Commercial Law Fellowship
Program."
BACKGROUND PAPER:
ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES
NATURAL RESOURCES AND BIODIVERSITY
Objectives: Reducing Vietnam's internal pollution and involving
them in addressing regional environmental threats -- not only on
environmental grounds but also to strengthen sustainable economic
development.
Key Points to Make:
It is important that Vietnam cooperate and support international
efforts to combat illegal logging in the region.
We urge Vietnam's support for riparian efforts to ensure the
integrated and sustainable development of the Mekong River.
We encourage expanded Vietnamese participation in APEC
environment meetings, especially the Marine Resource
Conservation Working Group and the Fisheries Working Group. The
strong U.S.-Vietnam fisheries bilateral relationship can foster
this cooperation.
We urge Vietnam to give high priority to sustainable management
of their marine resources particularly as they increase exports
of hard coral.
Background:
Growing industrialization and population migration are threatening
Vietnam's environment. In the highlands, illegal logging and slash
and burn agriculture contribute to deforestation, soil erosion and
river degradation. Rampant deforestation, which leads to erosion,
has exacerbated the effects of monsoonal rains leading to the worst
flooding in years. Pesticide runoff, industrial discharge and
untreated sewage contaminate both the potable water supply and
important irrigation systems. Land based sources of pollution and
overfishing threaten marine resources.
Vietnam faces significant environmental challenges. It is,
however, an emerging economy that has the capacity to promote
sustainable development, particularly as it develops its tourism
and agriculture sectors.
Although not a major emitter of greenhouse gases that contribute to
global climate change, Vietnam hosted, with U.S. support, a
regional workshop last year on Market Based Mechanisms to mitigate
climate change. Due to its vulnerability to potential sea level
rise and other impacts of climate change Vietnam may support our
efforts to expand the participation of developing countries within
the UNFCCC.
BACKGROUND PAPER:
VIETNAMESE ETIQUETTE
Through its long history and encounters with various foreign
cultures, Vietnam has developed a host of often contradictory
customs and mores.
Proper Names: In general, the Vietnamese proper name is
composed of three words. The first word is the family name
and the last word is a person's proper name. The word "Thi"
(for females) or "Van" (for males) is often used as a middle
name.
Usually, the given name (the last word) is used in both
informal and formal circumstances. In general, the given
name is preceded by a kinship term in informal circumstances,
the words "Anh" (brother) or "Chi" (sister); on formal
occasions, by "Ong" (Mr.) or "Co" (Ms.) For instance, Mr. Vo
Van Kiet is addressed as Mr. Kiet (not Mr. Vo), or Brother
Kiet, by his comrades, or Uncle Kiet, by younger people.
Greeting People: Handshaking is practiced by the Vietnamese,
often clasping your hand with both of theirs and gently
shaking it longer than necessary to show hrespect or
admiration. Men and women always stand up to greet their
guests; women who remain seated are considered arrogant or
rude. It is very polite to give a name card or drink using
both hands.
Body Language: Pointing a finger at someone, especially when
accompanied by a loud remark, or beckoning someone with one
or two of your fingers waving inward, is rude. The
acceptable way to beckon a person is palm down, cupping the
hand, and wiggling the fingers. A "Keeping-your-fingers-
crossed" sign is considered a particularly obscene gesture.
Waving hands and making facial expressions excessively to
emphasize to one's speech are regarded as evidence of a
disturbed mind, especially when expressed by a woman.
Jumping up and down in excitement is unacceptable to most
Vietnamese.
Dress: Avoid white and black, the colors of death; red is
Vietnam's favorite color. Shorts are not considered
appropriate for women.
Dining: It is not polite to use chopsticks or silverware
to clank glasses or china. One should clap hands to get
attention.
Superstition: Traditionally, Vietnamese avoid beginning a
trip on the 7th, 17th, and 27th of the month, and try not
to return from travel on the 3rd, 13th, and 23rd.
Vietnamese hang mirrors above their doors to fend off evil
spirits. The household altar occupies the most sacred
place in the home and the Vietnamese will never sit with
their backs to the altar. Business locations also have a
designated altar space. One should not compliment a baby's
health, parents may fear that the devil may hear you and harm
their child.
SHOW: ALL THINGS CONSIDERED (8:00 PM ET)
April 20, 2000, Thursday
LENGTH: 1961 words
HEADLINE: VIETNAM 25 YEARS AFTER THE END OF THE WAR, PART ONE
ANCHORS: LINDA WERTHEIMER
REPORTERS: DANIEL ZWERDLING
BODY:
LINDA WERTHEIMER, host:
This is NPR's ALL THINGS CONSIDERED. I'm Linda Wertheimer.
Twenty-five years ago this month, the Vietnam War came to an end. The
Communist North triumphed over the non-Communist South and a difficult era of
reconstruction and reconciliation began. Peace and time have brought many
changes. But as correspondent Daniel Zwerdling discovered on a recent trip for
NPR News and American Radio Works, the scars of the nation's tragic division
still linger.
DANIEL ZWERDLING reporting:
The billboard in the parking lot says 'Welcome to the Ku-Chi Tunnels.'
They're big letters in plain English and there's probably no other spot in
Vietnam that symbolizes so powerfully how the Vietnamese have made peace with
the American role in the war.
Unidentified Guide: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. The tour through
the tunnel is nearly one hour.
ZWERDLING: The guide is dressed like an American park ranger. He starts the
tour in front of a video screen at a small outdoor theater in the woods.
Unidentified Guide: Follow me, please.
ZWERDLING: The Communist guerrillas dug 150 miles of tunnels here, right
under the American troops. We're about an hour's drive from Ho Chi Minh City,
or Saigon, as they used to call it. The guerrillas built barracks and weapons
factories and hospital operating rooms, all underground. They'd live down there
during the day, then sneak out at night and attack. The guide crouches at a
pile of leaves.
Unidentified Guide: Now here, I show you the secret entrance of the tunnel.
(Soundbite of leaves rustling)
Unidentified Guide: If any American came, discovered entrance, opened trap
door--Boom!--Americans would be killed. Would you like to have a picture?
ZWERDLING: These days, Americans are welcome. In fact, the Vietnamese
government has remodeled the Ku-Chi Tunnels to accommodate them. Back during
the war, the guerrillas made the tunnel openings so narrow that usually only
Vietnamese could slip through.
Unidentified Guide: Please take care.
(Soundbite of footsteps)
ZWERDLING: But they've enlarged the tunnels so 'big, fat Americans can go
down, too.' His words.
Unidentified Guide: Take it slow, please.
ZWERDLING: You have to totally bend over so that you're no higher than your
waist.
Unidentified Guide: Would you like to have picture in tunnel, madam? Have
picture? No? Let's go on.
ZWERDLING: And when you emerge, there's one final stop.
(Soundbite of gunshots)
ZWERDLING: You can relive the war in a small way by banging away at the
firing range on weapons that soldiers actually used. They charge a dollar for
every shot. If that doesn't appeal to you, you can buy a memento at the
souvenir shop. They've taken the profane sayings that American commandos used
to mutter to build up their courage in battle and they've engraved the words
with a skull and crossbones on cigarette lighters.
Unidentified Guide: 'Though I walk through the valley of death, I will fear
no evil, for I am the evilest son of a bitch in the valley.' (Laughs)
ZWERDLING: A lot of Americans who visit Vietnam shake their heads at some
point and say to themselves: Wait a minute. No matter how you felt about the
war, whether you supported it or opposed it or fought in it, you can't escape
the basic facts: The Communist-led army killed 58,000 American troops. The US
military and their South Vietnamese allies killed roughly 3 million soldiers and
civilians in their own country. American warplanes destroyed vast areas of
Vietnam with bombs and pesticides and fire. So why don't Vietnamese hate
Americans?
Mr. HU NYOK (Scholar): When I meet Americans, it is the first question they
ask me, yeah.
ZWERDLING: Hu Nyok is one of the best-known scholars in Vietnam, and he's
taken us to a sacred site in Hanoi to explain his answers.
Mr. NYOK: You see, this pagoda is unique in Vietnam. The first building
dates back to Han '49.
ZWERDLING: Yes. The Vietnamese call it the One-pillar Pagoda. The pagoda
rises on one pillar out of a murky pond that's covered with purple lotus
flowers. Smoke keeps twirling around it from all the incense sticks that
Buddhist pilgrims light at the altar. Hu says this pagoda reflects the first
reason why Vietnamese have forgiven Americans.
Mr. NYOK: I think there's yet--until now for many Americans, Vietnam is
synonym of war, but the true face of Vietnam is not war. Buddhism for the
Vietnamese means the heart and compassion and pity, and it is our essential
feature.
ZWERDLING: Of course, many religions preach forgiveness, but Nyok says
there's another explanation that's more pragmatic. When you look at the whole
sweep of Vietnam's history, the war against the Americans was a blip. For
more than 2,000 years, Vietnam's main enemy has been China. In fact, the two
countries fought their latest war only 20 years ago along their border. Many
American didn't even hear about it.
Mr. NYOK: To survive, we have always, after the wars, waited for China to
make peace and to forget the hardships of the war, to be able to live in peace
with our giants.
ZWERDLING: He says the country's applied the same lesson to the United
States. And finally, Hu says, the Vietnamese can embrace Americans now because
Uncle Ho told them to. That's what many Vietnamese call the father of their
modern nation, Ho Chi Minh. Ho led the country to triumph. First they kicked
out the French colonizers, then they humiliated the United States. But many
Vietnamese will tell you that even during the war, Ho said they shouldn't blame
the American people for causing their suffering. They should blame America's
leaders.
(Soundbite of bowling)
ZWERDLING: Everywhere you go in Vietnam, it seems like many people have
taken these teachings to heart. One of the hip new sports in Hanoi is an
American sport. Computers calculate your bowling score, and the players sing
along with American rock music and munch fried onion rings with ketchup or
stroll along the city streets. The government has plastered the buildings with
huge red banners that hail the Communist Party, but Vietnamese whiz by on their
motorbikes wearing jackets emblazoned with the American flag.
(Soundbite of traffic)
ZWERDLING: Maybe all this makes it sound like it's been a little too easy for
Vietnamese to let go of the war, and one woman says the process has been more
painful. Her name is Sen Wah.
Ms. SEN WAH (Marketing Director for Fashion Magazine): My daughter.
Unidentified Daughter: (Foreign language spoken)
ZWERDLING: Sen Wah is marketing director for a fashion magazine. She says
her own childhood in Hanoi was war. Her home is squeezed with a bunch of row
houses around a courtyard that's decorated with spindly plants. Sen Wah says
she can still hear those nights when she was 12 years old and the US was bombing
the city.
Ms. WAH: I just see the whole house shaking and the glass is broken and
people screaming. I see the big hole on the street. I was so scared. I had to
try to hide myself under anything that I can get myself in. I just want to say
I just--the feeling is just to run.
ZWERDLING: Sen Wah says as she got older and became a mother and found a
career, she thought she'd left the war behind. But then three years ago, a
lifetime of buried resentments and confusion suddenly bubbled up inside of her.
It happened on her first trip to America. She went on business to San
Francisco.
Ms. WAH: I didn't expect that I'd have such mixed feelings. I thought that
it's a beautiful country. I went to the beach, and I just walked slowly around
and I see the landscape's so beautiful, and I thought "They are nice people.'
When I met them on the street, they are so lovely.
ZWERDLING: But the longer she stayed in San Francisco, the more she began to
feel bitter. Vietnam is one of the poorest countries in the world. College
professors here make 30 a month. You can argue that the Communist Party's
economic policies helped drag them down, but nobody would dispute the fact that
the war also set the country back, way back, when other parts of Asia began
surging.
Ms. WAH: I feel a little bit of envy, envy with the Americans. It is not
fair to the Vietnamese people that the Americans, they have a good life, they
have control. Why should they bomb Vietnam? Why should Vietnam suffer from
the war that makes the Vietnamese people live in misery and they are far behind
from their neighbors? Unfair.
ZWERDLING: Sen Wah touches on the very issue that could knit Vietnam and
America together: the economy. If you drive along a stretch of road near
downtown Hanoi, you come to what's called the labor market. In most ways, it's
like any other street in Hanoi. The sidewalks are crammed with vendors making
noodle soups and selling clothes and fixing bicycle tires. And every morning,
young men who need jobs cluster on the street corners and just stand there,
waiting.
(Soundbite of two men speaking in foreign language)
ZWERDLING: Everybody in Hanoi knows that this is where you come to hire
unskilled workers for the day or even for just an hour. Some of the men are
wearing khakis and helmets--they used to serve in the army. They say they live
part of the year on their families' farms, but they can't grow enough food to
survive.
Unidentified Man #1: (Through Translator) We want to have more land for the
cultivation, but you know that we are too crowded in Vietnam. It is too
crowded. There's too many people. And you want to come to the city to find
more jobs, to have more income for the family. If you have any jobs that you
can offer us, we are ready to help you.
ZWERDLING: The problem keeps getting worse. The population's growing faster
than almost anywhere in Asia.
Unidentified Man #2: My specials tonight. There's a seafood sorvitay tossed
in a cilantro-walnut pesto, which is very nice. There's a seafood stew with
smoked chipolate
ZWERDLING: It's lunchtime at The Red Onion, just a few minutes from the
street corners where the unemployed men hang out. Foreign investors hope this
restaurant reflects the future of Vietnam.
Unidentified Man #2: It's a seafood parfait which is
ZWERDLING: Go back to the Vietnam War for a moment. Remember the infamous
Hanoi Hilton? That was the nickname of the Hoa Lo Prison where the North
Vietnamese kept American pilots who they shot down. A few years ago, the
government tore down most of that prison, and in its place, investors from
Singapore built the Hanoi Towers. It's a hotel and condo complex, plus this
restaurant. Lots of foreign businessmen began flocking to Hanoi and began
hanging out at this restaurant.
Mr. ATTICUS WELLER (Citibank): I also came to Vietnam because it is a
transitional economy and I thought it would be the next Asian tiger. And I
wanted to come to a place where I could witness that evolution firsthand.
ZWERDLING: Not just witness it, profit from it. This is Atticus Weller. He
works for Citibank. Weller says he came to Vietnam in the same tide that
brought executives from Coca-Cola and Procter & Gamble and the chef at this
restaurant.
Mr. WELLER: There's a tremendous amount of entrepreneurial energy in
Vietnam, so when you go out into the street, you see everyone's running a
business and it feels very vibrant. They have a reputation for being very
hardworking, and that's one of the main things that attracted people to
Vietnam, and it's still one of the attractions of the place.
ZWERDLING: But lately, that enthusiasm has started to sour. Investors say
government officials keep promising to do something about the corruption in
Vietnam and all the frustrating Communist red tape. American and Vietnamese
officials have been negotiating a major trade agreement that would tackle some
of these issues, but many executives say they're tired of waiting around for
reforms. Weller says companies that set up factories and offices here just a
few years ago have already begun to shut them down.
Mr. WELLER: The danger for Vietnam is not that it's gonna have an
adversarial relationship with the US, or the US is interested in being
imperialistic or dominating Vietnam. The danger for Vietnam is that the US
and other countries will--just won't pay attention and Vietnam will become
irrelevant.
WERTHEIMER: We'll continue with our report from Vietnam in just a moment.
You're listening to NPR's ALL THINGS CONSIDERED.
(Soundbite of music)
LANGUAGE: English
LOAD-DATE: May 3, 2000
SHOW: ALL THINGS CONSIDERED (8:00 PM ET)
April 20, 2000, Thursday
LENGTH: 1244 words
HEADLINE: VIETNAM 25 YEARS AFTER THE END OF THE WAR, PART TWO
ANCHORS: LINDA WERTHEIMER
REPORTERS: DANIEL ZWERDLING
BODY:
... WERTHEIMER, host:
This is NPR's ALL THINGS CONSIDERED. I'm Linda Wertheimer.
Correspondent Daniel Zwerdling continues his report now from Vietnam.
DANIEL ZWERDLING reporting:
You can see Vietnam's dilemma in the city they used to call Saigon.
(Soundbite of music)
ZWERDLING: On the face of it, the city's bursting with promise.
Chi Minh City is more exciting.
ZWERDLING: But if you peer beyond the traffic and blazing lights, you see the
struggling face of Vietnam. All over the city there are skeletons of
half-finished office buildings and hotels. Investors started them a few years
ago when it looked like the economy was going to take off, then they walked away
when the economy stalled. And some people say that Vietnam will never get out
of its rut until leaders welcome two groups of people back from the fringes.
Mr. "NU WHEN":
a new life in the United States. But he declined, and he's glad he did.
He says no matter who runs the government, Vietnam is his country.
Mr. WHEN: There's one very important thing: the reunification of Vietnam.
That's very, very, very important to me. If there's a chance to reunify under
any slogan, we can find a way to survive.
ZWERDLING: The country's Communist
who they've always seen as foes. It's too late for people like Nu
When--he's 64 years old--but Vietnam needs all the help they can get from the
next generation.
(Soundbite of telephone ringing)
Mr. TONY NONG (Travel Consultant):
right. We have arranged a city tour for Hanoi.
Unidentified Woman #2: Fabulous.
ZWERDLING: When American tourists come to Vietnam, they might hire Tony
Nong to arrange their trip. He's been at the office since 6 AM on this
particular morning. He's been fielding
days that I as a seven-year-old will remember for the rest of my life.
ZWERDLING: Nong escaped from Vietnam exactly 25 years ago this week. When
his mother heard that the Communist forces were about to take over, she grabbed
Tony and his brother and
it was taking off, mothers carrying kids and also men hanging onto the
bay doors as it was closing. And that was my last image of Vietnam.
ZWERDLING: Nong grew up with relatives in California. He became an American
citizen. He tried to get in touch with his
mother's voice, and she cried for 15 minutes. She says, 'Do you remember
me? Do you miss me?"
(Soundbite of telephone ringing)
ZWERDLING: Nong flew to Vietnam for a family reunion, and these days he's
commuting between his homeland and the United States. He's running the family's
travel agency in
people like Nong back to the country. For the first time ever, Viet Q
will be allowed to buy property in Vietnam; they can grow new roots here.
Mr. NONG: Many do want to come back, but they've just got that fear of, 'What
would
up, letting Viet Q's know that, 'Hey, you know, it's OK. You're safe to
come back.' I think Vietnam will develop a lot quicker and the
misunderstandings will be put to the past.
ZWERDLING: So far, Viet Q in
Vietnamese population was born after the war ended. By the time they
have children, many people will only dimly remember that Vietnam and America
fought a war. I'm Daniel Zwerdling for NPR News and American Radio Works.
(Credits given)
WERTHEIMER: We'd like to know how the legacy of the Vietnam War has
affected your life. We're collecting personal stories and pictures from
listeners at our Web site, www.npr.
...
COUNTRY: VIETNAM (96%);
CITY: HO CHI MINH CITY, VIETNAM (69%); HANOI, VIETNAM (63%);
LOAD-DATE: May 3, 2000
SHOW: WEEKEND ALL THINGS CONSIDERED (8:00 PM ET)
April 23, 2000, Sunday
LENGTH: 1854 words
HEADLINE: NEW ECONOMIC TRENDS IN VIETNAM SEEM CAPITALISTIC
ANCHORS: STEVE INSKEEP
REPORTERS: DANIEL ZWERDLING
BODY:
STEVE INSKEEP, host:
The people of Vietnam fought 30 years of war against France, against the
United States, against each other. The fighting ended on April 30, 1975, when
the last Americans boarded the last helicopters out of the country. Now
Vietnam is fighting another struggle with its economy. Much as guerrillas
once infiltrated the countryside, private enterprise now infiltrates one of the
last communist nations on earth. The government is allowing it, hoping to raise
living standards in one of the world's poorest countries. Reporting for NPR and
American Radio Works, correspondent Daniel Zwerdling visited one changing
village.
(Soundbite of celebration)
DANIEL ZWERDLING reporting:
When we get to the village of Phu Tho, their annual celebration has already
started. Families have gathered around the village meeting house. This
building has a steep roof with curlicues at the corners. And just inside the
massive doorway, there's a huge shrine painted all red and gold. The village
leader is asking everybody who's at least 70 years old to please step up to the
altar.
Unidentified Man #1 (Village Leader): (Vietnamese spoken)
ZWERDLING: Every year, this village of 1,000 people honors all the elderly
residents. The guests of honor dress up in bright silk robes. They wear
different colors depending on their ages. One of the village farmers explains
what's going on.
Mr. BOY SHUN TANG(ph) (Village Farmer): (Through Translator) Now we can see
coming three old men. And the head of village will come and present the gifts
and flowers to them just to show our thanks to the old people for their
contributions to the village.
ZWERDLING: Now a very old-looking woman makes her way up front. And she
kneels in front of the shrine and presses her forehead to the bamboo mat.
Mr. TANG: (Through Translator) You can see that she's wearing the red color.
And it means that she's 80 years old--90 years old--yeah, 90.
ZWERDLING: And that gets us wondering how life in Phu Tho has changed over
these 90 years. We ask the farmer if we can come back one morning and spend the
day with his family. And a few days later, he's waiting at 7 AM at the village
gate.
(Soundbite of people talking)
ZWERDLING: Our host's name is Boy Shun Tang. Actually, he should pronounce
his name himself.
Mr. TANG: Boy Shun Tang. Boy Shun Tang.
ZWERDLING: The Vietnamese speak a tonal language. Your pitch has to be just
right.
To get into the village, you walk under a faded yellow archway. And as you
walk down the path to Tang's home, you can literally feel how the economy's
changing--under your feet. Tang says only five years ago we would have been
walking in mud. Today, we're strolling on bricks. When we get to Tang's house,
his wife shows us more dramatic changes.
Ms. WIT TI DIEN(ph) (Boy Shun Tang's Wife): (Vietnamese spoken)
ZWERDLING: Her name is Wit Ti Dien. She has a huge smile and a mouth full of
black teeth from a lifetime of chewing betel nuts.
Ms. DIEN: (Vietnamese spoken)
ZWERDLING: She says 15 years ago, they had a thatched roof made of rice
stalks and they lit the home with kerosene lanterns. Today, the roof is covered
with orange clay tiles and they've got lightbulbs dangling from the ceiling.
Ms. DIEN: (Vietnamese spoken)
ZWERDLING: But they're getting antsy answering questions. First things
first.
Mr. TANG: (Through Translator) In Vietnam whenever we have a guest, we
should offer tea first. And after that, talking.
ZWERDLING: And supposing somebody starts talking to you before you serve and
drink tea?
Mr. TANG: (Through Translator) We would think those people, they are
impolite.
ZWERDLING: Now they can talk about their lives. Both Tang and his wife were
born here back in Phu Tho back in the 1930s. Everybody in the village was poor
and everybody was a colonial subject. The French ruled Vietnam like a
serfdom. And since then, Tang's whole family has grown up trapped in the middle
of wars. During World War II, the Japanese invaded and the village was wasted
by famine.
Mr. TANG: (Through Translator) Because of the hunger, people just went out on
the road and so many people died. And especially at the corner when you turn to
the village, so many people die at that corner.
ZWERDLING: Then the world war ended. The French came back. And Tang and his
wife started their family. They eventually had six sons. But they hardly had
any peace because Vietnamese rebels began fighting the French for independence.
When the French gave up, the United States continued the war.
Mr. TANG: (Through Translator) I saw the US bombers and so many US airplanes
look like birds flying across the sky. And whenever they came, we heard the
siren.
Oooooh!
(Through Translator) Our people at that time told each other that the land of
the village is the land of God. Some bomb was dropped, but didn't explode.
ZWERDLING: When the war finally ended in 1975, Tang's family felt jubilant;
after all, three of their sons went off to fight the Americans, and all three
made it back alive.
But gradually they faced another crisis: The communist economy began to
collapse. And to tell that part of the story, Tang leads the way to his rice
fields.
Unidentified Translator: (Vietnamese spoken)
Mr. TANG: (Vietnamese spoken)
Unidentified Translator: Yeah, he's over there where you can see the machine.
ZWERDLING: The rice paddies surround the village in every direction. From a
distance, the houses of Phu Tho look like an island in a green sea. Irrigation
canals keep the fields ankle-deep in water. Tang says when they farmed before
the economic reforms it was like going to work in a factory. They had roll call.
Mr. TANG: (Through Translator) Everyone had to be on the field at 6:00 in the
morning.
ZWERDLING: All these fields were part of government-owned collectives. It
didn't matter if Tang's family grew a lot of rice or only a little. The
collective paid them wages and the government took the harvest.
By the late 1980s. the country was producing such measly rice crops that even
Vietnam's leaders were basically saying, 'This economy's in shambles. These
policies are a failure.' Plus, it didn't help that the Soviet Union was
collapsing and cutting off their aid to Vietnam. So Vietnam's leaders
announced sweeping reforms. They parceled out the fields to the villagers. And
today farmers can do pretty much what they want.
Mr. TANG: (Through Translator) You can go eat late or early. It's up to you.
And how many rice you can produce from that piece of land is up to your labor.
It's up to you.
ZWERDLING: The Vietnamese call this philosophy doi moi. It means new way of
life, and it's motivating farmers to become more productive. Vietnam had to
import rice only 10 years ago. But now it's becoming one of the biggest
exporters in the world. And doi moi's turning Phu Tho's farmers into
entrepreneurs.
(Soundbite of pounding)
ZWERDLING: As we walk back into the village, we pass Tang's neighbors.
They're sitting on the ground pounding metal sheets into trunks and suitcases
which they sell on the streets of Hanoi. Back at Tang's house, his family's
selling hogs.
(Soundbite of water pouring; hogs)
ZWERDLING: These are huge changes. Before doi moi, you were breaking the law
if you sold anything on your own and kept the profits. Now you're a patriot.
You're helping develop the country. So when Boy and his wife and a couple of
their sons sit down for an afternoon meal, they can eat more lavishly than ever
before. Dien has made chicken and mushroom and sausages and potatoes and
rice. And granted, they don't eat like this most of the time. Most days they
eat mainly rice. But now they can afford to splurge when they have guests. And
they talk about topics that would have been unthinkable five years ago.
(Soundbite of conversation)
ZWERDLING: They're discussing the merits of those sexy music videos on
television. They bought a TV.
Ms. DIEN: (Through Translator) Dien a woman, so I don't like to see those
sexy girls on TV. I just only want to hear the traditional Vietnamese music. So
whenever they have that type program, I turn the TV off or I will leave the room
to let the young people to watch it alone. Not me.
ZWERDLING: Vietnam is still one of the poorest countries in the world.
Malnutrition is a major problem. But development specialists say the economic
reforms are dividing the population into classes. Roughly one-third of the
farmers are as poor as ever. In fact, thousands of the peasants rioted a few
years ago about 50 miles from this village. They were demanding more land and
protesting high taxes and corruption. Then another third of the farmers are
doing somewhat better. And finally, a third of the farmers are like Tang's
family. Their standard of living is surging.
Cracks are showing up in the society. We see warning signs when we take a
stroll after lunch. Some of the most prosperous families in Phu Tho are
building new homes. Now most people have one-story bungalows. But these new
houses are three-story towers with balconies and gaudy turrets. And the owners
are embedding the walls around their houses with broken shards of glass.
Jealousy and crime have come to Phu Tho.
Mr. TANG: (Through Translator) There are some people they are too lazy. They
don't want to work. They cannot be rich. They become robbers or thieves. It's
sad, but it happens. Everywhere in the world there are always some poor people
stealing from each other.
ZWERDLING: Some Vietnamese leaders are worried that the new economic policies
might accidentally accomplish something that America's military could never
do--destroy communism.
A couple of years ago, one of Tang's sons announced that he didn't want to
spend his time in the rice fields anymore. He borrowed money and opened a shop.
(Soundbite of motor whirring)
ZWERDLING: Today, he and his wife have two gleaming machines which clean the
village farmers' rice and then spew it into burlap bags. And with that, Tang's
family has ended hundreds of years of traditions. Nobody in this family works
in their rice paddies anymore. They make most of their money in the new economy
and they hire poor farmers from distant villages to do the field work for them.
Mr. TANG: (Through Translator) I think that by this way our life is better
because we can hire the people who are unemployed to come so that they have jobs
and at the same time we can other things that make more profit. It's better.
ZWERDLING: Do you wonder some days, though, whether you are becoming
capitalists?
Mr. TANG: (Vietnamese spoken)
Unidentified Translator: He said yes, and then after he said no. (Laughs)
Mr. TANG: (Vietnamese spoken)
ZWERDLING: So when Tang goes home and lights the incense sticks and prays at
his family's altar, he has a lot of reasons to thank his ancestors' spirits.
Mr. TANG: (Vietnamese spoken)
ZWERDLING: And Tang's altar symbolizes one more reason why his family's
prospering. After the war, some of the relatives fled to the United States, and
they send money back to Tang's family. It's not much by American standards, but
it goes a long way in a country where the average income is barely more than $
300 per year. Tang's relatives bought this altar. It's so big it almost fills
the room.
Mr. TANG: (Vietnamese spoken)
ZWERDLING: 'We would like to invite you, the god of our house and our
ancestor, to come and celebrate with us,' Tang says. 'We put sticky rice,
chicken, wine and beautiful flowers on the altar. We hope you'll enjoy them
with us. And we ask you to bless our family with health and happiness and with
success in business.'
Mr. TANG: (Vietnamese spoken)
ZWERDLING: I'm Daniel Zwerdling for NPR News and American Radio Works.
(Soundbite of Vietnamese music)
INSKEEP: Deborah George is the producer of our Vietnam anniversary stories.
We'd like to know how the legacy of the Vietnam War has affected your life.
Share your thoughts with ALL THINGS CONSIDERED and American Radio Works at
www.npr.org. We'll be posting your memories and pictures later this month.
(Soundbite of Vietnamese music)
LANGUAGE: English
LOAD-DATE: May 24, 2000
SHOW: MORNING EDITION (10:00 AM ET)
April 24, 2000, Monday
LENGTH: 1205 words
HEADLINE: COMPARISON BETWEEN HANOI AND HO CHI MINH CITY
ANCHORS: MADELEINE BRAND
REPORTERS: ERIC WEINER
BODY:
MADELEINE BRAND, host:
This is NPR's MORNING EDITION. I'm Madeleine Brand.
On April 30th, 1975, North Vietnamese troops marched into Saigon, ending the
war and effectively reuniting North and South Vietnam. Now more than two
decades later, North and South Vietnam remained very different, epitomized by
two very different cities: Hanoi, the capital, and Saigon, now known as Ho Chi
Minh City. NPR's Eric Weiner visited both cities and filed this report.
ERIC WEINER reporting:
Divisions between North and South Vietnam are nothing new. In the 16th
century, the Nguyen and Trinh dynasties carved up the country into two halves.
Later, French Colonialists deepened those divisions, then the so-called American
war pitted North against South.
(Soundbite of street activity)
WEINER: Hanoi, in the North, is Vietnam's austere capital; a city of lakes
and tree-lined streets where no one seems in a hurry. Women in straw hats still
carry bushels of vegetables on wooden poles, balance precariously across their
shoulders. Yes, a decade of doi moi(ph), or economic reform, has brought an
increase in traffic. A few air conditioned office buildings have sprouted amid
the faded French Colonial mansions. But life in Hanoi hasn't changed much over
the centuries. The pace is still languid, or sleepy, depending on your
perspective, and that's the way the Vietnamese, not to mention the growing
number of foreigners who live here, like it.
Peter Rider(ph), president of the American Chamber of Commerce, has lived in
Hanoi for the past seven years.
Mr. PETER RIDER (American Chamber of Commerce): To me, Hanoi is an enchanting
place. I love kind of the size and scale of the city. I--you know, the French
architectural heritage is phenomenal. I mean, it's a beautiful, beautiful,
wonderful place to live. And it just drips and oozes with history.
WEINER: A brutal history in many ways. Hanoi has borne the brunt of several
foreign invasions and occupations: The Mongols, the Chinese, the French and the
Americans, who invaded from the air with B-52 bombers. Today, there's little
evidence left of the infamous Christmas bombings of 1972, which destroyed entire
neighborhoods. Only a bronze statue of a woman clutching a child in her arms.
Few people visit the memorial. The Vietnamese prefer to focus on their capital
city's triumphant moments.
(Soundbite of music)
WEINER: Musicians perform at Hanoi's Badine Square(ph) where, on September
2nd, 1945, Ho Chi Minh declared Vietnam's independence in front of a crowd of
half a million people. And it is here where Ho Chi Minh's embalmed body--he
died in 1969--is on display.
(Soundbite of Vietnamese people)
WEINER: Every day, busloads of Vietnamese from every corner of the country
come here to have their picture taken and pay their respects to Uncle Ho, as
he's affectionately known. Fon Viatwan(ph), a merchant from a remote northern
province of Vietnam, says the journey was worthwhile.
Mr. FON VIATWAN (Merchant): (Through Translator) The museum is beautiful, and
we have very strong feelings for Uncle Ho, and we respect him. His spirit will
last in Vietnam forever, for many, many generations, generation after
generations.
WEINER: Uncle Ho's spirit and his Communist ideology still drives political
life in Vietnam, despite the Coca-Cola signs on the shiny office buildings.
Hanoi is the centerpiece of that ideology, a city that businessmen seeking their
fortunes in the new Vietnam can't afford to ignore. Andre Sovrayjeau(ph) is a
Vietnam vet who moved to Hanoi to represent a large American corporation.
Mr. ANDRE SOVRAYJEAU: We have a saying in Vietnam that Hanoi (foreign
language spoken) means Hanoi is the heart of the entire country. This is the
political center, the cultural center. This is where decisions are made.
WEINER: Decisions may be made in Hanoi, but money is made elsewhere.
(Soundbite of train)
WEINER: Every day, the Reunification Express chugs out of Hanoi station.
Thirty-six long hours later, the express train arrives in Ho Chi Minh City.
That's the official name of Vietnam's commercial capital, but many natives
like Tron Vin(ph), a cyclo driver, insist on calling it by its traditional name.
Mr. TRON VIN: I born in Saigon, I say Saigon city. I say Saigon. I say only
Saigon. Saigon, Saigon.
(Soundbite of laughter; street activity)
WEINER: Whatever its name, Vietnam's largest city moves to a frenetic beat.
The air is filled with the sound of motor scooters buzzing down the broad
boulevards and workers hammering away at yet another high-rise building. This
is a city in a hurry. Fee Tron(ph), a software executive, has lived in both Ho
Chi Minh City and Hanoi. Two cities, he says, with two very different
temperaments.
Mr. FEE TRON (Software Executive): I think Hanoi's more cerebral in general;
whereas in Saigon, it's more commercial. Everybody's hustling to make money.
You know, every house in every district got something for sale, got something to
sell.
WEINER: Even the American war, as it's known here, is for sale.
(Soundbite of music)
WEINER: This is Apocalypse Now, the bar, not the movie. Huey helicopters are
painted on the ceiling, a surfboard is nailed to the wall and inscribed with the
words, 'Charlie don't surf,' a famous line from the movie. The bar is packed
with Western men and Vietnamese women. Twenty-five years since Saigon fell to
the Communists, it's once again a magnet for business, a place where, in theory,
fortunes can be made. Every day, thousands of hopefuls arrive from the
countryside. They come with little, but business in Saigon doesn't require
much. A chair and a mirror on the side of the road is transformed into a
barbershop. A beat-up 1982 Honda motorcycle--well, that's a deluxe taxi. Many
of the migrants end up working in construction or peddling postcards to foreign
tourists.
Ms. LON HOME(ph): People always say about American Dream, but in Vietnam,
it's Saigonese dream.
WEINER: Lon Home, owner of an art gallery in Ho Chi Minh City, has lived here
all of her life.
Ms. HOME: It's like a chance for many families to make their living. Since in
their hometown is not so much developed and they could not survive over there.
They move down to the South, where they think is the promising land.
WEINER: There is more wealth concentrated here than anywhere else in
Vietnam. Per capita income is more than $ 1,000 a year, three times the
national average. Ho Chi Minh City is fast becoming another Bangkok or Manila,
an Asian megalopolis brimming with opportunity, but also plenty of
disappointment and despair. Many of the migrants from the countryside end up on
the streets working as beggars or prostitutes, just as people did during the
height of the American presence in Saigon.
Officially, any citizen of Vietnam can live and work anywhere in the
country, no matter their war record. But 25 years since Vietnam was
reunified, a psychological border between North and South remains. Nam(ph)--he
only gave his first name--ekes out a living as a cyclo driver peddling tourists
around Saigon. During the war, he fought alongside the Americans and, even
today, he says he's afraid of traveling to northern Vietnam.
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BIOS
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EVENTS IN
VIETNAM
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HANOI
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ARRIVAL CEREMONY
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SCENESETTER:
ARRIVAL CEREMONY
On Friday, November 17, President Luong will greet you at the
Main Entrance of the Presidential Palace. Both of you will walk
to the dais and then continue on to review, in turn, the band,
the honor guard, and members of the Vietnamese delegation.
Moving back toward the front steps of the palace, you will
proceed into the building and turn right into the meeting room.
You will take the end seat on the left, with Luong sitting on the
right. The interpreter will sit behind you over your right
shoulder. To your immediate right sits the Ambassador and other
delegation members extending along the wall. GVN counterparts
will sit along the opposite wall. The media will then advance
from their position at the end of the room to take photos for
five minutes. Behind you will be a very large bust of Ho Chi
Minh. Like the arrival ceremony at Tiananmen Square in China,
while we would prefer to avoid it, this is where the Vietnamese
President receives foreign visitors. Our press will relish the
picture. It also is unavoidable. The meeting with Luong will
begin immediately after the photo session and is scheduled to
last about thirty minutes.
The Presidential Palace is an elegant structure built by the
French in 1901-1906 to serve as the Residence and Office of the
Governor of Indochina.
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Yen Tang Village
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SCENESETTER:
Yen Tang Village Micro-credit Program
Yen Tang Village Program
On November 17, you will depart Hanoi at 10:30 A.m.
and travel approximately one hour (40 km) from Hanoi to Yen
Tang village, the site of a successful Women's Union micro-
credit program, entitled "Tao Yeu Mai," a colloquial way of
saying "I love you. You will be met by village leaders
and representatives of one of the village's four program
groups. You will proceed first to the house of a
participant to observe and discuss with her the benefits of
the micro-credit program. Following this conversation, you
will attend a special meeting with one of the 40-women
"centers" in Yen Tang's "Dinh" or village communal hall.
Participants, clad in their pink "Tao Yeu Mai" blouses,
will conduct an abbreviated version of a weekly meeting.
You will then visit the village pagoda, where, after a
greeting by the head monk, you should light incense and
offer a brief prayer.
Background
The Tao Yeu Mai (TYM) micro-credit and savings
program, operated by the Women's Union, is designed to help
very poor women in rural Vietnam. It provides loans and
requires regular savings, allowing participants to start
businesses to improve the livelihood and welfare of their
families and to increase their self-confidence and self-
esteem. Groups meet weekly to make loan payments, to
contribute to savings plans, to distribute new loans, and
to give mutual support.
Initiated in 1992, the program now operates in five
northern provinces. It has disbursed over US $2 million to
10,866 beneficiaries. TYM currently receives funding from
the Oxfam USA and Catholic Relief Services. Oxfam USA has
also supported replications of the TYM program by
authorities in three additional provinces.
TYM began operations in Yen Tang village in 1995. There
are 160 participants in this village of 3300 people. They
are organized into 4 "centers" of 40 people. While
relatively close to Hanoi, the village lies in Soc Son
district, one of the region's poorest.
TALKING POINTS
TO BE PROVIDED
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President's Speech
at Hanoi University
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SCENESETTER:
REMARKS AT HANOI NATIONAL UNIVERSITY
On Friday afternoon, November 17, you will give a speech at
Hanoi National University in Hanoi. The University was founded
in 1993 and unified some major leading universities in Hanoi
dating back to the 1950s. It is a multidisciplinary institution
and research center. The University consists of three
affiliated colleges, five affiliated faculties and schools,
11 affiliated institutes and centers, 42 departments, and
27 research centers. The student population encompasses over
22,700 full-time and 34,000 part-time students and over
1,300 full-time and 200 part-time graduate students.
Your audience will be composed of over 400 students and
educators. You will deliver the speech in the school's
auditorium, and it will be broadcast to approximately
1,500 students in the courtyard outside the auditorium.
Additionally, the speech is scheduled to be broadcast live
around the country.
Following the speech, you will proceed to an area that is
adjacent to the auditorium building and is in front of the
University's Hanoi School of Business. At this location, you
will proceed to a stage or podium and deliver brief remarks to a
crowd of approximately 1,500 Vietnamese students.
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Craft Link
Retail Stop
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CRAFTLINK RETAIL STOP
so YOU WANT TO KNOW ABOUT CRAFT LINK
What is Craft Link?
Craft Link is a Vietnamese not-for-profit organization that seeks to assist small Vietnamese craft
producers to develop their businesses and find market opportunities in a changing economy.
Craft Link operates a shop that is open daily at 43 Van Mieu, hosts 2-3 handicraft bazaars a year,
and does wholesale and export sales.
Why was Craft Link formed?
Craft Link was started by international non-government organizations (NGOs) interested in the
production and sale of handicrafts as a means of generating income for poor and marginalized
people. While some people were benefiting from the new economy in Vietnam, many others
were left behind. One approach to this problem involves handicraft projects that develop new
skills, design new products, help organize products, and help organize people into production
groups. Research shows that there are also many traditional handicraft producers who are having
difficulty finding new markets within Vietnam's changing economic system. Craft Link was
formed to help these handicraft producers find markets for their products.
In addition to Craft Link's help in accessing new markets, through our shop and bazaars,
handicraft producers have requested assistance with new product design and business training in
areas such as marketing, quality control, basic accounting, and price-setting. Our aim is to
provide producers with the skills needed to create practical, high quality products, and to adapt
designs to market changes.
Who runs Craft Link?
Craft Link activities are guided by a board comprised of independent Vietnamese individuals and
representative of NGOs. Some of the international NGOs currently involved on the board are the
Mennonite Central Committee (MCC), Oxfam Hong Kong, Oxfam Quebec, the Ford
Foundation, Nordic Assistance to Vietnam, and the Netherlands Development Organization
(SNV). Board members do not receive any financial benefit from their involvement with Craft
Link.
How are producer groups chosen?
All groups with which Craft Link works meet basic criteria such as fair wages, environmental
and employee safety. Craft Link does not work with state-owned factories or joint-venture
organizations because these groups already have access to market opportunities. Craft Link
works as closely as possible with the people who actually produce the handicrafts. Craft Link
gives preference to producers who are marginalized or disadvantaged, such as ethnic minority
people in remote areas, street children, and people with disabilities. Producer groups,
organizations, or small businesses that are investing in the handicraft producers' social welfare,
who are not simply treating them as a means of production, are given preference.
What are some examples of Craft Link producers?
Three of the original groups emerged as a result of projects that trained the Black Thai, Nung,
and Ta Oi ethnic minority groups in remote areas to use their traditional weaving and embroidery
skills to produce items for sale. Another group, Mai Handicraft, was initiated by a group of
Vietnamese social workers to create employment opportunities for street children and
disadvantaged women. This group alone sold over U.S. $25,000 through Craft Link initiated
market opportunities. Other groups include a group of Hanoi street children who are learning
stone carving skills, a group that teaches quilting skills to handicapped and disadvantaged girls,
and a wood carver with physical disabilities in Hue. Craft Link has traveled to the central
highlands and other remote areas to purchase traditional products from villagers who have few
income-earning opportunities.
CRAFT LINK has also developed its own products. For example, Craft Link purchases
handmade paper from a traditional papermaking village north of Hanoi. These producers were
not in a position to make other products with the paper, so Craft Link developed its own
stationary sets, gift boxes, and notebooks.
Does "not-for-profit" mean that Craft Link doesn't make money?
No, Craft Link makes money and we operate in a business-like fashion. Three things make us
different. First, we are committed to working with producers who need our services. Second,
profits are used for the organization's development activities, and not for the benefit of the owner
or board. Finally, because the profits do not go into the pockets of individuals, many people
share our vision and willingly invest time and energy to make this vision a reality.
What happens to Craft Link's profits?
Craft Link is committed to helping producers. Craft Link pays its producer groups fair wages
and uses profits to assist in new product design and business training. Craft Link is committed to
treating all of its handicraft producers fairly and providing markets for their products through its
shops and bazaars.
Craft Link also needs to be financially self-sustainable and not dependent on outside money. If
Craft Link cannot sustain itself, then its efforts to help producers cannot continue.
Why does Craft'Link use volunteers?
Craft Link invites expatriate and Vietnamese individuals to help with our bazaars and other
activities. Craft Link works with volunteers for two reasons. The first is that volunteers help
keep costs low, allowing us to provide more services to the producers. The second is that,
through volunteers, Craft Link helps ensure that our work remains a community endeavor - one
in which we can work together to address the issues of poverty and unemployment in our world.
How can you become a "link" in the Craft Link chain?
The first way is to purchase handicraft products through Craft Link's shop and bazaars. The
second way is to tell others about our products and vision. Finally, you can volunteer to assist at
Craft Link's bazaars and shop, and with other activities. We can be contacted at 43 Van Mieu,
Hanoi, or via phone at: 8.437 710 or 7.336 101.
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Embassy
Meet and Greet
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SCENESETTER:
MEETING WITH U.S. EMBASSY STAFF
This event will take place in the first floor ballroom of your
hotel. Upon entering the ballroom, you will make brief (five-
minute) remarks from a small podium at the front of the room.
The audience will consist of embassy American staff and
families, temporary duty U.S. Government employees, and
Vietnamese employees of the embassy, some 250-300 persons in
all. After the remarks, you will participate in three group
photograph sessions with the American staff and families,
temporary duty employees, and the Vietnamese employees of the
embassy, respectively. The photo sessions should last no longer
than 15 minutes.
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State Dinner
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SCENESETTER:
STATE DINNER
After being greeted at the entrance to the Presidential Palace
by President Luong, you will be invited to join the Vietnamese
delegation for dinner in the main dining room. This room is at
the top of the stairs on the left side of the main entrance of
the building. The table will be set for 100 guests with the
Americans and Vietnamese on opposite sides of the table. At the
beginning of the meal, the Vietnamese President will propose a
brief welcoming toast to which you will be expected to respond.
(The text of the toasts will be given to the press as part of
the official releases related to the visit.) The Vietnamese do
not propose to have any entertainment in the banquet hall during
the meal but a small music group may provide background music.
At the conclusion of the dinner, President Luong will stand and
invite you to attend the cultural performance.
Background
The Presidential Palace is a large French-built structure which
formerly housed the Governor General of Indochina. It is set
back along a circular driveway behind ornamental wrought iron
gates. The banquet room itself has about one-third of the
overall space partially separated from the main room by large
columns.