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FOIA Number: 2016-0531-F FOIA MARKER This is not a textual record. This is used as an administrative marker by the William J. Clinton Presidential Library Staff. Collection/Record Group: Clinton Presidential Records Subgroup/Office of Origin: National Economic Council Series/Staff Member: Gene Sperling Subseries: OA/ID Number: 9240 FolderID: Folder Title: Minimum Wage [binder] [3] Stack: Row: Section: Shelf: Position: S 16 2 11 1 FEB-21-95 TUE 18:49 W&M PUBLIC POLICY PROGRM FAX NO. 8042212390 P.02/05 Statement of William M. Rodgers III Assistant Professor of Economics Department of Economics The College of William and Mary Before the Joint Economic Committee February 22, 1995 Mr. Chairman and Distinguished Members of the Joint Economic Committee: Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you and discuss the issue of raising the federal minimum wage. The minimum wage is a topic of active academic debate. The major argument against an increase is the belief that the a minimum wage increase generates huge job losses. The basis for this view comes from outdated research. Academic researchers have never predicted huge job losses for the adult population. The only job losses that are predicted are for teenagers. Yet, even for teenagers, reviewers of this literature conclude that a 10 percent increase in the minimum wage leads to a zero to 3 percentage point increase in the teenage unemployment rate, and Brown, Gilroy, and Kohen's review of the literature favors the bottom end of this range. These estimates yield an increase in the income of low-wage workers. For example, suppose that each 10 percent increase in the minimum wage produced job losses of 1 percent for minimum wage workers. Using this estimate, a simple back of the envelope calculation shows that with a 90 cent increase in the minimum wage 98 percent of the 11 million workers between 4.25 and 5.15 get a raise, and only 2 percent had to look for new jobs. Given the high turnover rates in these jobs, spells of unemployment should be quite short. Furthermore, the net gain for the economy will be even greater if effort is tied to wages, because FEB-21-95 TUE 18:50 W&M PUBLIC POLICY PROGRM FAX NO. 8042212390 P.03/05 productivity will improve. The majority of recent research on the effects of minimum wage increases shows that the estimated job losses are small or negligible. These studies appear in prestigious journals where results are scrutinized by economists prior to publication: three such publications are The American Economic Review, Journal of Human Resources, and Industrial Labor and Relations Review. As a result, many distinguished economists are changing their views. In a recent New York Times article, Nobel Laureate Robert Solow stated that, "The main thing about this research is that the evidence of job loss is weak." Elsewhere, distinguished labor economist, Richard Freeman stated, "Most studies, however, reject the notion that the late 1980's/early 1990's increases had adverse employment effects, and the studies that find adverse effects prior to those increases obtain small [employment effects]..." " Let me now talk briefly about who would benefit from the minimum wage increases. The debate has focused on teenagers. Again, this is based on outdated literature. If one looks at the current data for workers who say that they are paid an hourly wage, you find that (1) most minimum wage workers are adults over 20 years of age; among full-time workers who earn the minimum, over 80 percent are adults; and (2) more than one in five minimum wage workers lives in a family below the official poverty line. Some have also argued that an increase in the minimum wage would have a differential impact on the employment of black teenagers. However, my recent analysis of the 1980 and 1981 minimum wage increases (which will be submitted 8042212392 02-21-95 07:50PM H10 R=97% FEB-21-95 TUE 18:50 W&M PUBLIC POLICY PROGRM FAX NO. 8042212390 P.O for the record) that uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth strongly suggests that teenage employment was not adversely effected by the increases, and black unemployment was not adversely effected. The employment rate of teenagers who were affected by the minimum wage is the same as the employment rate of teenagere who were employed in industries that were exempt from the minimum wage increase, and the unemployment of black teenagers did not increase. After the 1980 Increase, it actually went down. Finally, let me talk about wage differences across racial groups. During the 1980's, the relative earnings of new entrant black workers fell. The relative earnings of blacks in the most recent cohort that entered the labor market also fell. Some of my earlier work finds that the decline in the real value of the minimum wage plays a key role in explaining this erosion in earnings among less-skilled high school dropouts and high school graduates. These results are consistent with the findings of Professors John Bound and Richard Freeman. The puzzle is that the 1980's was a period in which racial differences in educational attainment and other ability measures continued to narrow. In summary, I think that current research on the minimum wage provides an excellent foundation on which to base a modest increase in the minimum wage. Finally, I find it ironic that one of the opposition's major arguments against increasing the minimum wage is that it would have a differential impact on the employment of teenage black males. To the people who have this concern, I applaud you for your caring in this complex issue; however, you are focusing on the wrong set of statistics. 8042212390 02-21-95 #:- R=97% 07-000.. FEB-21-95 TUE 18:51 W&M PUBLIC POLICY PROGRM FAX NO. 8042212390 P.05/05 During my adult life, the labor force participation for African American teenagers has remained under 40 percent. Allowing the real value of the minimum wage to fall, while transportation and clothing prices increase, will not help encourage labor force participation by these teenagers. Further, the decline will lead to greater wage erosion among black high school graduates and dropouts. So, while there are many policies that need to be pursued to lower black unemployment rates and raise their relative wages, making African American teenagers even cheaper to employ is not likely to help. cant differences in state cost of living and wage levels, 5 governors and state leg- islators committed to the notion of a minimum wage are in a better position than Congress to determine what is appropriate for their areas. State legislators better understand the living and working conditions of workers in their state and how business conditions and jobs would be affected by a certain minimum wage level. Enact significant regulatory reform to reduce the cost of labor. The explo- sion of new regulations since 1988 has raised the cost of labor and capital, cre- ated barriers to the formation of new companies and jobs, and placed a greater burden on Americans trying to compete in the global economy. There are at least three million fewer jobs in the American economy today because of the growth of regulation over the last 20 years. 6 The regulatory bureaucracy needs to be rolled back and job-killing labor regulations eliminated. Promote school choice legislation and other real education reforms to im- prove skills. Despite record spending of taxpayers' dollars, America's public schools continue to turn out far too many high school graduates who lack not only basic skills, but also the communication skills and work attitudes that em- ployers are demanding. One of the best ways to ensure a more productive and better-paid workforce in the long run would be to enact school choice legislation to provide the incentive for schools to improve. Cut the capital gains tax. Cutting the capital gains tax would reduce investment disincentives, increase wages by raising productivity, and increase small business formation and associated job opportunities. Limit benefits to decrease the incentive to remain on welfare. The com- bined state and federal efforts to reduce welfare dependency are an important component of the minimum wage debate. Welfare was never supposed to be more attractive 7 than an entry-level job; nor was it to be a permanent alternative to employment. PROPOSALS FROM THE ADMINISTRATION AND CONGRESS A number of bills to raise the minimum wage have been introduced in both houses of Congress this year. They range from the "modest" 90 cents per hour increase over two years proposed by the President to a one-time increase of $2.25 (to $6.50) proposed by Representative Martin Sabo (D-MN). The Joint Economic Committee held a hearing on the President's proposal in February. Further hearings on raising the minimum wage are likely, as are hearings on alternatives for promoting job creation and increasing wages. 5 Randall W. Eberts and Mark E. Schweitzer. "Regional Wage Convergence and Divergence: Adjusting Wages for Cost-of-Living Differences," Economic Review (FRB-Cleveland). Vol. 30. No. 2 (July 1994), pp. 26-37. 6 William G. Laffer III. "How Regulation is Destroying American Jobs," Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 926, February 1993. 7 Robert Rector. "Combatting Family Disintegration. Crime, and Dependence: Welfare Reform and Beyond." Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 983. updated March 17, 1995. 3 The President's Bill. The Administration's proposal was introduced in both the House and Senate on February 14, 1995. The White House legislation. the Working Wage Increase Act of 1995, was introduced in the Senate (S. 413) by Senator Thomas Daschle (D-SD) and in the House (H.R. 940) by Representative Richard Gephardt (D-MO). This legislation would raise the minimum wage to $4.70 on July 3, 1995, and to $5.15 on July 3, 1996. The Kennedy Bill. Another bill to raise the federal minimum wage and amend the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 (FLSA) has been introduced in the Senate by Senator Edward Kennedy (D-MA). The American Family Fair Minimum Wage Act of 1995 (S. 203) would increase the minimum wage from $4.25 to $5.75 in 50 cent increments over three years, beginning September 1, 1995. S. 203 also would establish another Commission on the Minimum Wage. 8 The Commission would conduct a study and make recommendations to Congress on how to restore the minimum wage to the level relative to the average hourly wage that existed during the period 1950 to 1980. The legislation also requires the Commission to suggest the means by which to maintain such a level with minimum disruption to the general economy through regular and peri- odic adjustments (indexing). In the House, a number of bills have been introduced. The Sanders Bill. The Livable Wage Act of 1995 (H.R. 363). introduced by Repre- sentative Bernard Sanders (I-VT), would increase the minimum wage to $5.50 in one step on December 30, 1995, and index it to the Consumer Price Index. The Sabo Bills. The Minimum Wage Amendments of 1995 (H.R. 619), introduced by Representative Sabo, would increase the minimum wage to $6.50 in one step, effective 90 days after enactment. The Income Equity Act of 1995 (H.R. 620). also introduced by Representative Sabo, provides for the same increase but also would amend Section 162 of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to limit the deduction for payments of "excessive" compensation. Excessive compensation is defined in H.R. 620 as 25 times what the lowest paid employee earns. 9 The Wynn Bill. The Fair Labor Standards Amendments of 1995 (H.R. 764), introduced by Representative Albert Wynn (D-MD), would increase the minimum wage to $5.25 in 25 cent increments over four years, beginning six months after enactment. The Gutierrez Bill. The No Maximum Wage for Congress Without a New Minimum Wage for America Act of 1995 (H.R. 876), introduced by Representative Luis Gutier- rez (D-IL), would reduce the pay rate for Members of Congress by 2.6 percent per year until the minimum wage is raised to $5.15. 8 The 1977 amendments to the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 established the first Minimum Wage Commission. The Commission completed its three-year study of the minimum wage in 1981. concluding that increases in the minimum wage have a negative effect on employment. 9 The calculation also would include part-year employees (computed on an annualized basis). 4 WHY PROPONENTS WANT TO INCREASE THE MINIMUM WAGE. Congress enacted the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 (FLSA), which established the minimum wage, in part to prevent a repetition of the deflationary wage spiral that occurred in the 1930s as workers bid down wages in an effort to find gainful employ- 10 ment. The trauma of the Great Depression strengthened the view that government had a responsibility to develop policies and programs to stabilize the economy by maintain- ing income flows. The minimum wage was to serve as one part of the New Deal safety net. However, since 1940, unemployment insurance, monetary policy, and state minimum wage laws have undercut the justification for a federal minimum wage. Today's proponents of a higher minimum wage generally center their arguments on the need to set "a decent living wage" and address income inequality. 11 For example, the Administration argues for an increase in the minimum wage to: Maintain the historic value of work; Help adult workers, most of whom rely on their jobs to support their fami- lies; Ensure that there is a strong incentive to choose work over welfare; and Help fight poverty by combining a higher minimum wage with the Earned Income Tax Credit. The Administration maintains that increasing the minimum wage by a moderate amount will not cost jobs. It also points out that the last minimum wage increase passed 12 with strong bipartisan support. Other proponents point out that some 80 percent of Americans agree that a higher mini- mum wage increase is warranted. 13 They also observe that the real value of the minimum wage is 27 percent lower than it was in 1979. while corporate profits have risen by 155 percent and executive pay by 514 percent. 14 Some proponents further claim that the free market does not work for women and ethnic minorities as 15 it does for men and that government has a role in establishing a floor for wages. 10 One of Congress's stated intentions in enacting the FLSA and minimum wage was to eliminate the spreading and perpetuation of detrimental labor conditions among the workers of several states. 11 Another reason why Congress enacted the FLSA and minimum wage was to correct, and as rapidly as practical to eliminate, labor conditions detrimental to the maintenance of the minimum standard of living necessary for health. efficiency, and the general well-being of workers. 12 See U.S. Department of Labor. Minimum Wage Press Release Package. February 1995. 13 From statement of Representative Major Owens (D-NY) before the Joint Economic Committee. February 22. 1995. 14 From statement of Senator Edward Kennedy (D-MA) before the Joint Economic Committee. February 22, 1995. 15 From statement of Audrey Haynes, Executive Director, Business and Professional Women/USA, before the Joint Economic Committee, February 22. 1995. 5 RECENT STUDIES ON THE MINIMUM WAGE Raising the minimum wage, like mandating universal health insurance coverage. does not come without cost. The question is: Where are the costs incurred. and do they out- weigh the benefits? Recent academic economic research on the employment effects of raising the mini- mum wage has produced seemingly confusing results. Proponents of a higher minimum wage point to a few recent studies that suggest moderate increases may not have an 16 overall negative employment effect and might very well increase total employment. Meanwhile, opponents cite the preponderance of previous academic studies that con- clude there is a negative employment effect and observe that other recent studies continue to find that raising the minimum wage results in lost jobs. 17 The best conclu- sion that a layman or policymaker can draw is that although further research is needed, the evidence continues to support the conventional view that increasing the minimum wage means employment losses for low-skilled workers. More recently. one of the key studies used by the Clinton Administration to bolster its claim that a higher 18 minimum wage does not cause job losses has been found to contain serious flaws. Even though a few recent studies disagree on the employment effects of increasing the minimum wage, most economists do agree on several key points. Raising the minimum wage will reduce entry-level job opportunities, particu- larly for low-skilled Americans. Some of the entry-level jobs that would be created in a growing economy will not be created. There may be a labor supply effect that results in a measured increase in total employment, but labor demand certainly will be altered. Americans may ap- ply for minimum wage jobs in greater numbers, but employers will hire only the most skilled among them. Raising the minimum 19 wage may reduce poverty slightly for workers who keep their jobs, but it will do nothing for the vast majority of poor who do not work. 16 David Card and Alan Krueger, Myth and Measurement: The New Economics of the Minimum Wage, Princeton University Press, forthcoming: Allison Wellington. "Effects of the Minimum Wage on the Employment Status of Youths: An Update," Journal of Human Resources, Winter 1991: Richard Freeman, "Minimum Wages-Again!," paper presented at the Conference on Economic Analysis of Base Salaries and Effects of Minimum Wages, September 1993; and others. 17 Card and Krueger, Myth and Measurement: The New Economics of the Minimum Wage, Chapter 6, Evaluation of Time-Series Evidence; David Neumark and William Wascher, "Employment Effects of Minimum and Subminimum Wages: Panel Data on State Minimum Wage Laws." Industrial and Labor Relations Review, Vol. XLVI. No. 1 (October 1992): Finis Welch. Donald Decre. and Kevin Murphy. "Employment and the 1990/91 Minimum Wage Hike." Annual Proceeding of the American Economic Review, forthcoming: Janet Currie and Bruce Fallick, "A Note on the New Minimum Wage Research." NBER Working Paper No. 4348. April 1993; and others. 18 The telephone survey data used in the study cited most often by the Administration have been shown to contain catastrophic flaws. Redoing the analysis using accurate payroll records completely reverses the results of the Administration-cited study and finds a negative effect on employment when the minimum wage is raised. See David Neumark and William Wascher, "The Effects of New Jersey's Minimum Wage Increase on Fast Food Employment." unpublished study presented to the Joint Economic Committee, March 1995. 6 The Overlap Between Poverty And Minimum Wage Workers Minimum Wage Workers: 2.7 Million Total Population of Poor - 50% 21 yrs. or less 16 Years and Older: 23.5 Million - 73% Single - 45% Children 526,000 Minimum Wage Workers Living in Poverty - 43% Family Householders Source: Heritage Foundation calculations from the Census Bureau's March 1993 Annual Demographic File Almost 40 percent of the sole breadwinners earning the minimum wage are volun- tary part-time workers, while only 18.8 percent of all minimum wage workers are 33 family heads or spouses working full-time. ALTERNATIVES TO RAISING THE MINIMUM WAGE Contrary to assertions by practitioners of class warfare, employers do not-indeed can- not-unfairly keep down the wages of their lower-skilled and entry-level employees. Employers, as well as employees, operate within a competitive labor market in which wage rates broadly reflect the productivity of workers-less the costs of government-im- posed mandates and taxes associated with employing a worker. Raising prices and de- stroying entry-level job opportunities is not the sensible way to increase real wages. In- stead of raising the minimum wage, Congress and the Administration should focus on policies that will increase wages and job opportunities for Americans by improving labor productivity and reducing the cost of employing workers. Specifically: 32 Heritage Foundation tabulations from the March 1994 Current Population Survey. 33 Heritage Foundation tabulations. 11 States Vulnerable to Employment Losses by Increasing the Minimum Wage Most Vulnerable Vulnerable Name 6 method a the não of the name's NETR novely up and MIS - new Least Vulnerable source Brea of Labor sureen To the extent that government continues to set minimum wages, responsi- bility for setting minimum wage levels and enforcing the other provisions of the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) should be turned over to the states. Minimum wage laws presume that politicians are morally justified in destroying some people's jobs in order to inflate other people's wages. The current minimum wage effectively prohibits people from working unless their labor is worth at least $4.25 an hour. On this basis alone, the minimum wage should be abolished. How- ever, if there is a minimum wage, it should at least reflect the real labor cost and market differences in different regions of the country. There are significant differences in the cost of living and general wage levels be- tween states and even within states. To date, nine states and the District of Columbia have recognized this fact and have enacted minimum wages that are higher than the federal minimum, while ten states have a lower minimum wage for small employers and employees not covered by the FLSA. Significantly, the federal government officially recognizes regional differences in costs and general wage rates when pay- ing its own employees. 34 Recent studies have found significant variations in regional wage distributions and cost of living levels and trends. 35 Raising the federal minimum wage thus would have different negative impacts on individual state employment opportunities and price levels. In areas where the labor market is tight and implicit regional "wage floors" effectively have raised the minimum wage already, there would be little or 34 Federal locality pay differentials have been in place since 1993. 35 Eberts and Schweitzer. "Regional Wage Convergence and Divergence: Adjusting Wages for Cost-of-Living Differences." 36 Wage levels below which employers find it very difficult to attract qualified entry-level workers. 12 JUN-07-1995 09:27 no effect. However, in other areas of the country, there would be significant negative effects. Almost 44 percent of minimum wage workers live in the South. while only 10.4 percent live in the Northeast. Over 40 percent of the workers who would be affected directly by the Administration's proposal live in the South. Abolishing the federal minimum wage would allow governors and state legislators to determine the minimums for their own states if they believe such action to be help- ful. 37 This would allow proponents to set minimum wages according to local labor market conditions and living costs while taking into account how business and em- ployment conditions would be affected. Having a national minimum wage makes as much sense as requiring the federal government to pay the same wage for entry-level jobs New York City and Fargo, North Dakota. Enact significant regulatory reform. The explosion of new regulations since 1988 has raised the cost of labor and capi- tal, created barriers to the formation of new companies and jobs, and raised the cost of employing Americans. This higher cost of employment in turn means that, in a competitive economy, the return to labor in the form of wages is reduced. Some government regulation is desirable and necessary, but the plethora of new regulations has placed a significant burden on businesses' ability to create jobs for unskilled workers. This burden needs to be rolled back,. not only to allow wages to rise, but also to decrease the cost of hiring workers. Although fixing the precise cost of federal regulations is difficult, estimates indicate the cost of complying was at least $500 billion in 1993.³⁸ There are at least three million fewer jobs in the American economy today because of the growth of regulation over the last 20 years. 39 A 1990 study estimated that environmental regulations alone had caused a na- tional employment level that was 1.2 percent less in 1990 than it otherwise would 40 have been. Promote education reforms that will raise the skills and productivity of entry-level workers. Employers cannot pay wages that exceed the revenue generated by a worker-at least not if they intend to stay in business. Thus, one way to raise wages without job losses and other costs is to raise the skills and productivity of workers, especially entry-level workers, through radical reform of the nation's schools. 37 Sixteen states and the District of Columbia have minimum wages that are linked to the level in the federal Fair Labor Standards Act. If the federal minimum wage was abolished, they would have to set their own minimum wage levels. 38 See Issues '94, The Candidate's Briefing Book (Washington. D.C.: The Heritage Foundation, 1994). Chapter 4, Regulation. 39 Laffer, "How Regulation Is Destroying American Jobs." 40 Michael Hazilla and Raymond J. Kopp, "Social Cost of Environmental Quality Regulations: A General Equilibrium Analysis." Journal of Political Economy. Vol. 98, No. 4 (1990). P. 867. 13 Despite record spending of taxpayers' dollars, America's public schools continue to turn out far too many high school graduates who lack not only basic skills. but also the communication skills and work attitudes that employers need. This depresses the wages these workers can earn. It is not unreasonable for employers to expect that after 12 years of schooling individuals should have a reasonable competence in basic core skills (verbal communication, reading, writing, arithmetic, and basic sciences). Public schools routinely fail to prepare people for work, and then government mini- mum wage laws prohibit them from working. A strong core curriculum should be taught in all high schools, and real testing should be instituted to indicate to parents whether or not their children's schools are achieving acceptable standards. School choice legislation is needed to give schools the financial incentive to respond to demands by parents that they meet these stand- ards. Reduce the Capital Gains Tax. The United States taxes corporate income twice: first at the corporate level, then at the personal level. Recognizing this, many other industrial nations have eliminated or reduced the taxation of these gains. The capital gains tax affects wages because it reduces capital spending, technological innovation, and new ventures. This hurts labor productivity and wages in the long run. Although reducing capital gains taxes is portrayed by the practitioners of class war- fare as benefiting only the rich, the benefits flow to all workers. Well over half of all taxpayers with capital gains in 1992 had adjusted gross incomes of less than $50,000. Over 73 percent had incomes of less than $75,000.⁴¹ Often overlooked benefits include: On average, wage earners receive $12 after taxes for every $1 of after-tax in- come received by investors. More than 90 percent of the benefits of new investment would flow to wage earners, not to owners of capital. Past reductions in the capital gains tax rate (1978 and 1981) stimulated the start-up of new businesses and the expansion of job opportunities. A lower capital gains tax would raise the expected rate of return on investment in the U.S. and provide an incentive for both American and foreign firms to put their capital to work here with American workers. Enact Significant Welfare Reform. An important component of the minimum wage debate is the issue of reducing welfare dependency. Proponents of a higher minimum wage often argue that a higher minimum wage is needed to make work more attractive by improving the monetary incentive to choose work over welfare. They go on to argue that, to permit people to 41 John C. Goodman, National Center for Policy Analysis, "Capital Gains Tax Reform and Investment in Small Business." testimony before the Committee on Small Business, U.S. House of Representatives. January 26,1995. 14 choose work over welfare, employers should be required to pay a "living wage" for even their lowest-skilled entry-level job opportunities. The problem with this line of reasoning is that it ignores basic economics-wages for entry-level jobs reflect the skills and productivity of entry-level workers. Al- though raising the minimum wage may narrow the incentive gap for the welfare beneficiary in choosing work over welfare, it also reduces the willingness of employ- ers to offer low-skill positions. Rather than the phony "solution" of raising the minimum wage, a better approach would be to decrease the incentive to remain on welfare by limiting the level and duration of benefits. Welfare benefits are much higher than Americans generally as- sume. In 1992, welfare benefits and services amounted to $11,470 The Minimum Wage When Combined With for every "poor" house- The EITC Nearly Lifts a Family of 3 Out of Poverty hold. 42 While not every 130.0% poor household re- ceived that level of non- 120.0% Minimum Wage EITC cash aid, welfare bribes Food Stamps 110.0% many individuals to stay out of the labor Poverty Level force. 90.0% Minemum Wage EITC Compared with these generous benefits, the 80.0% Minimum Wage income from full-time 70.0% work at the minimum wage looks unattractive. 75 80 05 90 Nevertheless, the cur- Source Hereing Foundston extrates rent minimum wage when combined with the 1992 expansion of the EITC nearly lifts a family of three out of poverty. If the value of food stamps is included, the income of a family of three rises above the poverty level. Moreover, it is incorrect to portray entry-level minimum wage jobs as lifetime "dead-end jobs." They should be recognized as op- portunities for most people to establish a track record of work and a springboard to better paying jobs. More than 60 percent of all workers can point to a minimum wage job as their first job experience. 43 Some 40 percent of workers starting a minimum wage job will receive their first raise within 4 months, and 63 44 percent will be earning 20 percent more than the minimum wage within 12 months. 42 Robert Rector. "How The Poor Really Live: Lessons For Welfare Reform." Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 875, January 31. 1992. 43 Card and Krueger, Myth and Measurement: The New Economics of the Minimum Wage. 44 Ralph E. Smith and Bruce Vavrichek, "The Wage Mobility of Minimum Wage Workers." Industrial Relations and Labor Review, Vol. XLVI, No. 1 (October 1992), pp. 82-88. 15 The wise reform is to encourage welfare recipients to accept these minimum wage jobs by limiting the availability of more generous welfare payments. Raising the minimum wage, on the other hand, would be counterproductive (although, as noted earlier, reducing other costs of living could allow entry-level wages to rise without detrimental effects). A recent study has found that when other characteristics of wel- fare mothers are held constant, the level of the minimum wage and increases in the minimum wage may reduce the rate of exit from the AFDC program. 45 CONCLUSION Raising the minimum wage appeals to the American sense of decency and compas- sion. But it would be a mistake. Raising the minimum wage would impose significant costs, primarily on those unskilled Americans a minimum wage hike is suppose to help. It also would raise prices for both the poor and non-poor. It would destroy entry-level job opportunities that otherwise would have been created: and although it could raise some workers' family incomes above poverty, it would do so at the cost of denying jobs to many more. To raise the standard of living of minimum wage workers without imposing these costs, Congress should focus on policies that raise worker productivity while reducing government-imposed labor costs on employers. Mark Wilson Rebecca Lukens Fellow in Labor Policy 45 Peter D. Brandon, Jobs Taken by Mothers Moving from Welfare to Work and the Effects of Minimum Wages on This Transition. Employment Policies Institute, January 1995. The study also suggests that the birth of additional children during AFDC participation also influences AFDC exit rates. 16 TOTAL P. 17 JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE House Republican Members CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES Jim Sexton, NJ Vice-Chairman Thomas Ewing. IL Jack Quinn, NY ECONOMIC UPDATE J.Saxton INSIDE MAIL Donald Manzullo, IL Marshall Senford, SC Williams Thornberry. TX 1537 Longworth House Office Building, Washington, DC 20815 Phone: 202-226-3234 Monday, March 20, 1995 NOUVEAU REICH ECONOMIC THEORIES specious, adj., plausible, apparently sound or convincing, but in reality sophistical or fallacious Oxford English Dictionary "But no sophism is too gross to delude minds distempered by party spirit." Lord Macaulay, 1849 The view of economists concerning the mínimum wage is virtually unanimous: The laws of supply and demand hold for the labor market just as for other markets. If government artificially raises the minimum wage (the price of labor), employers will demand fewer low-skilled employees. At the same time, the supply of labor (job seekers) increases in response to a higher minimum wage. The net result is more workers seeking Unanimous View of Economists fewer jobs. Unemployment rises. Minimum Wage increases, Unemployment Rises This conventional result is depicted graphically in Figure 1. Minimum Wage Economists also agree that a higher minimum wage most adversely affects the very workers it is designed to help low-income workers with the fewest skills. Raising the minimum wage destroys jobs among the young and the poor in particular. Secretary of Labor Robert Reich Unemployment has presented some rather unorthodox economic ideas to support an increase Figure 1 in the minimum wage. His initial, unqualified remarks were that "raising the minimum wage increases job growth." In other words, minimum wage increases create more jobs - as the minimum wage rises, unemployment falls. This eccentric theory is Page 2 JEC Economic Update "Nouvesu Reich Economic Theories" Monday, March 20, 1995 depicted in Figure 2. Even the most untutored in the laws of economics must realize the absurdity of this theory. Recently, Secretary Reich has downgraded his specious claim from The Reich Curve the status of a general law of Minimum Wage increases, Unemployment Falls economics to that of a special case Minimum Wage which holds some of the time in certain special circumstances. Reich's reformulated special law of demand - the Nouveau Reich Law of Demand (NRLD) - can be stated as follows: "Small increases in prices raise demand for a commodity while large increases in prices lower demand." Applied to the case of the minimum wage, the NRLD would predict that Unemployment small increases in the minimum wage Figure 2 lower unemployment while large increases in the minimum wage raise unemployment. See Figure 3. As a corollary to his new law, The "Nouveau" Reich Curve Mr. Reich contends that somewhere Economic Laws Work Part of the Time between "small" and "large" increases there exist a range of so- called "moderate" minimum wage Minimum Wage increases that will have no effect on the demand for low-wage labor. He characterizes a 90-cent increase as "moderate" and thereby asserts that the President's proposal to increase , the minimum wage to $5.25 would have no effect on employment. $6.18 $4.95 There are three fundamental problems with the NRLD and its Unemployment corollary: 1) They have no Figure 3 foundation in microeconomic theory; 2) they are contradicted by the overwhelming weight of the empirical evidence; and 3) they do not comport with common sense. Page 3 JT:C Economic Update "Nouveau Reich Economic Theories" Monday. March 20. 1995 The Labor Secretary has been unable to articulate with any rigor the distinctive real-world conditions under which these new, special laws are supposedly valid. For example, it is difficult even to conceive how at the level of the firm an employer would decide to employ more workers because they have suddenly become more expensive. Moreover, Secretary Reich has not presented credible empirical evidence that the 21 percent increase in the minimum wage proposed by the President, a so-called "moderate" increase, would have no effect on unemployment. When the Labor Secretary's logic is dissected, his fallacious reasoning is revealed. First, he concedes that if the minimum wage were raised to ten dollars an hour, the conventional law of demand would apply, and employment would suffer. Second, however, he asserts that a one-cent increase would have no discernible effects on employment. The "proof" of this assertion rests on the trivial fact that if small enough changes are made in an economic variable, its consequences may go undetected by available measuring techniques. In other words, Secretary Reich would have us believe that if the disemployment effects due to "small" changes in the minimum wage cannot be measured, they do not exist for so-called "moderate" increases, which in this case he defines to be 90-times- small. Unfortunately for policy makers, Secretary Reich has not found a painless way to raise standards of living for American workers. He mistakes measurement error for theoretical truth. His conclusion follows from the imprecision of the measuring device rather than the veracity of his theory. His theory is based on nothing more than the prosaic observation that for small enough changes in prices, economists' measuring instruments cannot readily detect changes in demand. It does not follow, however, that such changes in demand do not actually occur. Economics is not a natural science, and the statistical techniques employed by economists are far from precision Instruments. The economist cannot perform "natural" experiments like the chemist. He observes behavior through a fog. Though it is impossible to observe behavioral changes due to infinitesimally small changes in causal factors, this measurement problem doesnot imply that the law is invalid. Rather, it implies that our measurement tools are inadequate. The weight of the evidence is clear. The law of demand applies to labor markets just as it does to all other markets. Clearly, economists will be able to observe the impact of a 21 percent increase in the current minimum wage. It will create unemployment for low-skilled workers, the poor, and the young. In 1981, the Congressionally-mandated. Minimum Wage Study Commission (MWSC) concluded that a ten percent increase in the minimum wage Page 4 JEC Economic Update "Nouvcan Reich Economic Theories" Monday, March 20. 1995 reduces teenage employment by one to three percent. The President proposes raising the minimum wage by a little more than 21 percent. Based upon the findings of the Commission, the Clinton minimum wage increase can be expected to destroy between 130,000 and 400,000 jobs. Furthermore, the findings of the MWSC demonstrate that Dr. Reich's apparently convincing example of a one-cent increase in the minimum wage is itself empirically unfounded. Even a one-cent increase could be expected to produce some minimal job loss. Based on the MWSC methodology, at least 26,000 jobs would be destroyed by such an increase, even though such a relatively small effect may well go undetected by economists' conventional measuring techniques. The old fashioned truth is that compassionate politicians and well-meaning government programs like the minimum wage cannot repeal the laws of supply and demand any more than they can repeal the law of gravity. In fact, House Majority Leader and Chief Economist Dick Armey says without hesitation that it is the Minimum Wage Law that ought to be repealed! Reed Garfield Senior Economist LET ERS TO THE EDITOR Raise the Minimum Wage, Lose Jobs House Majority Leader Richard Ar- minimum wage done by two Princeton food employment "compelling." How- mey likes to say, "Conservatives say, economists, David Card and Alan ever. we now know that their research 'T'll believe it when I see it,' while Krueger. Mr. Krueger is now Labor was based upon faulty data. liberals say, 'I'll see it when 1 believe Secretary Robert Reich's chief econo- Mr. Pearlstein wrote that Mr. Card it.' " The Post's coverage of the mini- mist at the Department of Labor, and and Mr. Krueger "did something un- mum wage issue makes his point. the Clinton administration has rested usual in their profession-they talked On Jan. 11, The Post's Business its case for a 21 percent increase in the to businesses." However, they talked section carried a "news story" by Ste- minimum wage on Mr. Card's and Mr. to the wrong people and asked the ven Pearlstein that gave highly compli- Krueger's research. Mr. Pearlstein la- wrong questions. Because their paper mentary treatment to research on the beled their study of New Jersey fast- was published in the American Eco- nomic Review, the data are available to other researchers. Economists from the Employment Policies Institute (EPI) went back to the restaurants Mr. Card and Mr. Krueger surveyed by phone and asked a better question. EPI asked for payroll data. Mr. Card and Mr. Krueger agree WASHINGTON POST that payroll data will provide the cor- rect information. Having collected the correct data. the EPI contacted David Neumark of APR 1 7 1995 Michigan State University, whom Mr. Pearlstein cites in the article. Mr. Neu- mark and his coauthor, William Wasch- er of the Federal Reserve, analyzed the data using the same methodology as Mr. Card and Mr. Krueger. They found that using the correct data. we cannot argue that higher minimum wages will raise employment. Further. they reconfirmed what the Commission on Minimum Wages found in 1981. Raising the minimum wage 10 percent lowers low-skilled employment about 2 percent. We held a press conference on March 29 to present these findings. On April 5. the Joint Economic Committee held a hearing to consider EPI's and Mr. Neumark's findings and to hear from other economists on the difficul- ties with Mr. Card's and Mr. Krueger study. Therefore, on the day after the hearing, I was puzzled that The Post's "Findings" column did not carry an account of the revelations about the Card and Krueger studies nor did The Post carry a news story reporting on the previous day's hearing. With regard to the minimum wage. we have come full circle to what econo- mists have always known: A higher minimum wage destroys jobs. This country, faced with ever increasing competition, can ill-afford to limit job opportunities. JIM SAXTON U.S. Representative I Washington WASHINGTON TIMES APR 06 1995 DONALD LAMBRO recent analysis of the method- A ology and statistics used by two Princeton economists Dubious numbers to defend President Clin- ton's proposed minimum-wage increase shows their study was based on badly flawed data. in the wage debate The study on the effects of New Jersey's minimum-wage increase in 1992 has been heavily promoted ignored these studies and steadfast- calling it a "very exhaustive. by Labor Secretary Robert Reich, ly promoted a higher minimum detailed study" that showed no job Democratic leaders and major wage, despite rising teen-age job- losses occur from raising the min- newspapers across the country. lessness in America's inner cities. imum wage. House Minority Now along comes an indepen- Let's face it, neither of them spend Leader Richard Gephardt declared dent statistical analysis of their a lot of time in places like the South that the study showed "that a min- study by the Employment Policies Bronx or in East Boston where they imum-wage increase creates jobs." Institution Foundation, which would see poor, uneducated and But last week's startling EPI shows that the professors asked untrained minorities without work, review of their report concluded overly broad questions, took down in part because they have been that "there is one catastrophic flaw incomplete and erroneous data and priced out of the job market by the in the New Jersey study - it is reached wrong conclusions. government's minimum wage. based on ludicrously flawed data. There is a mountain of evidence, So along came Princeton econo- Among EPI's stunning findings: based on many decades of govern- mists David Card and Alan The employment numbers in ment and private studies, which Krueger who, among other states, the New Jersey data set used for the shows that raising the minimum studied the effects of New Jersey's study are wrong. EPI gathered the wage results in serious job losses 1992 minimum-wage increases on actual payroll data from many of among entry-level employment as the state's fast-food business. the fast-food outlets surveyed by businesses find ways to cut their pay- Incredibly, their study concluded Messrs. Card and Krueger, says rolls to reduce their overhead costs. that minimum-wage jobs rose as a EPI's Executive Director Richard But liberals like Mr. Reich, who is result. Berman. "Surprisingly, there are not an economist, and Massachu- An unquestioning Mr. Reich few instances where the payroll setts Sen. Edward Kennedy have leaped to embrace their findings, data match the numbers reported more Lambro by Card and Krueger." payroll statistics are used. "one claims that one-third of minimum- o"In one-third of the observa- finds job losses in New Jersey wage workers are their families' tions for which payroll data could resulting from the minimum-wage sole support, most minimum- be compared, the Card-Krueger hike, rather than the job gains wagers are not poor. According to data set fails to correctly report reported" in the Card and Krueger 1992 U.S. Census data, only 198,500 even the direction of employment study. of the more than 4.7 million mini- change- establishments that actu- It is true that because of season- mum-wage workers were adult ally experienced job gains were al factors overall employment did householders. reported as having job losses and climb in New Jersey as well as in More important. every study vice versa!" neighboring Pennsylvania, where shows that raising employer costs The chief reason for these there was no minimum-wage leads to job losses. "Teen-age unem- errors: Messrs. Card and Krueger's increase. But EPI's analysis points ployment rose sharply when the study "asked only one question out that "employment grew 5 per- minimum wage was increased in about minimum-wage employment cent less in New Jersey than in 1990 and 1991," says a recent study in their surveys of fast-food restau- Pennsylvania." by the National Center for Policy rants, and that question could not Analysis. have produced reliable data," says T hus, by using Mr. Card and Meantime, EPI's explosive Mr. Berman's report. Mr. Krueger's own rationale report, which is must reading for That question was so broadly that the only difference sepa- every member of Congress. raises worded that "responses were nec- rating the two states' situations was serious questions about Mr. Reich's essarily built on managers' or assis- the minimum wage, "one must con- credibility and the people in his tant managers' personal interpre- clude the higher entry-level wage department who are directing its tations - - in effect, a rubber ruler had a negative impact on employ- economic numbers. was used to measure employment." ment in New Jersey," says the EPI Notably, Princeton's Alan Moreover, Mr. Card and Mr. critique. Krueger is now the Labor Depart- Krueger only asked for the number But the Card-Krueger study is ment's chief economist. of workers in each business estab- only the latest of many efforts to lishment, not how many hours each promote raising the minimum wage worked, a much more accurate eco- with some very questionable sta- Donald Lambro. chief political nomic measurement. tistics. correspondent of The Washington The EPI review found that when For example: Despite Labor Sec- Times. is a nationally syndicated the actual instead of the erroneous retary Reich's wildly exaggerated columnist. The Crippling Flaws in the New Jersey Fast Food Study In September 1994, two Princeton economists published a study examining the fast food in- dustry in New Jersey after the state raised its minimum wage in 1992. They concluded there was no significant job loss. In fact, according to their analysis, "employment increased in New Jer- sey relative to Pennsylvania" following the mandated wage hike.' These findings have rocked the economics profession to its core. Advocates of a higher minimum wage have latched onto this "new evidence" as a stunning refutation of conventional wisdom. The media has reported this unconven- tional "man-bites-dog" story as fact. But there is one catastrophic flaw in the New Jersey study - it is based on ludicrously flawed data. Quite simply, the employment numbers in the data set used for the study are wrong. As a result, policymakers, economists, and employers have been thoroughly misled in the national minimum wage debate. Unfortunately, nobody bothered to examine the data - until now. Why Is This Important? The New Jersey research has been cited repeatedly by Clinton Administration officials who are pushing for an increase in the federal minimum wage. Secretary of Labor Robert Reich has de- scribed this as a "very exhaustive detailed study" which proves job loss is not a concern in this de- bate. Senior Clinton economic advisor Laura D' Andrea Tyson says this study is one which uses "the most sophisticated techniques available to economists" to find that a minimum wage increase will have "no noticeable, discernable significant effect" on employment.² Congressional leaders have joined the bandwagon: Minority Leader Richard Gephardt (D-MO) says "[R]ecent research - including a study by noted economists David Card and Alan Krueger - shows that a minimum wage increase creates jobs.' And former New Jersey Governor Jim Florio has announced Card and Krueger "concluded that no job loss occurred as a result" of the minimum wage hike in New Jersey.4 One of the study's authors, Alan Krueger, is now chief economist at the U.S. Department of Labor, wielding significant influence over national wage policy. He recently testified before Con- gress that his study showed "employment fared better in New Jersey than it did in Pennsylvania" af- ter the minimum wage rose in New Jersey. As evidence of the study's impact on the economics profession, the report's other author, David Card, was recently nominated for the John Bates Clark Award (the second-highest award in economics), partly because of his work on the New Jersey study. The two authors have used their study as the cornerstone for a new book on the minimum wage.⁵ And the study was published in a leading journal of the economics profession - The Ameri- can Economic Review. Glowing articles have been written about the fast-food research in numerous publications. The Washington Post reports that this is "the most compelling study" among recent work on the minimum wage. The New York Times says the New Jersey study has "blown gaping holes in the consensus" on minimum wages. Reports on this study have surfaced in Los Angeles, Chicago, Bos- ton, Detroit, San Diego, Minneapolis, and other major cities. Without a doubt, the New Jersey study has had a dramatic effect on the national debate over raising the minimum wage. But the information below proves conclusively that the employ- ment analysis in the New Jersey study is nothing more than an academic exercise in statistical evalu- ation of a badly flawed data set which bears little relation to reality. Clinton officials, Congressional leaders, the media, and many economists have come to accept this "new view" of the minimum wage. But the study is wrong, and the record must now stand corrected. What's Wrong with the Data? To collect data for the New Jersey study, the report's authors conducted a series of tele- phone interviews with managers and assistant managers of fast food restaurants in New Jersey (which raised its minimum wage in 1992) and adjacent eastern Pennsylvania (where the minimum wage was unchanged). Card and Krueger surveyed establishments from four fast-food restaurant chains — Burger King, Wendy's, Kentucky Fried Chicken, and Roy Rogers. The resulting data set is available from the authors. Card and Krueger report the number of employees in each restaurant for two "waves" of surveys - one in early 1992 (before the minimum wage hike took effect in New Jersey), the other in November 1992, several months after the minimum wage rose. Serious flaws in the data are obvi- ous at first glance. Even a cursory review of the data reveals numerous major anomalies which defy reasonable explanation. For instance, Card and Krueger report that a Burger King outlet in New Jersey had about six full-time workers in February, but by November, it had added 23 more full-time workers — a radical shift in the operations of this restaurant. According to Card and Krueger, a Burger King in Pennsylvania went from 50 full-time workers in February to 15 in November, and from 35 part- time employees in February to just 18 in November - a truly radical shift. A Wendy's in Pennsyl- vania had 30 full-time people on staff in February, but by November all full-timers had apparently been terminated — zero were reported in the Card-Krueger data. Another Wendy's — this one in New Jersey - had zero full-timers in February, but by November had hired 35 full-time workers without any change in the number of part-timers on staff. (See table below.) Anomalies in Card-Krueger Data Restaurant / Zip Code "Block" Number of Employees FEBRUARY '92 NOVEMBER '92 Full/Part Time Full/Part Time WENDY'S in 072XX 0 / 30 35 / 30 BURGER KING in 080XX 6.5 / 20 30 / 25 KENTUCKY FRIED CHICKEN in 082XX 0 / 11 22/4 WENDY'S in 185XX 30 / 10 0 / 30 ROY ROGERS in 189XX 27 / 12 0 / 30 BURGER KING in 190XX 50 / 35 15 / 18 KENTUCKY FRIED CHICKEN in 075XX 0/7 14/0 KENTUCKY FRIED CHICKEN in 070XX 0 / 22 25 / 15 2 It is difficult to imagine any rational explanation for such incredible shifts, even after ac- counting for seasonal sales differences. Yet these anomalies are found throughout the data. These extreme shifts alone raise serious doubts about the New Jersey study. From the start, it was clear that the measurements upon which this study is based were erratic at best. But there is more. The results are The publicly-available Card-Krueger data set was "sanitized" astounding. The insofar as it provides only the first three digits of the zip code for the Card-Krueger data establishments surveyed in the study. (Economists often sanitize data set consistently to protect confidentiality.) Thus, any analysis of the data set must be reports employ- based on the regions defined by these zip code "blocks" - the regions ment losses where in which all zip codes begin with the same three digits. Using actual none actually took payroll records from fast-food establishments surveyed for the New place and employ- Jersey study, the Employment Policies Institute recreated portions of ment gains far in the Card-Krueger data set. To ensure that each Card-Krueger unit be- excess of their true ing compared to payroll records was accurately matched, EPI re- values. searchers collected data on every similar unit in the appropriate zip code block. (While it is impossible to "match" employment records on a unit-by-unit basis due to the sanitization of the Card-Krueger data set, it is easy to compare restaurants' employment on a "group-by- group" basis.) After identifying franchised restaurants within the zip code "blocks" found in the Card- Krueger data, EPI researchers requested payroll records for the two time periods studied in the New Jersey report - February and November 1992. Surprisingly, in one region of New Jersey, this com- parison revealed no clear matches between the Card-Krueger numbers for franchised Burger King establishments and the actual payroll records for those restaurants. A similar random comparison of Wendy's units in New Jersey yielded the same result. For a number of reasons, the bulk of the EPI analysis then focused on west-central New Jer- sey and east/central Pennsylvania. The economy in these areas is clearly linked by geography, sepa- rated only by the Delaware River. Card and Krueger argue that the only distinguishing factor between New Jersey and Pennsylvania employment in 1992 was the minimum wage. This should be particularly true in the Central Jersey/East-Central Pennsylvania area, where comparisons can lit- erally be made "right across the river." In addition, this region includes the area in and around Princeton, N.J., where Card and Krueger worked when they conducted the New Jersey study. The EPI analysis concentrated on Burger King units - which make up 40% of the Card-Krueger data set - and Wendy's units. The results are astounding. The Card-Krueger data set consistently reports employment losses where none actually took place and employment gains far in excess of their true values. Al- though the EPI analysis covered 25% of the franchised units in the Card-Krueger data set, there are very few instances in which the Card-Krueger numbers even closely resemble the actual payroll re- cords. In fact, with one-third of the observations, the Card-Krueger data set fails to identify the cor- rect direction of employment change - whether it was a job loss or a job gain! Not only are the Card-Krueger numbers wrong, they are often catastrophically wrong. 3 As Graphs 1 and 2 show, the employment changes in the Card-Krueger data set are spread over a wide range, while the payroll data - reflecting the accurate employment numbers for the pe- riod studied — is generally confined to a fairly narrow range. In the region of Pennsylvania defined by zip code 190XX, Card and Krueger reported significant gains in employment for several units, and a serious decline in jobs at another unit. In contrast, payroll records show modest increases in employment throughout the region, generally due to standard seasonal sales variations. Likewise, in the part of New Jersey defined by zip code 088XX, Card and Krueger reported a number of signifi- cant increases in employment, none of which are close to the generally modest seasonal increases found in payroll records. 1. Card-Krueger VS. Payroll Data: Penn. Payroll Data Card-Krueger Zip 194XX Survey 190XX Zip 189XX Zip -50% 0% 50% 100% 150% Employment Losses Employment Gains Burger King Units (See Graph 2 on next page.) 4 2. Card-Krueger VS. Payroll Data: N.J. Zip 088XX Payroll Data 086XX Card-Krueger Survey Zip 085XX Zip -50% 0% 50% 100% 150% Employment Losses Employment Gains Burger King Units In short, the Card-Krueger data set does not square with reality. Fully 15% of the entire Card-Krueger data set (which included company-owned and franchised units) was examined during this process - a sufficiently-large sample to discredit the entire set of employment numbers used for the New Jersey study. These conclusions have dramatic implications for the current debate over minimum wages. The nation's leading proponent of a higher minimum wage - Labor Secretary Robert Reich - can no longer rely on this study when addressing questions about job loss. In fact, he must now go back and correct the record for the numerous times he has referenced this study as "evi- dence" to support his position. The Labor Department's chief economist (one of the authors of the New Jersey study) has testified before Congress that he believes this study is the best work avail- able on the job loss issue; he must now correct the record. Minority Leader Richard Gephardt has argued forcefully that, based on this work, there is no evidence of job loss after a minimum wage hike. Based on the facts presented here, Mr. Gephardt and his allies must now correct the record. Even President Clinton - who says "the weight of the evidence" suggests there is no job loss - must change his position. The facts show that the New Jersey study - relied on so heavily by the President's economic advisors - doesn't carry any "weight" when it comes to measuring employment effects. Finally, the media- which has been seriously misled by this study - must correct the record. 5 How Could This Happen? The New Jersey study was doomed from the start. When the authors released the data, they also released the survey questions used in the original data collection. Because most of the reports on the New Jersey study focus on its treatment of job loss, some observers are surprised to learn that only one of the 24 questions in the survey is even related to minimum wage employment. (The others deal primarily with employee benefits and price levels for certain products.) Even more shocking - - especially for a study originating in a respected institution such as Princeton Univer- sity - is that it was impossible for this single question to generate reliable data! Although the primary goal of the study was to measure the employment impact of a higher minimum wage, Card and Krueger only asked the following question about entry-level employ- ment: How many part-time and full-time employees are employed in your restaurant, excluding managers and assistant managers? On the surface, this may seem to be a solid question, but when placed in perspective, this question represents an exceptionally unsophisticated attempt at measur- ing employment changes. Consider the following: The survey never asked how many hours were being worked in the restaurant, only how many employees were working. Yet hours worked is the most important measure of overall em- ployment in a restaurant. In fact, it is the only accurate measure! Yet, the authors of the New Jer- sey study completely ignored hours worked. The authors did convert their data into Full Time Equivalents (FTEs), but because they never measured hours, this was a crude "conversion" at best. Because of high turnover in the fast-food industry, it is unlikely the surveyors spoke with the same manager in November that they had interviewed in February. Why is this important? Be- cause the question asked was so broad that respondents to the survey were forced to incorporate their own interpretations in the answers. For example, the survey asked how many part-time and full-time employees the restaurant em- ployed. But the survey fails to define two key parameters: What is the time frame for the question? Does it mean the number of employees working on the current shift? The number working today? Working this week? The total number on the payroll- including those who are on vacation or who work only during school holidays? Without this crucial information, the manager in one Burger King might give the number of employees currently on the clock, while the manager in the Wendy's down the street might give the number she thinks she remembers scheduling for the entire week. In effect, a rubber ruler was used to measure employment, with each respondent allowed to interpret the inquiry differ- ently. How is part-time defined? Is it anything under 40 hours per week, as defined in the Fair Labor Standards Act? Anything under 35 hours as the Bureau of Labor Statistics defines it? Is full-time defined as 37.5 hours, as in some labor contracts? 6 Or is full-time defined as 30 hours per week, as in the 1993-94 Clinton health care reform proposal? Without a definition of full- and part-time, managers responding to the survey were allowed to use their own interpretation. Given the authors' propensity to rely on managers' interpretations of the question, they would have had to survey the same individual during both waves of their survey if they were to sal- vage anything resembling reliable data from the exercise. Unfortunately, there is no indication in the survey instrument that Card and Krueger made any attempt to interview the same source. And the nature of the business dictates that different managers must have responded (differ- ently) in many cases. Obtaining proper data through this question was impossible - any consis- tent data could only be the result of random coincidence! The survey was conducted via telephone conversations with managers and assistant managers. Anyone familiar with operations in a fast-food restaurant knows that these managers were al- most surely not sitting in a quiet back office with payroll records spread out in front of them. More likely, they were in the front of the restaurant, watching employees, handling problems, and trying to answer the surveyor's questions all at the same time. In some cases, it is conceiv- able that these managers were interrupted from cooking burgers or frying chicken in order to handle the phone call from a surveyor for this study! Without a photographic memory for the intricate details of payroll records, these managers couldn't possibly come up with accurate numbers off the top of their heads in such an environ- ment. And in the case of assistant managers - who are almost always focused on front-line op- erations rather than scheduling, hiring, etc. - the surveyors were speaking with individuals who spend little (if any) time examining payroll records and "counting employees." Appar- ently, the authors of the New Jersey study never even bothered to qualify the survey respon- dents to determine if they were giving their answers based on memory or on payroll records. Clearly, the single inquiry Card and Krueger used to develop ...[1]t is no wonder that the data used information on minimum wage employment was inadequate. In order to gain the proper information for this kind of analysis, the authors in the New Jersey should have asked detailed questions about hours worked - how study contain many hours worked by full-time workers, total hours worked in part- Inexplicable fluctuations and time positions, total hours worked by managers on non-management bear little (e.g., front line) duties. And the questions should have included clear resemblance to definitions of full- and part-time work. the reality spelled out in actual With the comedy of errors outlined above, it is no wonder that the data used in the New Jersey study contain inexplicable fluctuations payroll records. and bear little resemblance to the reality spelled out in actual payroll re- cords. These serious mistakes and omissions have resulted in a cata- strophically-flawed study doomed to become a textbook example of how not to collect data. More importantly, mistakes made when the study was designed more than three years ago will now force leading policymakers and economists to retract or revise positions that had been based on the "mer- its" of the New Jersey study. 7 What Does the Correct Data Say? When the Card-Krueger methodology of comparing New Jersey and Pennsylvania employ- ment patterns is carried out using the correct payroll data, one finds significant job loss in New Jer- sey's fast food sector after the minimum wage hike. This result would be expected, given decades of research proving that higher mandated wages lead to fewer entry-level positions. It is well-known that fast food restaurants in this region staff up for the holiday season to- wards the end of the year. These establishments experience a significant increase in sales as com- pared to February, when the first inquiry "baseline" was developed for the New Jersey study. The question - and the premise of the entire Card-Krueger analysis - is, did employment increase less in New Jersey than it would have if the minimum wage had not changed? The unequivocal an- swer: yes. From February (a seasonal low point for employment) to November (a seasonal high point), the payroll data shows that employment grew 5% more in Pennsylvania, where the mini- mum wage did not change, than in New Jersey. Card and Krueger argue forcefully that the only dif- ference between the New Jersey and Pennsylvania economies was the higher minimum wage in New Jersey. Based on their own arguments, one must conclude that the higher minimum wage caused this 5% gap between the two states. 3. Seasonal Employment Changes from Payroll Data Pennsylvania +20.5% New Jersey +15.6% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 8 4. Staffing up for the Holidays + 3.4 workers 25 + 2.6 workers per restaurant 20.3 per restaurant 19.9 20 16.9 17.3 15 10 5 0 Pennsylvania New Jersey February November As Graph 4 shows, staffing up for the holidays resulted in 3.4 additional employees per store in Pennsylvania but only 2.6 new workers per store in New Jersey - where the minimum wage had increased. Senior policymakers in the U.S. Department of Labor - including Labor Secretary Reich and his chief economist, Alan Krueger - have previously concluded that the New Jersey study is the best work on the minimum wage in large part because it compares employment in New Jersey to a "control" state where the entry-level wage did not change. In fact, Card and Krueger make a strong case for this methodology in their new book. But Card and Krueger, using erroneous data, concluded that there was no job loss in New Jersey and that jobs declined in Pennsylvania (where the minimum wage stayed the same). Using the correct data and the Card-Krueger methodology, it is clear that employment declined in New Jersey compared to Pennsylvania. Can These Findings Be Verified Independently? The analysis outlined in this document has already been verified by independent econo- mists. Michigan State University economist David Neumark and William Wascher, Senior Econo- mist at the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, have used data from payroll records to re-evaluate the Card-Krueger study. 9 The Neumark-Wascher findings⁸ are compelling: First, the data collected by CK [Card and Krueger] indicate employment vari- ation with standard deviations four to eight times larger than is observed in the payroll data, variation that, to us, seems implausibly large. Second, whereas CK's data imply that the New Jersey minimum wage increase led to an employment increase in New Jer- sey relative to the Pennsylvania control group, the payroll data imply that the mini- mum wage increase led to a 4.8 percent decline in New Jersey relative to the Pennsylvania control group. the payroll data raise doubts regarding the quality of CK's data, and suggest, contrary to CK's conclusion, that New Jersey's minimum wage increase had a nega- tive effect on employment. In addition to their analysis of the payroll data itself, Neumark and Wascher confirmed the zip code "blocks" used in the analysis above are representative of the Card-Krueger data set, so the conclusions can reasonably be applied to the entire Card-Krueger data set. And they found that us- ing actual payroll data from only two of the four restaurant chains studied by Card and Krueger has little, if any, statistical impact on the conclusions. Setting the Record Straight The Card-Krueger New Jersey study has clearly - and unfortunately - worked its way into mainstream economic thought. However, as this document proves conclusively, the New Jersey study can no longer be cited in the debate over minimum wage increases and job loss. The statistical analysis in the New Jersey study is advanced and sophisticated, but the end result is clear: garbage in, garbage out. In the end, the employment-related analysis in the New Jersey study is little more than an academic exercise that carries no real-life implications. Clearly, the New Jer- sey report provides no "evidence" that would warrant throwing out decades of research measuring job loss after a mandated wage hike. The record must be corrected. The minimum wage affects millions of entry-level employ- ment opportunities and employees nationwide. It impacts labor costs across the country. Fortu- nately, the critical errors in this study have now been identified. If not for these stunning revelations, national policy on the minimum wage might have been set on the basis of worthless conclusions drawn from the catastrophically-flawed New Jersey report. For more information on the New Jersey report or the minimum wage issue in general, please contact Carlos Bonilla or Thomas K. Dilworth of the Employment Policies Institute at 202-347-5178. 10 Notes 1. Card, David and Krueger, Alan. "Minimum Wages and Employment: A Case Study of the Fast-Food Industry in New Jersey and Pennsylvania." The American Economic Review, September 1994, p. 776. 2. Quotes in this paragraph from Labor Secretary Robert Reich and senior Clinton advisor Laura D'Andrea Tyson are drawn from a February 3, 1995 White House press conference. 3. "Seeking Fairness," by Richard Gephardt, Washington Times, February 12, 1995. 4. "Is It Necessary to Raise the Minimum Wage?" by Jim Florio, Los Angeles Daily News, January 29, 1995. This article also appeared in the Baltimore Evening Sun on January 26, 1995, and the York Daily Record on January 25, 1995. 5. Card, David and Krueger, Alan. Myth & Measurement. Princeton University Press: Prince- ton, NJ 1995 6. In many cases, the authors of the New Jersey study failed to survey every restaurant in a given region. However, by obtaining payroll records for all franchised establishments and thereby "closing" zip code blocks, the Employment Policies Institute's analysis guarantees coverage of all units from those zip codes used in the New Jersey study. 7. In his January 24, 1995, State of the Union Address, President Clinton said, "...I've studied the arguments and the evidence for and against a minimum wage increase. I believe the weight of the evidence is that a modest increase does not cost jobs..." 8. Neumark's and Wascher's findings are summarized in a March 1995 paper entitled "The Ef- fect of New Jersey's Minimum Wage Increase on Fast-Food Employment: A Re-Evaluation Using Payroll Records." The paper is available from the authors. Copies are also available through the Employment Policies Institute. JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE House Republican Members CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES Jim Saxton. NJ Vice-Chairman Thomas Ewing, IL Jack Quinn. NY Donald Manzullo, IL ANNOTATED TALKING POINTS J.Saxton INSIDE MAIL Marshall Sanford. !- William Thornberry. TX 1537 Longworth House Office Building Washington, DC 20515 Phone: 202-226-3234 Wednesday, February 15, 1995 50 YEARS OF RESEARCH ON THE MINIMUM WAGE Introduction For many years it has been a matter of conventional wisdom among economists that the minimum wage causes fewer jobs to exist than would be the case without it. This is simply a matter of price theory, taught in every economics textbook, requiring no elaborate analysis to justify. Were this not the case, there would be no logical reason why the minimum wage could not be set at $10 or $400 per hour. Historically, defenders of the minimum wage have not disputed the disemployment effects of the minimum wage. Rather, they argued that there was a redistrubutive effect that left the working poor better off. In other words, the higher incomes of those with jobs offset the lower incomes of those without jobs, as a result of the minimum wage.' Now, the Clinton Administration is advancing the novel economic theory that modest increases in the minimum wage will have no impact whatsoever on employment. Some Administration officials have even hinted that raising the minimum wage can raise employment. This proposition is based entirely on the work of three economists: David Card and Alan Krueger of Princeton, and Lawrence Katz of Harvard. Their studies of increases in the minimum wage in California, Texas and New Jersey apparently found no loss of jobs among fast food restaurants that were surveyed before and after the increase. It is not yet clear how or why Card, Katz and Krueger got the results that they did. It is clear, however, that their findings are directly contrary to virtually every empirical study ever done on the minimum wage. These studies were exhaustively surveyed by the Minimum Wage Study Commission, which concluded that a 10% increase in the minimum wage reduced teenage employment by 1% to 3%. The following survey of the academic research on the minimum wage is designed to give nonspecialists a sense of just how isolated the Card, Krueger and Katz studies are. It will also indicate that the minimum wage has wide-ranging negative effects that go beyond unemployment. For example, higher minimum wages encourage employers to cut back on training, thus depriving low wage workers of an important means of long-term advancement, in return for a small increase in current income. For many workers this is a very bad trade-off, but one for which the law provides no alternative. I See, for example, Levitan and Belous (1979). 2 See Card (1992b), Card and Krueger (1994), and Katz and Krueger (1992). Page 2 JEC Annotated Talking Points "Minimum Wage" Wednesday, February 15, 1995 Summary of Research on the Minimum Wage The minimum wage reduces employment. Currie, Janet, and Fallick, Bruce. 1993. A Note on the New Minimum Wage Research. National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 4348 (April). Gallasch, H.F., Jr. 1975. Minimum Wages and the Farm Labor Market. Southern Economic Journal, vol. 41 (January): 480-491. Gardner, Bruce. 1981. What Have Minimum Wages Done in Agriculture? In Rottenberg (1981a): 210-232. Peterson, John M. 1957. Employment Effects of Minimum Wages, 1938-50. Journal of Political Economy, vol. 65 (October): 412-430. Peterson, John M., and Stewart, Charles T., Jr. 1969. Employment Effects of Minimum Wage Rates. Washington: American Enterprise Institute. The minimum wage reduces employment more among teenagers than adults. Adie, Douglas K. 1973. Teen-Age Unemployment and Real Federal Minimum Wages. Journal of Political Economy, vol. 81 (March/April): 435-441. Brown, Charles; Gilroy, Curtis; and Kohen, Andrew. 1981a. Effects of the Minimum Wage on Youth Employment and Unemployment. In Minimum Wage Study Commission (1981), vol. 5, pp. 1-26. Brown, Charles; Gilroy, Curtis; and Kohen, Andrew. 1981b. Time-Series Evidence of the Effect of the Minimum Wage on Teenage Employment and Unemployment. In Minimum Wage Study Commission (1981), vol. 5, pp. 103-127. Fleisher, Belton M. 1981. Minimum Wage Regulation in Retail Trade. Washington: American Enterprise Institute. Hammermesh, Daniel S. 1982. Minimum Wages and the Demand for Labor. Economic Inquiry, vol. 20 (July): 365-380. Page 3 JEC Annotated Talking Points "Minimum Wage" Wednesday, February 15, 1995 Meyer, Robert H., and Wise, David A. 1981. Discontinuous Distributions and Missing Persons: The Minimum Wage and Unemployed Youth. In Minimum Wage Study Commission (1981), vol. 5, pp. 175-201. Meyer, Robert H., and Wise, David A. 1983a. The Effects of the Minimum Wage on the Employment and Earnings of Youth. Journal of Labor Economics, vol. 1 (January): 66-100. Minimum Wage Study Commission. 1981. Report, 7 vols. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office. Neumark, David, and Wascher, William. 1992. Employment Effects of Minimum and Subminimum Wages: Panel Data on State Minimum Wage Laws. Industrial and Labor Relations Review, vol. 46 (October): 55-81. Ragan, James F., Jr. 1977. Minimum Wages and the Youth Labor Market. Review of Economics and Statistics, vol. 59 (May): 129-136. Vandenbrink, Donna C. 1987. The Minimum Wage: No Minor Matter for Teens. Economic Perspectives, Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, vol. 11 (March/April): 19-28. Welch, Finis. 1974. Minimum Wage Legislation in the United States. Economic Inquiry, vol. 12 (September): 285-318. Welch, Finis. 1978. Minimum Wages: Issues and Evidence. Washington: American Enterprise Institute. Welch, Finis, and Cunningham, James. 1978. Effects of Minimum Wages on the Level and Age Composition of Youth Employment. Review of Economics and Statistics, vol. 60 (February): 140-145. The minimum wage reduces employment most among black teenage males. Al-Salam, Nabeel; Quester, Aline; and Welch, Finis. 1981. Some Determinants of the Level and Racial Composition of Teenage Employment. In Rottenberg (1981a): 124-154. Iden, George. 1980. The Labor Force Experience of Black Youth: A Review. Monthly Labor Review, vol. 103 (August): 10-16. Page 4 JEC Annotated Talking Points "Minimum Wage" Wednesday, February 15, 1995 Mincer, Jacob. 1976. Unemployment Effects of Minimum Wages. Journal of Political Economy, vol. 84 (August): S87-S104. Moore, Thomas G. 1971. The Effect of Minimum Wages on Teenage Unemployment Rates. Journal of Political Economy, vol. 79 (Ju- ly/August): 897-902. Ragan, James F., Jr. 1977. Minimum Wages and the Youth Labor Market. Review of Economics and Statistics, vol. 59 (May): 129-136. Williams, Walter. 1977a. Government Sanctioned Restraints that Reduce Economic Opportunities for Minorities. Policy Review (Fall): 7-30. Williams, Walter. 1977b. Youth and Minority Unemployment. Study prepared for the Joint Economic Committee, U.S. Congress. Joint Committee Print, 95th Congress, 1st session. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office. The minimum wage helped South African whites at the expense of blacks. Bauer, P.T. 1959. Regulated Wages in Under-developed Countries. In The Public Stake in Union Power, ed. Philip D. Bradley. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 324-349. The minimum wage hurts blacks generally. Behrman, Jere R.; Sickles, Robin C.; and Taubman, Paul. 1983. The Impact of Minimum Wages on the Distributions of Earnings for Major Race-Sex Groups: A Dynamic Analysis. American Economic Review, vol. 73 (September): 766-778. Linneman, Peter. 1982. The Economic Impacts of Minimum Wage Laws: A New Look at an Old Question. Journal of Political Economy, vol. 90 (June): 443-469. The minimum wage hurts the unskilled. Krumm, Ronald J. 1981. The Impact of the Minimum Wage on Regional Labor Markets. Washington: American Enterprise Institute. Page 5 JEC Annotated Talking Points "Minimum Wage" Wednesday, February 15, 1995 The minimum wage hurts low wage workers. Brozen, Yale. 1962. Minimum Wage Rates and Household Workers. Journal of Law and Economics, vol. 5 (October): 103-109. Cox, James C., and Oaxaca, Ronald L. 1982. The Political Economy of Minimum Wage Legislation. Economic Inquiry, vol. 20 (October): 533-555. Gordon, Kenneth. 1981. The Impact of Minimum Wages on Private Household Workers. In Rottenberg (1981a): 191-209. The minimum wage hurts low wage workers particularly during cyclical downturns. Kosters, Marvin, and Welch, Finis. 1972. The Effects of Minimum Wages on the Distribution of Changes in Aggregate Employment. American Economic Review, vol. 62 (June): 323-332. Welch, Finis. 1974. Minimum Wage Legislation in the United States. Economic Inquiry, vol. 12 (September): 285-318. The minimum wage increases job turnover. Hall, Robert E. 1982. The Minimum Wage and Job Turnover in Markets for Young Workers. In The Youth Labor Market Problem: Its Nature, Causes, and Consequences, ed. Richard B. Freeman and David A. Wise, pp. 475- 497. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. The minimum wage reduces average earnings of young workers. Meyer, Robert H., and Wise, David A. 1983b. Discontinuous Distributions and Missing Persons: The Minimum Wage and Unemployed Youth. Econometrica, vol. 51 (November): 1677-1698. The minimum wage drives workers into uncovered jobs, thus lowering wages in those sectors. Brozen, Yale. 1962. Minimum Wage Rates and Household Workers. Journal of Law and Economics, vol. 5 (October): 103-109. Page 6 JEC Annotated Talking Points "Minimum Wage" Wednesday, February 15, 1995 Tauchen, George E. 1981. Some Evidence on Cross-Sector Effects of the Minimum Wage. Journal of Political Economy, vol. 89 (June): 529-547. Welch, Finis. 1974. Minimum Wage Legislation in the United States. Economic Inquiry, vol. 12 (September): 285-318. The minimum wage reduces employment in low-wage industries, such as retailing. Cotterman, Robert F. 1981. The Effects of Federal Minimum Wages on the Industrial Distribution of Teenage Employment. In Rottenberg (1981a): 42-60. Douty, H.M. 1960. Some Effects of the $1.00 Minimum Wage in the United States. Economica, vol. 27 (May): 137-147. Fleisher, Belton M. 1981. Minimum Wage Regulation in Retail Trade. Washington: American Enterprise Institute. Hammermesh, Daniel S. 1981. Employment Demand, the Minimum Wage and Labor Costs. In Minimum Wage Study Commission (1981), vol. 5, pp. 27- 84. Peterson, John M. 1981. Minimum Wages: Measures and Industry Effects. Washington: American Enterprise Institute. The minimum wage hurts small businesses generally. Kaun, David E. 1965. Minimum Wages, Factor Substitution and the Marginal Producer. Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 79 (August): 478-486. The minimum wage causes employers to cut back on training. Hashimoto, Masanori. 1981. Minimum Wages and On-the-Job Training. Washington: American Enterprise Institute. Hashimoto, Masanori. 1982. Minimum Wage Effects on Training on the Job. American Economic Review, vol. 72 (December): 1070-1087. Page 9 JEC Annotated Talking Points "Minimum Wage" Wednesday, February 15, 1995 Datcher, Linda P., and Loury, Glenn C. 1981. The Effect of Minimum Wage Legislation on the Distribution of Family Earnings Among Blacks and Whites. In Minimum Wage Study Commission (1981), vol. 7, pp. 125-146. Johnson, William R., and Browning, Edgar K. 1981. Minimum Wages and the Distribution of Income. In Minimum Wage Study Commission (1981), vol. 7, pp. 31-58. Kohen, Andrew I., and Gilroy, Curtis L. 1981. The Minimum Wage, Income Distribution, and Poverty. In Minimum Wage Study Commission (1981), vol. 7, pp. 1-30. The minimum wage helps unions. Linneman, Peter. 1982. The Economic Impacts of Minimum Wage Laws: A New Look at an Old Question. Journal of Political Economy, vol. 90 (June): 443-469. Cox, James C., and Oaxaca, Ronald L. 1982. The Political Economy of Minimum Wage Legislation. Economic Inquiry, vol. 20 (October): 533-555. The minimum wage lowers the capital stock. McCulloch, J. Huston. 1981. Macroeconomic Implications of the Minimum Wage. In Rottenberg (1981a): 317-326. The minimum wage increases inflationary pressure. Adams, F. Gerard. 1987. Increasing the Minimum Wage: The Macroeconomic Impacts. Briefing Paper, Economic Policy Institute (July). Brozen, Yale. 1966. Wage Rates, Minimum Wage Laws, and Unemployment. New Individualist Review, vol. 4 (Spring): 24-33. Gramlich, Edward M. 1976. Impact of Minimum Wages on Other Wages, Employment, and Family Incomes. Brookings Papers on Economic Activity (No. 2): 409-461. Grossman, Jean B. 1983. The Impact of the Minimum Wage on Other Wages. Journal of Human Resources, vol. 18 (Summer): 359-378. Page 10 JEC Annotated Talking Points "Minimum Wage" Wednesday, February 15, 1995 The minimum wage increases teenage crime rates. Hashimoto, Masanori. 1987. The Minimum Wage Law and Youth Crimes: Time- Series Evidence. Journal of Law and Economics, vol. 30 (October): 443-464. Phillips, Llad. 1981. Some Aspects of the Social Pathological Behavior Effects of Unemployment among Young People. In Rottenberg (1981a): 174-190. The minimum wage encourages employers to hire illegal aliens. Beranek, William. 1982. The Illegal Alien Work Force, Demand for Unskilled Labor, and the Minimum Wage. Journal of Labor Research, vol. 3 (Winter): 89-99. Few workers are permanently stuck at the minimum wage. Brozen, Yale. 1969. The Effect of Statutory Minimum Wage Increases on Teen- age Employment. Journal of Law and Economics, vol. 12 (April): 109-122. Smith, Ralph E., and Vavrichek, Bruce. 1992. The Mobility of Minimum Wage Workers. Industrial and Labor Relations Review, vol. 46 (October): 82-88. The minimum wage has had a massive impact on unemployment in Puerto Rico. Freeman, Alida Castillo, and Freeman, Richard B. 1991. Minimum Wages in Puerto Rico: Textbook Case of a Wage Floor? National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 3759 (June). Rottenberg, Simon. 1981b. Minimum Wages in Puerto Rico. In Rottenberg (1981- a): 327-339. The minimum wage has reduced employment in foreign countries. Forrest, David. 1982. Minimum Wages and Youth Unemployment: Will Britain Learn from Canada? Journal of Economic Affairs, vol. 2 (July): 247-250. Corbo, Vittorio. 1981. The Impact of Minimum Wages on Industrial Employment in Chile. In Rottenberg (1981a): 340-356. Page 11 JEC Annotated Talking Points "Minimum Wage" Wednesday, February 15, 1995 Gregory, Peter. 1981. Legal Minimum Wages as an Instrument of Social Policy in Less Developed Countries, with Special Reference to Costa Rica. In Rottenberg (1981a): 377-402. Rosa, Jean-Jacques. 1981. The Effect of Minimum Wage Regulation in France. In Rottenberg (1981a): 357-376. Characteristics of minimum wage workers. Employment Policies Institute. 1994. The Low-Wage Workforce. Washington: Employment Policies Institute. Haugen, Steven E., and Mellor, Earl F. 1990. Estimating the Number of Minimum Wage Workers. Monthly Labor Review, vol. 113 (January): 70-74. Kniesner, Thomas J. 1981. The Low-Wage Workers: Who Are They? In Rottenberg (1981a): 459-481. Mellor, Earl F. 1987. Workers at the Minimum Wage or Less: Who They Are and the Jobs They Hold. Monthly Labor Review, vol. 110 (July): 34-38. Mellor, Earl F., and Haugen, Steven E. 1986. Hourly Paid Workers: Who They Are and What They Earn. Monthly Labor Review, vol. 109 (February): 20- 26. Smith, Ralph E., and Vavrichek, Bruce. 1987. The Minimum Wage: Its Relation to Incomes and Poverty. Monthly Labor Review, vol. 110 (June): 24-30. Van Giezen, Robert W. 1994. Occupational Wages in the Fast-Food Industry. Monthly Labor Review, vol. 117 (August): 24-30. ORIGINAL SURVEY INSTRUMENT THE CARD-KRUEGER NEW JERSEY FAST FOOD STUDY As supplied by David Card and Alan Krueger Fast Food Restaurant Survey January-March 1992 Restaurant Information Chain: Burger King KFC Roy Rogers Wendy's Location: NJ PA Phone Number: Note if changed: Date: Callbacks # 1 # 2 # 3 Hello, may I please speak to the manager or assistant manager? I'm conducting a survey for economists at Princeton University on the effects of the Minimum Wage in the restaurant industry. The survey will only take a few minutes and your answers will be kept strictly confidential. Would you mind answering a few questions about your restaurant? Refused Asked to call back? When: Otherwise continue to question 1. 1. How many full-time and part-time workers are employed in your restaurant, excluding managers and assistant managers? Number full-time: Number part-time: 2. And how many managers and assistant managers? 2 3. What percent of your workers are teenagers? percent. 4. What is the average starting wage rate for a nonmanagement employee at your restaurant today? ($ per hour) the minimum wage 5. Is it the same starting rate for full-time and part-time workers? Yes: Otherwise: full-time employees: ($ per hour) part-time employees: ($ per hour) 6a. Do new employees at your restaurant usually receive a raise after some time on the job? No: Go to question 7. Yes: Then ask b. About how many weeks do they typically have to work until that raise? weeks C. And how much is the usual raise? ($ per hour) 7. Do you have any special programs to recruit new workers, such as free bus fare or a bonus to an employee who recruits a new worker? No programs Bus fare or other transportation assistance Bonus for employee who recruits a new worker Other 8a. Are there any employees in your restaurant who receive a training wage of less than $4.25 per hour No: Go to question 9. Yes: Then ask What percent of employees earn less than $4.25 per hour: 3 9. About what percent of your full-time and part-time employees are currently earning between $4.25 and $5.00 per hour? Not the managers and assistant managers: just the non-management employees. percent. 10. Do you provide employees with a free or reduced price meal? No: Yes, free meals Yes, reduced-price meals 11. About what percent of your employees have been working at the restaurant for over 6 months? Percent 12. About what percent have been working at the restaurant for over a year? Percent 13. What are your hours for a typical weekday (Monday to Thursday)? Open from to 14. And what are your hours on Saturday? Open from to 4 Now I have a few questions on prices in your store. with tax 15. What is the price of a medium soda : without tax with tax 16. What is the price of a small order of fries: without tax 17a. Ask for Burger King, Roy Rogers, or Wendy's Only with tax What is the price of a regular hamburger: without tax 17b. Ask for KFC Only with tax What is the price for 2 pieces of chicken: without tax Or equivalent (specify): 18. How many cash registers are in your store? (number) 19. How many (of these cash registers) do you usually have open at 11:00 am? All of them OR number open . 20a. Is your store company-owned or a franchise unit: Company owned Go to 21 Franchised unit Then Ask 20b. Does the owner work in the store? 21. What town is restaurant located in? 5 Interviewer check restaurant in Pennsylvania. Go to END restaurant in New Jersey. Go to 22. NEW JERSEY ONLY 22. The New Jersey minimum wage is scheduled to rise to $5.05 per hour on April 1. Have you heard about this increase? No Yes 23. Will you have to raise the wages of some of your employees to comply with the new law? No Yes 24. Would you say this rise in the minimum wage will have a big effect on your costs of business, a small effect, or something in between? Big effect Small effect In Between END OF INTERVIEW: Thanks for your assistance. Fast Food Restaurant Survey October 1992 Restaurant Information Chain: Burger King KFC Roy Rogers Wendy's Location: NJ PA Phone Number: Date: First Call: Disconnect No Answer Busy Callbacks # 1 # 2 # 3 Check store type: Same as OR: as above Hello. May I please speak to the manager or assistant manager? I'm conducting a survey for economists at Princeton University on the minimum wage in the restaurant industry. We spoke to you early last year and we'd like to follow up on any changes since then. The survey will only take a few minutes and your answers will be kept strictly confidential. Would you mind answering a few questions about your restaurant? Refused Asked to call back? When: 1. How many full-time and part-time workers are employed in your restaurant, excluding managers and assistant managers? Number full-time: Number part-time: 2. And how many managers and assistant managers? 3a. Do you have any teenage employees (that is, less than 20 years old)? No: Go to question 4. Yes: Then ask b. About how many full-time teenagers: C. About how many part-time teenagers: Page 2 4. What is the average starting wage rate for a nonmanagement employee at your restaurant today? ($ per hour) minimum wage $5.05 in NJ if response is "minimum" VERIFY $4.25 in PA 5. Is it the same starting rate for full-time and part-time workers? Yes: Otherwise: full-time employees: ($ per hour) part-time employees: ($ per hour) 6a. Do new employees at your restaurant usually receive a raise after some time on the job? No: Go to question 7. Yes: Then ask b. About how many weeks do they typically have to work until that raise? weeks C. And how much is the usual raise? ($ per hour) 7. Do you have any special programs to recruit new workers, such as free bus fare or a bonus to an employee who recruits a new worker? No programs Bus fare or transportation assistance Bonus for employee who recruits a new worker Other (explain) 8. Do you provide employees with a free or reduced price meal? No: Yes, free meals Yes, reduced-price meals Page 3 9. About what percent of your employees have been working at the restaurant for over 6 months? Percent 10. About what percent have been working at the restaurant for over a year? Percent 11. What are your hours for a typical weekday (Monday to Thursday)? Open from to 12. And what are your hours on Saturday? Open from to Now I have a few questions on prices in your store. 13. What is the price with without of a medium soda: tax tax 14. What is the price of a with without small order of fries: tax tax 15a. Ask for Burger King, Roy Rogers, or Wendy's Only What is the price of a with without regular hamburger: tax tax 15b. Ask for KFC Only What is the price of with without 2 pieces of chicken: tax tax Or equivalent entree (specify) : 16. How many cash registers are in your store? (number) 17. How many (of these cash registers) do you usually have open at 11:00 am? All of them OR number open . END OF INTERVIEW: Thanks. Code Book for New Jersey-Pennsylvania Data Set Note: there are 410 observations in the data set Column Location Name: Start End Format Explanation SHEET 1 3 3.0 sheet number (unique store id) CHAIN 5 5 1.0 chain 1-bk; 2=kfc; 3=roys; 4=wendys CO_OWNED 7 7 1.0 1 if company owned STATE 9 9 1.0 1 if NJ; 0 if Pa ZIP13 17 19 3.0 first 3 digits of zip SHORE 21 21 1.0 1 if on NJ shore First Interview NCALLS 23 24 2.0 number of call-backs* EMPFT 26 30 5.2 # full-time employees EMPPT 32 36 5.2 # part-time employees NMGRS 38 42 5.2 # managers/ass't managers WAGE_ST 44 48 5.2 starting wage (S/hr) INCTIME 50 54 5.1 months to usual first raise FIRSTINC 56 60 5.2 usual amount of first raise (S/hr) BONUS 62 62 1.0 1 if cash bounty for new workers PCTAFF 64 68 5.1 % employees affected by new minimum MEALS 70 70 1.0 free/reduced price code (See below) OPEN 72 76 5.2 hour of opening HRSOPEN 78 82 5.2 number hrs open per day PSODA 84 88 5.2 price of medium soda, including tax PFRY 90 94 5.2 price of small fries, including tax PENTREE 96 100 5.2 price of entree, including tax NREGS2 102 103 2.0 number of cash registers in store NREGS11 105 106 2.0 number of registers open at 11:00 am Second Interview TYPE2 108 108 1.0 type 2nd interview 1=phone; 2-personal STATUS2 110 110 1.0 status of second interview: see below DATE2 112 117 6.0 date of second interview MMDDYY format NCALLS2 119 120 2.0 number of call-backs* EMPFT2 122 126 5.2 # full-time employees EMPPT2 128 132 5.2 # part-time employees NMGRS2 134 138 5.2 # managers/ass't managers WAGE_ST2 140 144 5.2 starting wage (S/hr) INCTIME2 146 150 5.1 months to usual first raise FIRSTIN2 152 156 5.2 usual amount of first raise (S/hr) SPECIAL2 158 158 1.0 1 if special program for new workers MEALS2 160 160 1.0 free/reduced price code (See below) OPEN2R 162 166 5.2 hour of opening HRSOPEN2 168 172 5.2 number hrs open per day PSODA2 174 178 5.2 price of medium soda, including tax PFRY2 180 184 5.2 price of small fries, including tax PENTREE2 186 190 5.2 price of entree, including tax NREGS2 192 193 2.0 number of cash registers in store NREGS112 195 196 2.0 number of registers open at 11:00 am Codes: Free/reduced Meal Variable: 0 = none 1 = free meals 2 = reduced price meals 3 = both free and reduced price meals Second Interview Status 0 = refused second interview (count = 1) 1 = answered 2nd interview (count = 399) 2 - closed for renovations (count - 2) 3 = closed "permanently" (count - 6) 4 = closed for highway construction (count = 1) 5 = closed due to Mall fire (count = 1) *Note: number of call-backs - 0 if contacted on first call Feb. '92 Nov. '92 FT/PT FT/PT Wendy's in 072xx 0 / 30 35 / 30 Burger King in 080XX 6.5 / 20 30 / 25 Kentucky Fried Chicken in 082XX 0 / 11 22/4 Wendy's in 185XX 30 / 10 0 / 30 Roy Rogers in 189XX 27 / 12 0 / 30 Kentucky Fried Chicken in 075XX 0/7 14/0 Kentucky Fried Chicken in 070XX 0 / 22 25 / 15 Seasonal Employment Changes from Payroll Data Pennsylvania +20.5% New Jersey +15.6% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% Staffing up for the Holidays + 3.4 workers + 2.6 workers 25 per restaurant per restaurant 20.3 19.9 20 17.3 16.9 15 10 5 0 Pennsylvania New Jersey February November EMPLOYMENT OLICIES INSTITUTE THE EMPLOYMENT POLICIES INSTITUTE FOUNDATION The Employment Policies Institute is a non-profit research organization dedicated to expanding employment opportunities at all levels of America's economy. In particular, EPI believes that entry-level positions often provide the best job-training and education programs that many Americans, especially young Americans and those seeking to move from welfare to work, can have. By ensuring that these entry-level opportunities are preserved for those seeking a port of entry into the workforce, America can make substantial improvements in both unemployment and long term productivity. The Institute dedicates most of its resources to educating the media, Congress, and the public about issues affecting entry-level employment. Past research efforts have focused on (among other topics) mandated health insurance, the minimum wage, and the value of part-time employment. Institute contributors represent a cross-section of manufacturers and retailers across the country. The Institute has an aggressive research program underway. Noted academics from major research universities are engaged in sponsored empirical research focusing on several issues surrounding entry-level employment. Among other topics, this includes: income growth among entry-level employees; the role of Federal wage policy in welfare reform; comparing the anti- poverty effectiveness of the Earned Income Tax Credit to that of higher minimum wages; how better skilled workers crowd out the less skilled when the minimum wage rises; and the long term benefits of early work experience. A list of recent reports is located on the reverse side Suite 1110, 607 14th Street, N.W. - Washington, D.C. 20005 (202) 347-5178 Fax: (202) 347-5250 RECENT PUBLICATIONS Jobs Taken by Mothers Moving from Welfare to Work: And the Effects of Minimum Wages on this Transition, by Peter D. Brandon, Institute for Research on Poverty, University of Wisconsin - Madi- son, February 1995. Minimum Wage Laws and the Distribution of Employment, by Kevin Lang, Boston University, January 1995. The Low-Wage Workforce. Statistical analysis of the low-wage workforce from the 1992 Current Popula- tion Survey. December 1994. Mandates in Employment: A History of Added Burdens on the Unskilled, by Simon Rottenberg, Uni- versity of Massachusetts, Amherst, August 1994. The Use of Strike Replacement in Union Contract Negotiations: Experience from the U.S. and Can- ada, by Peter Cramton, University of Maryland, and Joseph S. Tracy, Columbia University, May 1994. The Effects of High School Work Experience on Future Economic Attainment, by Christopher J. Ruhm, University of North Carolina at Greensboro, May 1994. The Early Careers of Non-College-Bound Men, by Jeff Grogger, University of California, Santa Barbara, May 1994. Effects of the Employer Mandate in the Clinton Health Plan, by June E. O'Neill and Dave M. O'Neill, Baruch College, City University of New York, March 1994. The Effect of Recent Increases in the U.S. Minimum Wage on the Distribution of Income, by John T. Addison and McKinley Blackburn, University of South Carolina at Columbia, March 1994. Public Policies for the Working Poor: The Earned Income Tax Credit VS. Minimum Wage Legisla- tion, by Richard V. Burkhauser, Syracuse University, and Andrew J. Glenn, Vanderbilt University, March 1994. The Impact of a Health Insurance Mandate on Labor Costs and Employment, by June E. O'Neill and Dave M. O'Neill, Baruch College, City University of New York, September 1993. Health Insurance Benefits and Income Support for Poor Families: Report on National Survey of Leading Economists. Conducted by the University of New Hampshire Survey Center, this survey pre- sents overwhelming agreement among economists on the effects of mandated health insurance or a higher minimum wage. June 1993. The Minimum Wage and the Employment of Teenagers: Recent Research, by Bruce Fallick, Univer- sity of California-Los Angeles, and Janet Currie, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, June 1993. The Employment Effect in Retail Trade of a Minimum Wage: Evidence from California, by Lowell J. Taylor, Carnegie Mellon University, June 1993. The Minimum Wage: Good Social Policy? A landmark guide to understanding the minimum wage, Employment Policies Institute, April 1993. Employment Effects of Minimum and Subminimum Wages: Recent Evidence, by David Neumark, University of Pennsylvania, February 1993. Higher Wages, Greater Poverty: Trapping Americans in Poverty, by Carlos E. Bonilla, Employment Policies Institute. Examination of the interaction between minimum wage hikes, earnings, transfer and tax programs in California, February 1992. Survey of Service Employees, prepared by Frederick/Schneiders Inc. Survey of current and former hospi- tality industry employees, exploring the development of important job skills, February 1992. Employment Changes Individual Penn. Zip Codes Individual NJ Zip Codes -40% -20% 0% 20% 40% 60% Employment Losses Employment Gains Payroll Data Card-Krueger The Card-Krueger Survey. What it asked. What it didn't ask. How many full-time and What is full-time employment in your part-time workers are restaurant? employed in your restaurant, How many non-management workers meet excluding managers and that definition? assistant managers? Total full-time hours worked? - This shift? - Today? - This pay period? How many employees work less than full-time hours? Total part-time hours worked? - This shift? - Today? - This pay period? How many hours do managers and assistant managers spend on non-management duties? New York Pennsylvania New Jersey 088XX EDISON PRINCETON TRENTON 085XX-086XX Delaware Card-Krueger VS. Payroll Data: Penn. Payroll Data Zip 194XX Card-Krueger Survey Zip 190XX Zip 189XX -50% 0% 50% 100% 150% Employment Losses Employment Gains Card-Krueger VS. Payroll Data: N.J. Zip 088XX Payroll Data Zip 086XX Card-Krueger Survey Zip 085XX -50% 0% 50% 100% 150% Employment Losses Employment Gains Card-Krueger VS. Payroll Data (088XX) Payroll Data Card-Krueger Survey -20% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Employment Losses Employment Gains Wendy's Units Card-Krueger VS. Payroll Data (190XX) Payroll Data Card-Krueger Survey -50% 0% 50% 100% 150% Employment Losses Employment Gains Burger King Units Pennsylvania New Jersey 088XX EDISON PRINCETON TRENTON 085XX-086XX EMPLOYMENT OLICIES EPI VIDEO TRANSCRIPT INSTITUTE THE CLINTON ADMINISTRATION ON THE NEW JERSEY FAST FOOD STUDY Dr. Alan Krueger, Labor Department Chief Economist and Princeton University Co-author of the Fast Food study, before the Joint Economic Committee, 2/22/95 "In a number of studies -- I think the best one -- compared New Jersey and Pennsylvania. What we did was to conduct a survey of fast food restaurants in New Jersey, as well as along the border of Pennsylvania. New Jersey raised its minimum wage to $5.05 an hour on April 1, 1992, giving New Jersey the highest minimum wage in the country. And what we expected to find was when we re-interviewed these restaurants about eight months later, what we expected to find was that employment would decline -- fast food restaurants have extremely high turnover, it's very easy for them to adjust their employment due to attrition. And what we found was rather surprising. what we found was, in fact, employment fared better in New Jersey than it did in Pennsylvania." Dr. Laura D'Andrea Tyson, Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers, and Labor Secretary Robert Reich, at a White House press conference, 2/3/95 TYSON: "...you have to look at the empirical evidence, I'm just telling you what the evidence is. I mean, we have a series of studies here, it's not like we're going on this -- we 're taking this course -- without looking at the evidence very carefully. The evidence is overwhelming. What's happened here is that we have a whole new set of research, and so the theory that somehow an increase in the minimum wage might affect employment is now at odds with the empirical evidence -- the empirical evidence doesn't support that." REICH: "If I could just add one thing -- there are a number of studies, one study that I find particularly persuasive, and again the studies have looked at minimum wage increases, the effects of minimum wage increases on employment, but in New Jersey, in 1992, the minimum wage was hiked, in New Jersey, from the federal $4.25 up to $5.05, and a very exhaustive, detailed study was taken of businesses that hired minimum wage workers along the border between New Jersey and Eastern Pennsylvania, that did not hike the minimum wage kept it at $4.25. It actually turned out that those businesses in New Jersey began hiring more than the businesses in Pennsylvania -- it actually increased job growth." President Bill Clinton, State of the Union Address, 1/24/95 "Now, I've studied the arguments and the evidence for and against a minimum wage increase. I believe the weight of the evidence is that a modest increase does not cost jobs, and may even lure people back into the job market." Suite 1110, 607 14th Street, N.W. - Washington, D.C. 20005= (202) 347-5178- Fax: (202) 347-5250 EMPLOYMENT OLICIES INSTITUTE MEDIA COVERAGE OF THE CARD-KRUEGER STUDY "A study that examined the impact of an increase in the minimum wage in New Jersey in 1992 has caused a great stir in recent months among labor economists. The Princeton University study, conducted by David Card and Alan Krueger, who is now the Labor Department's chief economist, compared hiring practices in 437 fast-food restaurants in southern New Jersey and neighboring eastern Pennsylvania. New Jersey was increasing its statewide minimum wage at the time; Pennsylvania was not. Automation did not follow, nor did layoffs. Rather, the number of jobs in New Jersey restaurants grew as the wage rose." -- Los Angeles Times, 1/26/95 " [N]ow a clutch of bright young economists is challenging their profession's conventional wisdom. And, it seems, they have the president's ear. This is unsurprising, for one of the heretics, Alan Krueger of Princeton, works in the administration Within the administration, Mr. Reich's case has been bolstered by the work collected in a forthcoming book by Mr. Krueger and a colleague at Princeton, David Card, which argues that there is little evidence of any job losses from increases in the minimum wage." -- The Economist, 1/21/95 " [U]ntil recently, there was still nearly unanimous agreement among economists that any [minimum wage] increase would cost jobs. Mr. Card and Mr. Krueger have never been excessively respectful of received wisdom, though. And their own research has blown gaping holes in the consensus." -- The New York Times, 2/2/95 "In the most compelling study, Card and Krueger surveyed 437 fast-food restaurants in New Jersey and nearby eastern Pennsylvania in the Spring of 1992 at a time when New Jersey was raising the state's minimum wage. If economic theory was right the New Jersey restaurants should see a decline in fast-food employment However, it didn't work out quite that way " -- The Washington Post, 1/11/95 Also reprinted in: The Newark Star-Ledger, The Cleveland Plain Dealer, The Seattle Times, The Arizona Republic "In their most influential study, Card and Krueger surveyed more than 400 fast-food restaurants in New Jersey, which raised its minimum to $5 an hour in 1992, and in adjacent eastern Pennsylvania, which did not. To their surprise, employment actually grew in New Jersey relative to Pennsylvania." -- San Francisco Chronicle, 1/25/95 Suite 1110, 607 14th Street, N.W. - Washington, D.C. 20005- (202) 347-5178- Fax: (202) 347-5250 " [A] rash of new studies says [the] textbook model just isn't so. One in particular was authored by Alan Krueger, now chief economist at the Labor Department, and Princeton economist David Card. When New Jersey raised its state minimum wage in 1992, Card and Krueger found that the number of low-wage jobs in fast-food restaurants actually went up." -- Chicago Tribune, 1/29/95 "Contrary to expectations (and economic theory), Card and Krueger found that employment in New Jersey rose after the minimum wage was increased." -- The Boston Globe, 1/29/95 "One widely talked-about study, co-authored by Alan Krueger, now the Labor Department's chief economist, and Princeton's David Card, found the number of low-wage jobs in New Jersey's fast-food restaurants actually went up when the state raised its minimum wage. At the same time, jobs actually shrank next door in Pennsylvania where the minimum wage stayed the same. -- The Detroit News, (Tribune Media Services), 2/5/95 "Professor Card's research papers have had a way of jumping from ivory-tower academic journals to front pages and television news programs. Card's best-known works are studies suggesting that raising the minimum wage may not prompt employers to cut back on their hiring of minimum-wage workers, contradicting what most economists have long believed. These results have figured heavily in the current debate on whether to increase the minimum wage." -- The New York Times, 3/21/95 " [A] new and comprehensive study by two Princeton University economists rebuts the conventional wisdom Card and Krueger found that employment in New Jersey actually expanded after that state hiked its minimum wage " -- The Detroit News, 1/30/95 " [A] new study by two labor economists at Princeton University on the effect of the higher minimum wage on employment in [N.J.]'s fast-food restaurants -- one of the major employers of young workers who earn the minimum wage -- suggests that it has not been a significant deterrent to hiring Washington is also watching New Jersey's experience with the higher minimum wage as the Clinton Administration tries to decide how hard to lean on employers as a route for delivering benefits to working Americans." -- The New York Times, 3/20/93 " [A] distinguished group of US economists has examined the effects of recent changes in state and federal minimum wages. Their results have turned conventional wisdom upside down... The most compelling survey was conducted by Krueger, now chief economist at the US Labor Department, in conjunction with Card.. The U.S. evidence is overwhelming: increasing minimum wages to a tolerable level in low-wage labour markets does not cost jobs, and can even increase employment." -- The Financial Times, 9/30/94 "Some -- among them new House Majority Leader Richard Armey of Texas -- say raising the minimum wage will reduce jobs, though a recent study by David Card and Alan Krueger, two Princeton economists, undercuts this idea. Card and Krueger found that total jobs often rise as the minimum wage rises..." -- Los Angeles Times, (bylined column) 2/12/95 "One frequently cited study compared employment at fast-food restaurants in New Jersey and neighboring Pennsylvania after New Jersey raised its minimum wage to $5.05 an hour, while Pennsylvania's remained at $4.25. It found that low-wage employment in New Jersey actually increased slightly despite the minimum wage hike." -- Knight-Ridder, 1/29/95 "[Minority Whip David] Bonior said that recent studies have concluded that such a raise [in the minimum wage] 'won't cost us jobs.' He cited a 1993 study by economists David Card of Princeton University and Alan Krueger (then also of Princeton) showing that a minimum wage increase resulted in modest job creation in fast food restaurants in Pennsylvania and New Jersey." -- The Bureau of National Affairs, 2/15/95 "Contrary to the claims of the opponents of a minimum-wage boost, the economists - David Card and Alan B. Krueger -- found that employment in the New Jersey outlets actually went up more than in comparable restaurants on the Pennsylvania side of the border corridor." -- The San Diego Union-Tribune, 3/12/95 "The most recent [study] came out just last month after New Jersey raised its minimum wage and 437 fast-food restaurants were asked what effect this had on their employment. Would you believe that they actually hired more employees? Why would they lay off when they are selling more hamburgers? That's the magic of the minimum wage." -- The San Antonio Express-News, 2/5/95 "New findings by labor economists have weakened the chief argument against an increase, namely that it will cost jobs. Data collected from employers after minimum-wage increases in New Jersey and California suggest that job loss does not necessarily follow and that a higher minimum wage would benefit some industries by reducing job turnover and luring more workers into the workforce." -- The [Minneapolis] Star Tribune, 2/5/95 EMPLOYMENT POLICIES CARD-KRUEGER FINDINGS INSTITUTE Minimum Wages and Employment: A Case Study of the Fast Food Industry in New Jersey and Pennsylvania David Card and Alan Krueger American Economic Review, September 1994. "We believe that a control group of fast food stores in Eastern Pennsylvania forms a natural basis for comparison with the experiences of restaurants in New Jersey." (p.773) " seasonal patterns of employment are similar in New Jersey and Eastern Pennsylvania." (p.773) "Despite the increase in wages, full-time-equivalent employment increased in New Jersey relative to Pennsylvania." (p.776) " we find no evidence that the rise in New Jersey's minimum wage reduced employment at fast food restaurants in the state." (p.792) " we find that the increase in the minimum wage increased employment." (p.792) A full copy of the New Jersey Fast Food Study can be obtained from the: American Economic Association 2014 Broadway, Suite 305 Nashville, TN 37203 (615) 322-2595 Suite 1110, 607 14th Street, N.W. - Washington, D.C. 20005 (202) 347-5178- Fax: (202) 347-5250 EMPLOYMENT OLICIES INSTITUTE FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: John Doyle (202) 347-5178 CRIPPLING FLAWS IN NEW JERSEY MINIMUM WAGE STUDY REVEALED; ADMINISTRATION'S WAGE INCREASE PLAN BUILT ON 'WORTHLESS' REPORT WASHINGTON, DC (March 29, 1995) The Clinton administration's proposal to raise the minimum wage is based on a catastrophically-flawed "study" that relies on numbers which have just been proven grossly inaccurate, according to a new report released today by the Employment Policies Institute. The New Jersey study, which measured the impact of New Jersey's minimum wage increase on fast-food restaurant employment, has been cited repeatedly by senior administration officials, most notably Labor Secretary Robert Reich, as evidence that a minimum wage increase won't cause job loss. The results of the New Jersey report have also been cited as fact by leading news organizations across the country. The study, conducted by two Princeton economists and published last year, was based on telephone interviews with restaurant managers. "The new evidence released today proves the New Jersey study is dead wrong and based on poorly collected data," said Richard Berman, executive director of the Institute. "In fact, the employment numbers used in the New Jersey study bear no relation to the real payroll records of the very same restaurants examined in the study." (more) Suite 1110, 607 14th Street, N.W. - Washington, D.C. 20005 (202) 347-5178 Fax: (202) 347-5250 -2- Speaking at a news conference on Capitol Hill, Berman noted several examples of "wild employment shifts" in the New Jersey survey data, including: A Wendy's restaurant which, according to the New Jersey data, had no full-time employees in February 1992 but jumped to 35 full-timers after a minimum wage hike; A Roy Rogers restaurant in Eastern Pennsylvania which reported 27 full-time employees in February but zero full-time workers in November; and A New Jersey Kentucky Fried Chicken restaurant which reported only seven part-time employees in February, but had 14 full-time and no part-time employees after the minimum wage increase. According to the Institute report, when the actual payroll records are analyzed, one finds job losses in New Jersey resulting from the minimum wage hike, rather than the job gains reported in the New Jersey study. "Secretary Reich -- the nation's leading proponent of a minimum wage hike - has called this a 'particularly persuasive' study and has cited it on numerous occasions, including in Congressional testimony. But the facts show this study is nothing more than a sophisticated academic exercise in analyzing badly flawed data, with no implications for real life," said Berman. "It's important to note that when the techniques employed in the New Jersey study are coupled with the actual payroll data they detect the same job loss predicted by research over the last 50 years. "If not for the Institute's revelations, Clinton Administration policy on the minimum wage might have been based on the worthless conclusions drawn from the New Jersey report." ### The Employment Policies Institute is a non-profit research organization dedicated to studying issues surrounding entry-level employment. SURVEY DATA THE CARD-KRUEGER NEW JERSEY FAST FOOD STUDY As supplied by David Card and Alan Krueger and compiled by the Employment Policies Institute Foundation Wave 1 Wave 2 Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # (###XX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 1 Burger King 180 30 15 3.5 35 37.5 21 -44% 2 KFC 181 6.5 6.5 0 15 9.75 7.5 -23% 3 KFC 189 3 7 3 7 6.5 6.5 0% 4 Wendys 181 20 20 0 36 30 18 -40% 5 Wendys 180 6 26 28 3 19 29.5 55% 6 Wendys 180 0 31 #N/A #N/A 15.5 #N/A #N/A 7 Burger King 190 50 35 15 18 67.5 24 -64% 8 Burger King 190 10 17 26 9 18.5 30.5 65% 9 KFC 190 2 8 3 12 6 9 50% 10 KFC 189 2' 10 2 9 7 6.5 -7% 11 Roy Rogers 190 2.5 20 1 25 12.5 13.5 8% 12 Burger King 194 40 30 9 32 55 25 -55% 13 Burger King 194 8 27 7 39 21.5 26.5 23% 14 Burger King 194 10.5 30 18 10 25.5 23 -10% 15 Burger King 194 6 9 5 20 10.5 15 43% 16 KFC 194 5 17.5 15 4 13.75 17 24% 17 KFC 194 1, 15 4 13 8.5 10.5 24% 18 Roy Rogers 194 10 6 6 20 13 16 23% 19 Roy Rogers 194 20 13 5 15 26.5 12.5 -53% 20 Roy Rogers 194 5 23 2 19 16.5 11.5 -30% 21 Roy Rogers 194 10 12.5 2 18 16.25 11 -32% 22 Roy Rogers 189 27 12 0 30 33 15 -55% 23 Roy Rogers 194 4 28 8 20 18 18 0% 24 Roy Rogers 194 10 15 10 10 17.5 15 -14% 25 Wendys 194 0 28 0 31 14 15.5 11% 26 Roy Rogers 190 3 16 5.5 10 11 10.5 -5% 27 Roy Rogers 190 7 16 5 19 15 14.5 -3% 28 Burger King 180 21 9 6 25 25.5 18.5 -27% 29 Burger King 180 1 32 5 15 17 12.5 -26% 30 Burger King 180 10 20 7 25 20 19.5 -3% 31 Burger King 180 0 27 0 42 13.5 21 56% 32 Burger King 181 17 4 0 22 19 11 -42% 33 Burger King 181 0 24 11 12 12 17 42% 34 Burger King 180 25 15 0 45 32.5 22.5 -31% Pa Card-Krueger Survey Data Wave 1 Wave Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # (###XX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 35 Burger King 181 6 20 7.5 25 16 20 25% 36 KFC 180 6 10 4 20 11 14 27% 37 KFC 180 0 15 6 15 7.5 13.5 80% 38 Wendys 180 30 10 7 18 35 16 -54% 39 Wendys 181 8 25 0 28 20.5 14 -32% 40 Wendys 181 0 15 0 16 7.5 8 7% 41 Wendys 181 10 20 10 20 20 20 0% 42 KFC 194 2 12 1 14 8 8 0% 43 Burger King 186 20 25 0 48 32.5 24 -26% 44 Burger King 185 20 55 25 10 47.5 30 -37% 45 Burger King 184 10 30 0 42 25 21 -16% 46 Burger King 185 15 50 19 29 40 33.5 -16% 47 Burger King 185 1 37.5 0 32 19.75 16 -19% 48 KFC 186 0 9 2 9 4.5 6.5 44% 49 Wendys 184 0 25 0 30 12.5 15 20% 50 Wendys 185 30 10 0 30 35 15 -57% 51 Wendys 185 4 19 5 20 13.5 15 11% 52 Wendys 185 12 20 10 35 22 27.5 25% 53 Burger King 190 #N/A #N/A 7 24 #N/A 19 #N/A 54 Burger King 190 8 18 8 27 17 21.5 26% 55 Burger King 190 0 25 15 15 12.5 22.5 80% 56 Burger King 190 2 21 27.5 8 12.5 31.5 152% 57 KFC 190 1 9 0 18 5.5 9 64% 58 Roy Rogers 190 5 20 0 20 15 10 -33% 59 Wendys 190 8 17.5 14 12 16.75 20 19% 60 Burger King 194 25 20 12 23 35 23.5 -33% 61 Burger King 194 37.5 2 8 25 38.5 20.5 -47% 62 Burger King 194 5 27 26 15 18.5 33.5 81% 63 Burger King 195 25 8 10 16 29 18 -38% 64 Burger King 189 6 30 5 30 21 20 -5% 65 Burger King 194 8 28 6 20 22 16 -27% 66 Burger King 189 32 25 8 30 44.5 23 -48% 67 KFC 194 1 9 4 12 5.5 10 82% 68 Roy Rogers 194 4 25 0 0 16.5 0 -100% 3 Page 2 Card-Krueger Survey Data Wave 1 Wave 2 Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # (###XX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 69 Roy Rogers 194 2 16 4 15 10 11.5 15% 70 Wendys 194 12 15 #N/A #N/A 19.5 #N/A #N/A 71 Wendys 194 20 10 21 5.5 25 23.75 -5% 72 Burger King 190 14 15 30 15 21.5 37.5 74% 73 Burger King 190 7.5 14 35 6.5 14.5 38.25 164% 74 Roy Rogers 190 7 25 2.5 17.5 19.5 11.25 -42% 75 Roy Rogers 190 4 16 3 13 12 9.5 -21% 76 Roy Rogers 191 5 20 23 16 15 31 107% 77 Roy Rogers 190 6 22.5 2 12 17.25 8 -54% 78 Burger King 186 2.5 20 0 12 12.5 6 -52% 79 Burger King 182 2 30 3 23 17 14.5 -15% 80 Burger King 88 0 22 2 40 11 22 100% 8,1, Burger King 88 0 20 5 25 10 17.5 75% 82 Roy Rogers 88 10 20 8 24 20 20 0% 83 Roy Rogers 70 4.5 25.5 2 33 17.25 18.5 7% 84 Burger King 79 0 25 26.5 10 12.5 31.5 152% 85 KFC 77 0 13 1 15 6.5 8.5 31% 86 Wendys 77 30 20 0 25 40 12.5 -69% 87 Burger King 70 #N/A 10 16 6 #N/A 19 #N/A 88 Burger King 70 0 34 23 22 17 34 100% 89 Wendys 82 20 10 28 10 25 33 32% 90 Wendys 82 0 14 8 12 7 14 100% 91 Burger King 72 0 35 0 35 17.5 17.5 0% 92 Roy Rogers 70 15 15 6 20 22.5 16 -29% 93 Wendys 72 0 30 35 30 15 50 233% 94 Burger King 80 5 19 4.5 20 14.5 14.5 0% 95 Burger King 80 9 10 7 13 14 13.5 -4% 96 Burger King 76 0 45 30 20 22.5 40 78% 97 Roy Rogers 85 2 2 5 2 3 6 100% 98 KFC 86 10 8 4 17 14 12.5 -11% 99 Burger King 70 30 15 10 20 37.5 20 -47% 100 KFC 88 4 10 0 7 9 3.5 -61% 101 KFC 70 6 4 4 3 8 5.5 -31% 102 KFC 88 4 16 6 15 12 13.5 13% 3 Card-Kruege urvey Data Wave 1 Wave 2 Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # (###XX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 103 Roy Rogers 70 12 20 6 11 22 11.5 -48% 104 Wendys 88 8 12 10 35 14 27.5 96% 105 Roy Rogers 70 6 50 4 60 31 34 10% 106 Roy Rogers 74 13 10 10 12 18 16 -11% 107 Wendys 74 25 13 0 45 31.5 22.5 -29% 108 Wendys 74 8 14.5 25 8 15.25 29 90% 109 Wendys 74 12.5 20 #N/A #N/A 22.5 #N/A #N/A 110 Burger King 87 7 20 0 35 17 17.5 3% 111 Burger King 87 10 6 6 25 13 18.5 42% 112 KFC 87 0 25 2 20 12.5 12 -4% 113 Wendys 77 12.5 10 #N/A #N/A 17.5 #N/A #N/A 114 Wendys 70 4 26 5 25 17 17.5 3% 115 KFC 89 6.5 7.5 3 16 10.25 11 7% 116 Roy Rogers 88 20 20 7 18 30 16 -47% 117 Roy Rogers 88 15 25 8 22 27.5 19 -31% 118 Wendys 88 #N/A #N/A 11 25 #N/A 23.5 #N/A 119 Wendys 88 0 30 #N/A #N/A 15 #N/A #N/A 4 120 Wendys 88 10 30 4 37 25 22.5 -10% 121 Burger King 79 5 17 10 8 13.5 14 4% 122 Burger King 79 8.5 6.5 6 0 11.75 6 -49% 123 Burger King 78 4.5 30 7.5 30 19.5 22.5 15% 124 Burger King 78 1 12 0 0 7 0 -100% 3 125 Burger King 70 35 15 12 13.5 42.5 18.75 -56% 126 KFC 79 10 5 12 8 12.5 16 28% 127 Roy Rogers 70 8 25 26 12 20.5 32 56% 128 Roy Rogers 78 12 18 1.5 33 21 18 -14% 129 Roy Rogers 79 4 30 5 15 19 12.5 -34% 130 Wendys 70 20 10 10 17 25 18.5 -26% 131 Burger King 77 12 33 20 6 28.5 23 -19% 132 Burger King 77 10 20 20 20 20 30 50% 133 Roy Rogers 77 4 20 5 17.5 14 13.75 -2% 134 Roy Rogers 77 5 42 7 30 26 22 -15% 135 Wendys 77 8 19 0 30 17.5 15 -14% 136 Burger King 78 23 10 5 21 28 15.5 -45% Page 4 Card-Krueger Survey Data Wave 1 Wave 2 Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # (##XXX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 137 Burger King 70 0 10 10 4 5 12 140% 138 Roy Rogers 70 15 35 15 15 32.5 22.5 -31% #N/A 27.5 #N/A #N/A 139 Roy Rogers 70 15 25 15 140 Roy Rogers 70 25 10 12 10 30 17 -43% 141 Roy Rogers 70 15 8 8 12 19 14 -26% 142 Burger King 80 13 12 15 15 19 22.5 18% 143 Burger King 80 10 18 0 42.5 19 21.25 12% 144 KFC 81 0 13 0 15 6.5 7.5 15% 145 KFC 81 4 11 2 14 9.5 9 -5% 146 KFC 80 0 15 3 7 7.5 6.5 -13% 147 KFC 81 5 10 5 15 10 12.5 25% 16 4 9 13 8.5 -35% 148 Burger King 70 5 149 KFC 72 3 8 6 12 7 12 71% 150 KFC 70 8 12 2 7 14 5.5 -61% 151 KFC 82 5 9 4 6 9.5 7 -26% 152 KFC 82 3 14 4 11 10 9.5 -5% 41.5 -3% 153 Roy Rogers 80 20 46 22 39 43 154 Roy Rogers 82 18 45 0 45 40.5 22.5 -44% 155 Wendys 82 4 16 3 20 12 13 8% 156 Burger King 80 10 10 0 20 15 10 -33% 80 2.5 27 0 20 16 10 -38% 157 Roy Rogers 158 Wendys 80 14 7 9 7 17.5 12.5 -29% 159 Wendys 80 11.5 10 0 28 16.5 14 -15% 160 Wendys 70 4.5 20 21 6 14.5 24 66% 161 Burger King 74 12 23 11 22 23.5 22 -6% 15 20 25.5 28% 162 Burger King 70 14 12 18 163 Burger King 74 25 10 0 25 30 12.5 -58% 164 Burger King 70 10 8 20 15 14 27.5 96% 165 Burger King 70 10 20 15 15 20 22.5 13% 166 Roy Rogers 70 13 31 11 23 28.5 22.5 -21% 167 Wendys 76 12 35 17 22 29.5 28 -5% 168 Wendys 76 5 10 8 7 10 11.5 15% 169 Burger King 78 3 60 0 15 33 7.5 -77% 170 Burger King 86 16 30 20 40 31 40 29% Card-Krueger Survey Data Page 5 Wave 1 Wave 2 Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # (##XXX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 171 Burger King 85 10 6 7.5 10 13 12.5 -4% 172 KFC 86 6 13 4 7 12.5 7.5 -40% 173 Roy Rogers 86 10 12 5 30 16 20 25% 174 Roy Rogers 85 5 30 10 30 20 25 25% 175 Wendys 86 #N/A 25 15 25 #N/A 27.5 #N/A 176 Burger King 86 12 40 0 32 32 16 -50% 177 Burger King 86 15 20 15 15 25 22.5 -10% 178 Burger King 86 10 30 12 24 25 24 -4% 179 Burger King 85 6.5 23.5 15 15 18.25 22.5 23% 180 KFC 85 0 25 2 11 12.5 7.5 -40% 181 Roy Rogers 86 3 25 5 20 15.5 15 -3% 182 Roy Rogers 86 6 22 7 17 17 15.5 -9% 183 Roy Rogers 86 0 20 4 35 10 21.5 115% 184 Roy Rogers 86 15 25 8 38 27.5 27 -2% 185 Burger King 80 4 31 6 44 19.5 28 44% 186 KFC 80 5 12 0 11 11 5.5 -50% 187 Roy Rogers 80 3 15 3 15 10.5 10.5 0% 188 Burger King 70 0 25 14 14 12.5 21 68% 189 Burger King 88 15 15 15 20 22.5 25 11% 190 KFC 70 0 14 6 2 7 7 0% 191 KFC 70 0 7 0 13 3.5 6.5 86% 192 Roy Rogers 70 10 20.5 2 25 20.25 14.5 -28% 193 Roy Rogers 70 5 15 11 7 12.5 14.5 16% 194 Wendys 70 25 6.5 13 18 28.25 22 -22% 195 Burger King 88 15 20 10 20 25 20 -20% 196 Burger King 70 26 6 15 10 29 20 -31% 197 Burger King 74 20 15 13 13 27.5 19.5 -29% 198 Burger King 75 0 20 #N/A #N/A 10 #N/A #N/A 2 199 Burger King 74 15 18 26 10 24 31 29% 200 Burger King 74 5 15 4 17.5 12.5 12.75 2% 201 Burger King 76 30 10 13 17 35 21.5 -39% 202 Burger King 75 0 27 0 27 13.5 13.5 0% 203 Burger King 74 35 20 10 30 45 25 -44% 204 Burger King 76 0 35 29 14 17.5 36 106% Page 6 Card-Krueger Survey Data Wave 1 Wave 2 Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # (###XX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 205 KFC 75 0 7 14 0 3.5 14 300% 206 KFC 76 3 15 4 11 10.5 9.5 -10% 15 24 32.5 35% 207 Roy Rogers 70 8 32 25 208 Roy Rogers 70 6 25 8 18 18.5 17 -8% 209 Wendys 74 4.5 20 11 14 14.5 18 24% 210 Burger King 85 4 30 12 30 19 27 42% 211 Burger King 87 11 11 9 12 16.5 15 -9% 212 Burger King 87 0 15 0 30 7.5 15 100% 213 Burger King 80 3 35 4 37 20.5 22.5 10% 214 Burger King 87 8 22 0 30 19 15 -21% 215 Burger King 87 4 18 14 6 13 17 31% 30 5 25 17.5 17.5 0% 216 Burger King 77 2.5 217 KFC 87 18 3 0 14 19.5 7 -64% 218 KFC 77 0 15 0 15 7.5 7.5 0% 219 KFC 87 0 12 2.5 11 6 8 33% 220 KFC 87 0 20 3 13 10 9.5 -5% 55 -31% 221 Roy Rogers 87 60 40 30 50 80 222 Roy Rogers 87 4.5 15 10 12 12 16 33% 223 Roy Rogers 80 12 13 0 27 18.5 13.5 -27% 224 Wendys 87 40 20 11 10 50 16 -68% 70 0 40 0 45 20 22.5 13% 225 Burger King 226 Burger King 70 0 35 2 25 17.5 14.5 -17% 227 Burger King 70 6 11 13.5 10 11.5 18.5 61% 228 Burger King 70 13.5 15 11 24 21 23 10% 229 Roy Rogers 70 17 14 20 14.5 24 27.25 14% 40 17.5 40 129% 230 Burger King 88 0 35 20 231 Burger King 89 20 25 6 15 32.5 13.5 -58% 232 Burger King 88 4 22.5 22 12 15.25 28 84% 233 Burger King 70 10 15 18 20 17.5 28 60% 234 Burger King 70 12 19 18 13 21.5 24.5 14% 235 Burger King 88 0 32 0 30 16 15 -6% 236 Burger King 70 1 38 10 50 20 35 75% 237 Burger King 88 8 10 21 6 13 24 85% 238 KFC 88 15 0 0 15 15 7.5 -50% Card-Krueger Survey Data Page 7 Wave 1 Wave 2 Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # (###XX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 239 Roy Rogers 88 7 25.5 2 38 19.75 21 6% 240 Roy Rogers 88 20 20 15 20 30 25 -17% 241 Roy Rogers 88 6 16 3 20 14 13 -7% 242 Roy Rogers 88 5.5 25 6 27.5 18 19.75 10% 243 Roy Rogers 88 14.5 14.5 #N/A #N/A 21.75 #N/A #N/A 0 244 Roy Rogers 70 15 25 12 30 27.5 27 -2% 245 Wendys 88 0 40 5 35 20 22.5 13% 246 Wendys 88 10 15 10 25 17.5 22.5 29% 247 Wendys 70 15 35 40 31 32.5 55.5 71% 248 Burger King 79 8 20 0 32 18 16 -11% 249 Burger King 78 0 20 8 10 10 13 30% 250 Burger King 70 0 27.5 12 20 13.75 22 60% 251 Burger King 78 8 15 2 18 15.5 11 -29% 252 KFC 78 2 7 3 4 5.5 5 -9% 253 KFC 78 6 12 10 5 12 12.5 4% 254 Roy Rogers 78 0 40 3 30 20 18 -10% 255 Wendys 78 8 32 0 35 24 17.5 -27% 256 Burger King 77 5 20 0 32 15 16 7% 257 Burger King 77 2 32 10 12.5 18 16.25 -10% 258 Burger King 77 0 24 7 23 12 18.5 54% 259 Burger King 77 6 40 11 30 26 26 0% 260 Burger King 77 11 20 20 20 21 30 43% 261 Burger King 77 15 21 20 27.5 25.5 33.75 32% 262 KFC 77 13 12 1 10 19 6 -68% 263 KFC 77 2 12 2 10 8 7 -13% 264 KFC 77 8 3 0 17.5 9.5 8.75 -8% 265 KFC 80 3 15 0 15 10.5 7.5 -29% 266 KFC 77 12 4 15 10 14 20 43% 267 KFC 87 2 9 2 6 6.5 5 -23% 268 Roy Rogers 77 10 20 12 18 20 21 5% 269 Roy Rogers 77 4 15 0 19 11.5 9.5 -17% 270 Wendys 77 20 10 4.5 30 25 19.5 -22% 271 Wendys 77 1 13 4 9 7.5 8.5 13% 272 Wendys 77 0 30 8 25 15 20.5 37% Page 8 Card-Krueger Sur Data Wave 1 Wav Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # (###XX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 273 Burger King 78 #N/A #N/A 10 32 #N/A 26 #N/A 274 KFC 78 0 12 11 3 6 12.5 108% 40 30 25 -17% 275 Burger King 70 0 60 5 276 Burger King 73 0 33 16 22 16.5 27 64% 277 Burger King 73 30 14 13 11 37 18.5 -50% 278 Burger King 73 9 12 4 34 15 21 40% 279 Burger King 73 10 8.5 12 13.5 14.25 18.75 32% 280 KFC 73 8 10 8.5 6 13 11.5 -12% 281 Roy Rogers 73 12 32 5 32 28 21 -25% 282 Roy Rogers 73 4 36 6 37 22 24.5 11% 283 Wendys 73 0 19 0 14 9.5 7 -26% 28 2 35 17 19.5 15% 284 Burger King 80 3 285 Burger King 80 11 17.5 20 15 19.75 27.5 39% 286 Burger King 80 4.5 20 12 17.5 14.5 20.75 43% 287 Burger King 80 2 30 0 35 17 17.5 3% 288 Burger King 80 10 10 20 10 15 25 67% 11 47% 289 KFC 80 2 11 2 18 7.5 290 KFC 80 2 13 0 12 8.5 6 -29% 291 KFC 80 7 4 5 3 9 6.5 -28% 292 KFC 80 3 9 9 9 7.5 13.5 80% 80 3 15 3 12 10.5 9 -14% 293 KFC 294 KFC 80 1 28 1 15 15 8.5 -43% 295 Roy Rogers 80 2 24 2 15 14 9.5 -32% 296 Roy Rogers 80 3 18 3 20 12 13 8% 297 Roy Rogers 80 3 27 12 25 16.5 24.5 48% 26 11 13 18% 298 Wendys 80 0 22 0 299 Wendys 80 3 28.5 11 19 17.25 20.5 19% 300 Burger King 70 3 40 22 11 23 27.5 20% 301 Burger King 71 0 25 15 17 12.5 23.5 88% 302 Burger King 70 18 6 18 10 21 23 10% 303 Burger King 70 19 7 15 7 22.5 18.5 -18% 304 Burger King 70 5 17 #N/A 28 13.5 #N/A #N/A 305 Burger King 70 12 11 9 17 17.5 17.5 0% 306 KFC 70 0 22 25 15 11 32.5 195% Card-Krueger Survey Data Page 9 Wave 1 Wave 2 Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # (###XX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 307 KFC 71 15 4 0 19 17 9.5 -44% 308 Roy Rogers 70 7 25 7 22 19.5 18 -8% 309 Roy Rogers 70 12 30 16 12 27 22 -19% 310 Wendys 70 0 40 0 40 20 20 0% 311 Wendys 70 8 16 10 14 16 17 6% 312 Burger King 82 6 6 10 12 9 16 78% 313 KFC 82 1 4 2 4 3 4 33% 314 Roy Rogers 82 7 7 4 8 10.5 8 -24% 315 Burger King 80 20 10 #N/A #N/A 25 #N/A #N/A 2 316 Burger King 80 4 22 20 18 15 29 93% 317 Burger King 80 10 20 4 26 20 17 -15% 318 Burger King 80 7 13 0 22.5 13.5 11.25 -17% 319 Burger King 81 0 10 0 23 5 11.5 130% 320 Burger King 81 0 20 0 0 10 0 -100% 3 321 Burger King 80 6.5 20 30 25 16.5 42.5 158% 322 KFC 80 2 10 10 3 7 11.5 64% 323 KFC 80 2 14 2 11 9 7.5 -17% 324 KFC 80 4 4 1 8 6 5 -17% 325 KFC 80 2 15 1 14 9.5 8 -16% 326 KFC 81 3 4 0 9 5 4.5 -10% 0 0 9 0 -100% 3 327 Roy Rogers 80 2 14 328 Roy Rogers 80 5 23 6 12 16.5 12 -27% 329 Roy Rogers 81 3 25 3 15 15.5 10.5 -32% 330 Roy Rogers 80 1 15 2 15 8.5 9.5 12% 331 Roy Rogers 80 3 18 2 15 12 9.5 -21% -5% 332 Roy Rogers 80 0 20 5 9 10 9.5 333 Roy Rogers 80 2 12 3 10 8 8 0% 334 Wendys 81 8 12 0 23 14 11.5 -18% 335 Wendys 80 4 20 5 16 14 13 -7% 10 15 15 11 17.5 20.5 17% 336 Wendys 80 337 Burger King 70 8 9 #N/A 21 12.5 #N/A #N/A 338 Burger King 72 9 15 15 30 16.5 30 82% 339 Roy Rogers 70 10 35 12 35 27.5 29.5 7% 340 Roy Rogers 72 10 20 10 15 20 17.5 -13% Page 10 Card-Krueger Survey Data Wave 1 Wave 2 Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # (###XX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 341 Roy Rogers 72 0 20 5 22 10 16 60% 342 Roy Rogers 72 17.5 17.5 25 25 26.25 37.5 43% 343 Wendys 72 0 28 3 23 14 14.5 4% 344 Burger King 84 4 6 3 2 7 4 -43% 345 Burger King 82 11 9 0 30 15.5 15 -3% 346 Burger King 82 8 12 15 6 14 18 29% 347 Burger King 82 15 15 12 14 22.5 19 -16% 348 Burger King 84 0 8 4 0 4 4 0% 349 KFC 84 5 7 7 6 8.5 10 18% 350 KFC 82 0 11 22 4 5.5 24 336% 351 Roy Rogers 84 8 13 12 5 14.5 14.5 0% 352 Roy Rogers 84 4 15 1 15 11.5 8.5 -26% 353 Burger King 85 2 16.5 3 20 10.25 13 27% 354 Burger King 80 28 12 10 20 34 20 -41% 355 Burger King 80 5 29.5 25 5 19.75 27.5 39% 356 Burger King 80 18 6 5 9 21 9.5 -55% 357 Burger King 80 6 30 15 17 21 23.5 12% 358 KFC 80 2 7 3 7 5.5 6.5 18% 359 KFC 80 10 6 4 11 13 9.5 -27% 360 KFC 80 2 10.5 3 12 7.25 9 24% 361 3 10.5 0 0 8.25 0 -100% 3 Roy Rogers 85 362 Roy Rogers 80 8 9 5 20 12.5 15 20% 363 Roy Rogers 80 2 27.5 10 20 15.75 20 27% 364 Roy Rogers 79 0 19 #N/A #N/A 9.5 #N/A #N/A 5 365 Roy Rogers 80 7.5 22.5 #N/A 31 18.75 #N/A #N/A 366 Wendys 85 2 17 3 17 10.5 11.5 10% 367 Burger King 83 0 22 0 26 11 13 18% 368 Burger King 83 3 25 5 32 15.5 21 35% 369 Burger King 83 6 13 4 23 12.5 15.5 24% 370 KFC 83 6 13 24 4 12.5 26 108% 371 KFC 83 0 25 14 7 12.5 17.5 40% 372 KFC 83 3.5 20 1 30 13.5 16 19% 373 Roy Rogers 83 2 17 1 19 10.5 10.5 0% 374 Wendys 83 0 20 0 25 10 12.5 25% Page 11 Card-Krueger Survey Data Wave 1 Wave 2 Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # (###XX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 375 Burger King 70 0 15 0 0 7.5 0 -100% 3 376 Burger King 74 20 11.5 26 5 25.75 28.5 11% 377 Burger King 76 4 10 0 17 9 8.5 -6% 378 Burger King 76 12 6 11 12 15 17 13% 379 Burger King 76 20 12 28 6 26 31 19% 380 Burger King 76 10 15 15 14 17.5 22 26% 381 Burger King 70 6 4 7 2 8 8 0% 382 Burger King 76 #N/A #N/A 0 30 #N/A 15 #N/A 383 Burger King 74 16 14 15 14 23 22 -4% 384 Burger King 76 0 19 14 10 9.5 19 100% 385 KFC 76 15 5 12 7 17.5 15.5 -11% 386 KFC 76 4 10 18 4 9 20 122% 387 Roy Rogers 74 24 16 8 30 32 23 -28% 388 Roy Rogers 76 4 28 6 15 18 13.5 -25% 389 Roy Rogers 76 14 13 25 15 20.5 32.5 59% 390 Roy Rogers 74 13 8 18 18 17 27 59% 391 Roy Rogers 76 16 15 8 24 23.5 20 -15% 392 Roy Rogers 76 8 6 5 27 11 18.5 68% 393 Roy Rogers 76 11 10 17 5 16 19.5 22% 394 Roy Rogers 74 6 17 1.5 15 14.5 9 -38% 395 Burger King 74 0 35 0 35 17.5 17.5 0% 396 Burger King 78 0 36 4 36 18 22 22% 397 KFC 88 0 17 0 13 8.5 6.5 -24% 398 Burger King 71 0 36 0 20 18 10 -44% 399 Burger King 71 0 36 13 9 18 17.5 -3% 400 Burger King 70 8 32 0 38 24 19 -21% 401 Burger King 71 4 28 13 17 18 21.5 19% 402 Burger King 71 30 15 0 35 37.5 17.5 -53% 403 KFC 71 3 10 5 5 8 7.5 -6% 404 KFC 71 20 10 25 7 25 28.5 14% 405 KFC 71 0 7 5 10 3.5 10 186% 406 KFC 71 2 10 19 3.5 7 20.75 196% 407 KFC 71 3.5 6.5 12 3 6.75 13.5 100% 408 Roy Rogers 71 3 33 5 25 19.5 17.5 -10% Page 12 Card-Krueger Survey Data Wave 1 Wave 2 Full Time Obs Chain Zip Code Full-Time Part-Time Full-Time Part-Time Equivalent Employees % Change Notes # . (##XXX) Employees Employees Employees Employees Wave 1 Wave 2 In FTEs 409 Wendys 71 7 8 0 35 11 17.5 59% 410 Wendys 70 0 33 10 24 16.5 22 33% Data are presented in the same sequence as in the Card-Krueger public use tape Full Time Equivalent Employees are calculated in the same manner as in the Card-Krueger estimation: 2 part-time workers = 1 full time workers Notes 0 Refused second interview 2 Closed for renovation 3 Closed permanently 4 Closed for Highway construction 5 Closed due to mall fire #N/A Missing value in the Card Krueger-Data Set Page 13 Card-Krueger Survey Data