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notification help communities plan for a transition fr a defense to a domestic economy. Thirty-one percent of our graduate engineers work for the defense industry. They and other highly skilled workers and technicians are a vital national resource at a time when our technological edge in a world economy must be sharper than ever before. I have called for a new advanced research agency - a civilian DARPA - that could help capture for commercial work the brilliance of scientists and engineers who have accomplished wonders on the battlefield. We must be Likewise, those who have served the nation in uniform cannot be strong at home dumped on the job market. We've got to enlist them to help meet our many needs at to lead and home. By shifting people from active duty to the National Guard and reserves, offering early retirement options, limiting re-enlistment and slowing the pace of recruitment, maintain global we can build down our forces in a gradual way that doesn't abandon people of proven growth." commitment and competence. Our people in uniform are among the most highly skilled in the areas we need most. We need to transfer those human resources into our workforce and even into our schools, perhaps in part by using reserve centers and closed bases for community-based education and training programs. The defense policy I have outlined keeps America strong and still yields substantial savings. The American people have earned this peace dividend through forty years of unrelenting vigilance and sacrifice and an investment of trillions of dollars. And they are entitled to have the dividend reinvested in their future. Finally, America needs to reach a new agreement with our allies for sharing the costs and risks of maintaining peace. While Desert Storm set a useful precedent for cost-sharing, our forces still did most of the fighting and dying. We need to shift that burden to a wider coalition of nations of which America will be a part. In the Persian Gulf, in Namibia, in Cambodia and elsewhere in recent years, the United Nations has begun to play the role that Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman envisioned for it. We must take the lead now in making their vision real - by expanding the Security Council and making Germany and Japan permanent members: by continuing to press for greater efficiency in U.N. administration: and by exploring ways to institutionalize the U.N.'s success in mobilizing international participation in Desert Storm. One proposal worth exploring calls for a U.N. Rapid Deployment Force that could be used for purposes beyond traditional peacekeeping, such as standing guard at the borders of countries threatened by aggression: preventing attacks on civilians; providing humanitarian relief; and combatting terrorism and drug trafficking. In Europe, new security arrangements will evolve over the next decade. While insisting on a fairer sharing of the common defense burden, we must not turn our back on NATO. Until a more effective security system emerges, we must give our allies no reason to doubt our constancy. As we restructure our military forces, we must reinforce the powerful global movement toward democracy. U.S. foreign policy cannot be divorced from the moral principles most Americans share. We cannot disregard how other governments treat their own people, whether their domestic institutions are democratic or repressive, whether they help encourage or check illegal conduct beyond their borders. This does not mean we should deal only with democracies or that we should try to remake the world in our image. But recent experience from Panama to Iran to Iraq shows the dangers of 32 forging strategic relationships with despotic regimes.

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    "ocrText": "notification\nhelp communities plan for a transition fr\na defense to a domestic\neconomy. Thirty-one percent of our graduate engineers work for the defense industry.\nThey and other highly skilled workers and technicians are a vital national resource at a\ntime when our technological edge in a world economy must be sharper than ever\nbefore. I have called for a new advanced research agency - a civilian DARPA - that\ncould help capture for commercial work the brilliance of scientists and engineers who\nhave accomplished wonders on the battlefield.\nWe must be\nLikewise, those who have served the nation in uniform cannot be\nstrong at home\ndumped on the job market. We've got to enlist them to help meet our many needs at\nto lead and\nhome. By shifting people from active duty to the National Guard and reserves, offering\nearly retirement options, limiting re-enlistment and slowing the pace of recruitment,\nmaintain global\nwe can build down our forces in a gradual way that doesn't abandon people of proven\ngrowth.\"\ncommitment and competence.\nOur people in uniform are among the most highly skilled in the\nareas we need most. We need to transfer those human resources into our workforce\nand even into our schools, perhaps in part by using reserve centers and closed bases\nfor community-based education and training programs.\nThe defense policy I have outlined keeps America strong and still\nyields substantial savings. The American people have earned this peace dividend\nthrough forty years of unrelenting vigilance and sacrifice and an investment of\ntrillions of dollars. And they are entitled to have the dividend reinvested in their\nfuture.\nFinally, America needs to reach a new agreement with our allies for\nsharing the costs and risks of maintaining peace. While Desert Storm set a useful\nprecedent for cost-sharing, our forces still did most of the fighting and dying. We need\nto shift that burden to a wider coalition of nations of which America will be a part. In\nthe Persian Gulf, in Namibia, in Cambodia and elsewhere in recent years, the United\nNations has begun to play the role that Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman\nenvisioned for it. We must take the lead now in making their vision real - by\nexpanding the Security Council and making Germany and Japan permanent members:\nby continuing to press for greater efficiency in U.N. administration: and by exploring\nways to institutionalize the U.N.'s success in mobilizing international participation in\nDesert Storm.\nOne proposal worth exploring calls for a U.N. Rapid Deployment\nForce that could be used for purposes beyond traditional peacekeeping, such as\nstanding guard at the borders of countries threatened by aggression: preventing\nattacks on civilians; providing humanitarian relief; and combatting terrorism and drug\ntrafficking.\nIn Europe, new security arrangements will evolve over the next\ndecade. While insisting on a fairer sharing of the common defense burden, we must\nnot turn our back on NATO. Until a more effective security system emerges, we must\ngive our allies no reason to doubt our constancy.\nAs we restructure our military forces, we must reinforce the\npowerful global movement toward democracy.\nU.S. foreign policy cannot be divorced from the moral principles\nmost Americans share. We cannot disregard how other governments treat their own\npeople, whether their domestic institutions are democratic or repressive, whether they\nhelp encourage or check illegal conduct beyond their borders. This does not mean we\nshould deal only with democracies or that we should try to remake the world in our\nimage. But recent experience from Panama to Iran to Iraq shows the dangers of\n32\nforging strategic relationships with despotic regimes."
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