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SECRET - -11- increasing the over-all readiness of the Navy to engage in the combat operations which might ensue. 3. The third category would include measures to pre- pare for general nuclear war. This would mean placing SAC in a suitable state of readiness, which could be maintained over the period of a prolonged crisis without degrading SAC capabilities or generating pressures for a pre-emptive strike. It would also mean taking civil defense measures, including possibly construction of fall-out shelters. The world-wide readiness of US armed forces would need to be increased in a variety of ways. In carrying out these preparations, we should try to avoid actions which are not needed for sound military purposes and which would be considered provocative. Such actions would have a contra-productive effect on the Soviets in two respects - first, in suggesting that the whole operation was for "muscle flexing" and thus degrading the deterrent effect of our other preparations, and second in creating an atmosphere of challenge and counter-challenge which might make it harder for the Soviets to back down, if they should wish to. Such actions would tend to split the alliance, furthermore, by antagonizing our allies. Allied attitudes also suggest that preparations for a Berlin crisis should not include steps, which would run contrary to Presidentially-approved US policy toward Europe, looking to sharing nuclear weapons capabilities with France or to deployment of land-based MRBM's in Europe. Nuclear sharing with France would trigger German interest in developing a national nuclear capability; preparations for deployment of land-based MRBM's to European (including German) forces would be taken in some quarters to foreshadow de facto creation of such a capability. The British have opposed deployment of land- based MRBM's to Europe, in part, because of their reluctance to see strategic missiles containing powerful warheads placed in German hands. A Berlin crisis would not be the SECRET

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    "ocrText": "SECRET\n- -11-\nincreasing the over-all readiness of the Navy to engage in\nthe combat operations which might ensue.\n3. The third category would include measures to pre-\npare for general nuclear war. This would mean placing SAC\nin a suitable state of readiness, which could be maintained\nover the period of a prolonged crisis without degrading\nSAC capabilities or generating pressures for a pre-emptive\nstrike. It would also mean taking civil defense measures,\nincluding possibly construction of fall-out shelters.\nThe world-wide readiness of US armed forces would need\nto be increased in a variety of ways.\nIn carrying out these preparations, we should try to\navoid actions which are not needed for sound military purposes\nand which would be considered provocative. Such actions\nwould have a contra-productive effect on the Soviets in\ntwo respects - first, in suggesting that the whole\noperation was for \"muscle flexing\" and thus degrading the\ndeterrent effect of our other preparations, and second in\ncreating an atmosphere of challenge and counter-challenge\nwhich might make it harder for the Soviets to back down,\nif they should wish to. Such actions would tend to split\nthe alliance, furthermore, by antagonizing our allies.\nAllied attitudes also suggest that preparations for\na Berlin crisis should not include steps, which would run\ncontrary to Presidentially-approved US policy toward\nEurope, looking to sharing nuclear weapons capabilities\nwith France or to deployment of land-based MRBM's in\nEurope. Nuclear sharing with France would trigger German\ninterest in developing a national nuclear capability;\npreparations for deployment of land-based MRBM's to\nEuropean (including German) forces would be taken in some\nquarters to foreshadow de facto creation of such a\ncapability. The British have opposed deployment of land-\nbased MRBM's to Europe, in part, because of their reluctance\nto see strategic missiles containing powerful warheads\nplaced in German hands. A Berlin crisis would not be\nthe\nSECRET"
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