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SECRET LIMIT DISTRI ITT
June 1, 1961
PRESIDENT'S MEETING WITH KHRUSHCHEV
Vienna, June 3 - 4, 1961
DECLASSIFIED
E.O. 11652 Sec, 3(E) and 5(D) or (E)
Special Background Paper
state Dept NLK-76-284
By MFD NARS, Date 6-11-76
LINE OF APPROACH TO KHRUSHCHEV
This paper seeks to set forth certain lines of approach both general
and specific which would offer the best possibility of getting through to
Khrushchev and enhancing in his mind the creditability of United States
positions. It seeks to eliminate emphasis on aspects of Soviet policy and
its relation with the non-communist world, which experience has shown is
without value and apt to be detrimental to the purposes we seek in this
meeting.
1. General
The emphasis throughout should be placed upon the Soviet foreign
policy in its national aspects and any ideological topics or reference to
the general threat of communism in the world should not be dealt with per
se but as a function of and in relation to Soviet state policy.
The United States and the Soviet Union as chief protagonists
in the present world-wide struggle, find themselves in antagonistic
confrontation in regard to every international political problem. This
is most certainly the Soviet view which treats every issue as a battle
in a continuing struggle in which negotiation is not sought by the Soviet
Government for the purpose of solution of a given problem, but as a
weapon in political warfare to obtain a Soviet or communist victory at
the expense of the non-communist world.
There is only one major subject on which there would appear
to be a coincident of interest between the United States and the Soviet
Union, and that is on the assumed common desire of both to avoid nuclear
war. Community of interest on this point should be the basic and starting
point of the entire approach to Khrushchev. On the basis of this common
desire to avoid nuclear war, the United States and the Soviet Union, as
the two leading powers in the world, have an enormous responsibility in
the matter of the preservation of peace. While recognizing that we will
not find any genuine common ground in regard to most if not all of the
international issues in dispute, the manner in which these disagreements
are handled in practice should be approached in the light of our common
interest in avoiding nuclear war and in our great responsibility as world
powers.
2. War
It should be emphasized to Khrushchev that the artificial
distinction between the three categories of war, contained in his January
sixth speech and the eighty-one Party document, is inherently artificial
and dangerous. The thesis that certain kinds of war can be segragated out
from others is a most dangerous thesis. In reality, war is war and does
not lend itself to such tidy compartmentalization. Any form of armed
action supported by a great power carries with it the obvious danger of
LINIT
Document source description
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"ocrText": "A.\n30\nSECRET LIMIT DISTRI ITT\nJune 1, 1961\nPRESIDENT'S MEETING WITH KHRUSHCHEV\nVienna, June 3 - 4, 1961\nDECLASSIFIED\nE.O. 11652 Sec, 3(E) and 5(D) or (E)\nSpecial Background Paper\nstate Dept NLK-76-284\nBy MFD NARS, Date 6-11-76\nLINE OF APPROACH TO KHRUSHCHEV\nThis paper seeks to set forth certain lines of approach both general\nand specific which would offer the best possibility of getting through to\nKhrushchev and enhancing in his mind the creditability of United States\npositions. It seeks to eliminate emphasis on aspects of Soviet policy and\nits relation with the non-communist world, which experience has shown is\nwithout value and apt to be detrimental to the purposes we seek in this\nmeeting.\n1. General\nThe emphasis throughout should be placed upon the Soviet foreign\npolicy in its national aspects and any ideological topics or reference to\nthe general threat of communism in the world should not be dealt with per\nse but as a function of and in relation to Soviet state policy.\nThe United States and the Soviet Union as chief protagonists\nin the present world-wide struggle, find themselves in antagonistic\nconfrontation in regard to every international political problem. This\nis most certainly the Soviet view which treats every issue as a battle\nin a continuing struggle in which negotiation is not sought by the Soviet\nGovernment for the purpose of solution of a given problem, but as a\nweapon in political warfare to obtain a Soviet or communist victory at\nthe expense of the non-communist world.\nThere is only one major subject on which there would appear\nto be a coincident of interest between the United States and the Soviet\nUnion, and that is on the assumed common desire of both to avoid nuclear\nwar. Community of interest on this point should be the basic and starting\npoint of the entire approach to Khrushchev. On the basis of this common\ndesire to avoid nuclear war, the United States and the Soviet Union, as\nthe two leading powers in the world, have an enormous responsibility in\nthe matter of the preservation of peace. While recognizing that we will\nnot find any genuine common ground in regard to most if not all of the\ninternational issues in dispute, the manner in which these disagreements\nare handled in practice should be approached in the light of our common\ninterest in avoiding nuclear war and in our great responsibility as world\npowers.\n2. War\nIt should be emphasized to Khrushchev that the artificial\ndistinction between the three categories of war, contained in his January\nsixth speech and the eighty-one Party document, is inherently artificial\nand dangerous. The thesis that certain kinds of war can be segragated out\nfrom others is a most dangerous thesis. In reality, war is war and does\nnot lend itself to such tidy compartmentalization. Any form of armed\naction supported by a great power carries with it the obvious danger of\nLINIT"
}