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hard to justify the workability of any such mechanism. Care, however,
should be exercised that this point is not built up to a degree whereby a
Soviet retreat from this position might be utilized by them to justify
major concessions on our part in other aspects of the test ban talks still
in dispute.
If, however, Khrushchev sticks firmly to his insistence on
the troika and endeavors to transfer it into the general field of disarma-
ment, he should be told that there seems to be little prospect of any
fruitful progress in this entire field as long as this postion is
maintained. However, in all likelihood, he will not seek to extend the troika
principle into general disarmament, but is more apt to stress the standard
Soviet position that when disarmament is fully or even substantially achieved,
the Soviet Government would accept any form of inspection. If he makes
this latter point clear, then the discussion on general disarmament should
follow along the lines of our position paper (PMK-B/9).
Conclusion
In general, the impression we would desire to leave on Khrushchev
is first of all one of utmost seriousness in regard to the current world
situation; the desire of the United States to find means to handle our
disagreements in such a way as to avoid war and that, to this end,
realistic and responsible action on the part of the Soviet Union will be
matched by equal responsible and realistic action on the part of the
United States; that world peace cannot be preserved by an attempt to
inflict political defeats upon great powers and our reciprocal actions
should be governed by some form of ground rules in order to avoid the
type of actions which can set off an automatic chain of events leading
to the end that both countries desire to avoid.
LIMIT
Drafted by :
S/B - Mr. Bohlen
Document source description
This file contains materials collected by the office of President John F. Kennedy's secretary, Evelyn Lincoln, concerning the Soviet Union. Materials in this file include newspaper articles, background papers on nuclear science and possible cooperative space exploration projects, a summary of a telephone conversation between President Kennedy and French President General Charles de Gaulle, an itinerary for President Kennedy's trip to Vienna, Austria, and copies of a joint statement issued by the President and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev concerning nuclear weapons, disarmament, and Germany following discussions in Vienna. The majority of this file consists of telegrams and memoranda to President Kennedy from Cabinet members and advisors regarding suggested strategies for discussing subjects such as nuclear weapons, disarmament, Berlin, and Laos with Premier Khrushchev.
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"ocrText": "SECRET LIMIT\n30 it\n-4-\nhard to justify the workability of any such mechanism. Care, however,\nshould be exercised that this point is not built up to a degree whereby a\nSoviet retreat from this position might be utilized by them to justify\nmajor concessions on our part in other aspects of the test ban talks still\nin dispute.\nIf, however, Khrushchev sticks firmly to his insistence on\nthe troika and endeavors to transfer it into the general field of disarma-\nment, he should be told that there seems to be little prospect of any\nfruitful progress in this entire field as long as this postion is\nmaintained. However, in all likelihood, he will not seek to extend the troika\nprinciple into general disarmament, but is more apt to stress the standard\nSoviet position that when disarmament is fully or even substantially achieved,\nthe Soviet Government would accept any form of inspection. If he makes\nthis latter point clear, then the discussion on general disarmament should\nfollow along the lines of our position paper (PMK-B/9).\nConclusion\nIn general, the impression we would desire to leave on Khrushchev\nis first of all one of utmost seriousness in regard to the current world\nsituation; the desire of the United States to find means to handle our\ndisagreements in such a way as to avoid war and that, to this end,\nrealistic and responsible action on the part of the Soviet Union will be\nmatched by equal responsible and realistic action on the part of the\nUnited States; that world peace cannot be preserved by an attempt to\ninflict political defeats upon great powers and our reciprocal actions\nshould be governed by some form of ground rules in order to avoid the\ntype of actions which can set off an automatic chain of events leading\nto the end that both countries desire to avoid.\nLIMIT\nDrafted by :\nS/B - Mr. Bohlen"
}