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NSC Meeting - Jordan 9/23/70
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WITHDRAWAL SHEET (PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARIES)
FORM OF
DOCUMENT
CORRESPONDENTS OR TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
I MEMO
FROM HENRY A KISSINGER To THE PRES DENT (4pp.)
9/23/70
A
2 NOTE
NOTE FROM THE GOVERNMENT OF ISRAEL To THE
[9/70]
A
GOVERNMENT OF THE us (2pp.)
3. PAPER
FAPER ON SRAEL (5pp.)
[9/70]
A
4 REPORT
REPORT ON CUBA (17pp.)
SANITIZED
PER RAC REVIEW
9/22/70
A
3/2009
FILE LOCATION
H FILES Box H-29 FOLDER 6
RESTRICTION CODES
(A) Closed by applicable Executive order governing access to national security information.
(B) Closed by statute or by the agency which originated the document.
(C) Closed in accordance with restrictions the Pibrary DECLASSIFIED
NATIONAL ARCHIVEShNDROT misweusant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
NA 14029 (1-98)
WITHDRAWAL SHEET (PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARIES)
FORM OF
CORRESPONDENTS OR TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
DOCUMENT
1 MEMO
FROM HENRY A KISSINGER To THE PRESIDENT (4pp.)
9/23/70
A
2 NOTE
NOTE FROM THE GOVERNMENT OF ISRAEL To THE
[9/70]
A
GOVERNMENT OF THE us (2pp.)
3. PAPER
PAPER ON ISRAEL (5pp.)
[9/70]
A
4 REPORT
REPORT ON CUBA (17pp.)
9/22/70
A
FILE LOCATION
H FILES Box H-29 FOLDER 6
RESTRICTION CODES
(A) Closed by applicable Executive order governing access to national security information.
(B) Closed by statute or by the agency which originated the document.
(C) Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in the donor's deed of gift.
NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ARMINISTRATION Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
NA 14029 (1-98)
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE
September 22, 1970
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
Henry A. Kissinger
DECLASSIFIED/RELEASED ON 4/16/02
SUBJECT: WSAG Actions - Jordan
by NARA on the recommendation of the NSC
under provisions of E.O. 12958
RFCx
The following actions have been taken:
Diplomatic
--Jordan - We advised King Hussein that we would look promptly
and with sympathy on requests for material assistance.
--Ambassador Brown has informed the King that his request
for help is being actively discussed.
--Iran - Ambassador MacArthur has seen the Shah and has exchanged
views on the situation with him.
--Israel - We are getting regular Israeli assessment of the situation
and are obtaining reconnaissance and intelligence data from the Israelis.
USSR and UAR - In response to the September 18 Soviet approach
indicating that they believe all states both within and outside the
region should avoid intervention and seek to bring an end of the
fighting, Assistant 'Secretary Sisco conveyed an oral note September 20
urging the USSR to press the Syrians to withdraw. No further
approaches to the Soviets have been made.
The UN - The Jordanians have decided not to go to the UN for now.
This action is in abeyance. After review, we still seeno advantage
in pressing.
--A diplomatic scenario has been prepared and reviewed in the WSAG
for actions the U.S. would have to take if the Israelis strike.
--A scenario and talking points for Congressional briefing have been
prepared, both a factual briefing before a strike and a policy briefing
after.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE
-2-
Military Supply
-Defense has prepared a package of material which Hussein might
need; the material has been identified and can be shipped quickly.
Defense and CIA have developed plans for air shipment of this material
to Jordan if this is needed.
--A contingency plan has been prepared for the equipment Israel
might need if the Israelis strike the Syrians and if the cease-fire
breaks down on the Suez line.
-Contingency plans for coping with a possible Soviet counter to an
Israeli attack on the Syrians have been reviewed in the WSAG.
Military Measures
--A "heads up "message has been sent to all commands to increase
intelligence watch and general readiness.
-Airlift - Five C-130s have been moved from Incirlik to preposition
them for evacuation; ten additional C-130s have been moved to Europe.
The Fleet - Major elements of the Sixth Fleet have been positioned
in the Eastern Mediterranean.
The Saratoga and Independence are south of Cyprus along with
the amphibious force with one Marine battalion landing team
embarked.
The Guam with another Marine unit embarked and with helicopters
will pass through Gibraltar Straits on Saturday, 26 September.
- The Carrier Kennedy is enroute to the Mediterranean and will
pass through Gilbraltar Straits on 25 September.
An additional tanker and four destroyers have been ordered to the
Mediterranean to support the Kennedy.
Six additional land-based ASW aircraft have been positioned in the
Mediterranean area.
-Officers from the Sixth Fleet flew Sunday night to Tel Aviv for a
very successful intelligence exchange on target information.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE
-3-
The Fleet has been instructed to prepare plans for
reconnaissance of the battle area and for attacking Syrian
forces.
-
Army Forces
Airborne Brigade is on alert in Germany, one battalion could
be in Jordan in less than 8 hours.
- Elements of the 82nd Airborne Division at Fort Bragg are on
alert.
Other Steps
-CIA/State have completed a study of likely outcomes of the
contest between the King and the Fedayeen, the impact on the
Middle East peace initiative and the implications for U.S.
policy and action.
Press guidance is being coordinated with State and Defense.
Contingency statements have been drafted for use if Israel
strikes.
-Sitreps are being issued every four hours.
- A paper on possibilities for providing economic assistance to
Jordan has been prepared.
Hospital units have been prepared for shipment US aircraft
have been earmarked to carry them to Jordan.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE
MEMO TO PRES.
An originally-planned NSC meeting
turned into a
Meeting of Principals of WSAG
on Jordan
9/23/70
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
NSC Way
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL folden
September 22, 1970
GENER AL HAIG
Admiral Moorer would like to bring
General Vogt to the NSC meeting tomorrow.
Appr
ove
2
Disapprove
rus
Jeanne W. Davis
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
ocument has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declas
THE WHITE house
washington
NSC
Rogers wonts
0 bring Sisco
for ME. portion
approve
Disapprove
Per Jeann Davis
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
cument has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be decla
LIST OF INVITEES FOR NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL MEETING
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1970, 9 30 A.M - CABINET ROOM
Secretary of State William P Rogers
Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird
Deputy Secretary of Defense David Packard
Assistant Secretary of State Joseph Sisco
Admiral Thomas H Moorer, Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff
Director of Central Intelligence Richard Helms
?
Lt. General John W. Vogt, Director, J-3 (Operations), Joint Staff
Henry A. Kissinger, Assistant to the President
Gen. Alexander M Haig, NSC Staff
Harold H. Saunders, NSC Staff
(Mr. Clinton B. Conger, CIA, to set up charts)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
22110
9/23 NSC duty
THE WHITE house
WASHINGTON
September 17, 1970
MEMORANDUM FOR DR. KISSINGER
FROM
ALEXANDER P. BUTTERFIELD
SUBJECT
National Security Council Meeting
The purpose of this memorandum is to confirm the message passed
to your office by telephone earlier this morning -- that the NSC
meeting previously scheduled for 3 00 P.M. Friday, September 18,
has been postponed until 9 30 A.M. Wednesday, September 23.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
NUMBER
MO
DA
HR
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL CORRESPONDENCE ROUTING AND CONTROL PROFILE
22110
09
18
10
TO: PRES
FROM: ELIOT
CLASSIF:
U
x
EXDIS
HAK
x
ROGERS
C z
NODIS
LAIRD
lou
EYES ONLY
DOCUMENT SOURCE/CLASS/DESCRIPTION
S
RES DATA
DOC DATE: 09/17/20
Butterfield, A.
TS
CODEWORD
SENSITIVE
PARIS MTG
NO FORN
SUBJECT:
Pastponent of NSC meetry from 3: PM Sept. 18 to
9:30 AM Sept 23
ENCLOSURES: (
)
(
) NOT XEROXED FOR SUSPENSE FILE
INTERNAL ROUTING AND DISTRIBUTION
ACTION REQUIRED
NAME: Mrs.Daves
MEMO FOR HAK
(
)
ACTiON
INFO
RCD CY
MEMO TO PRESIDENT
(
)
ADVANCE CYS TO HAK/HAIG
FOR:
REPLY FOR HAK SIGNATURE
)
x
REPLY FOR PRES SIGNATURE
(
)
STAFF SECRETARY
MEMO
TO
(
)
dir SECRETARIAT
SECRETARIAT DISTRIBUTION/ACTION
RECOMMENDATIONS
(
)
SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
JOINT MEMO
(
)
NR EAST/NORTH AFRICA
APPROPRIATE ACTION
(
x
)
EUROPE/CANADA
ANY ACTION NECESSARY
(
)
LATIN AMERICA
CONCURRENCE
(
)
UNITED NATIONS
ECONOMIC
DUE DATE:
09/18/20
SCIENTIFIC
PLANNING GROUP
COMMENTS: (Including Special Instructions)
PROGRAM ANALYSIS
DATE
FROM
TO
ACTION REQUIRED
Turnmer leas been
woufirs -
INTERNAL ROUTING
AND
MICROFILM DATA
DO.
INIT.
DATE
SEP 211970
ORIG) NSC.
TO PAE
WHC
DISPATCH: LETTER/MEMO
NSC
STAFF approval
SUBF
DISPOSITION
PAF
HAK APPL
WHC
x
NOTIFY:
HAK MARGINALIA
SUBF
X
x NS3 FORM REQUIRED
COPIES: (AS MARKED ABOVE)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
* GPO: 1970-385-803
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE/EYES ONLY
September 18, 1970
MEMORANDUM FOR
DICK KENNEDY
PETE VAKY
JEANNE DAVIS
FROM:
A1 Haig
@
SUBJECT:
Wednesday's NSC Meeting
The President desires that next Wednesday's NSC meeting include
the following agenda items with the approximate time allocations
as shown:
Europe Topic Originally Scheduled
-
Approximately 30 minutes
brfg
Situation in Jordan
-
Approximately 30 minutes
no
Problem in Cuba
I
One hour
Please give me recommendations for setting up the meeting, brief-
ing and participants. During the last two agenda items, participants
should be held to the minimum - - perhaps only the briefer and the
principal members of the NSC. There is to be no wide circulation
of the fact that the last agenda item has been added to the meeting.
DECLASSIFIED/RELEASED ON 4/16/02
by NARA on the recommendation of the NSC
under provisions of E.O. 12958
R76x
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE/EYES ONLY
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
Ed -
I imagine this will go in a regular briefing
book - so here is a copy for your files.
nancy
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
cument has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be decla
The addition in conference of a dollar ceiling under section 501 of
the Defense Procurement Act would seriously erode my position at a time
when the situation in the Middle East is extremely dangerous and volatile
A large ceiling would be widely misunderstood as the actual amount
of aid to Israel. It would be received in the Arab world (and perhaps
at home) with dismay It would be seized upon by the Soviets in their
effort to drive even deeper the wedge between the United States and the
moderate Arab states.
A small ceiling, on the other hand, would be a serious blow to my
position with respect to the Soviets Moreover, in the context of the
statutory language of 501, it would imply that the United States will
counteract Soviet aid only up to some specified sum This would be a
further inducement to the Soviets to continue and perhaps increase the
extent of their military support to the UAR, Syria and Iraq. It would
encourage the Soviet strategy of a war of attrition with Israel. It would
complicate our delicate relations with the Israelis with whom we are at
this moment negotiating military credits in anticipation of the authority
contained in section 501. A small ceiling might induce Syrian and Iraqi
intervention in the open conflict in Jordan, a conflict whose outcome is
vital to the United States
In the extreme crisis with which I must deal on an hour to hour basis,
alteration of 501 now, by the addition of a ceiling, would be a disastrous
handicap. I urge in the strongest possible terms that section 501 be
retained in conference without a specified dollar limit
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
-2-
I appreciate that this is not the normal method of authorizing military
credit, but this is not a normal situation. Moreover, section 501 is
the only statutory authority I have with which to assist Israel's defense
effort.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
NSC Ed
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE/EYES ONLY
September 18, 1970
MEMORANDUM FOR
DICK KENNEDY
PETE VAKY
JEANNE DAVIS
FROM:
Al Haig 15/
SUBJECT:
Wednesday's NSC Meeting
The President desires that next Wednesday's NSC meeting include
the following agenda items with the approximate time allocations
as shown:
Europe Topic Originally Scheduled
-
Approximately 30 minutes
Situation in Jordan
-
Approximately 30 minutes
Problem in Cuba
-
One hour
Please give me recommendations for setting up the meeting, brief-
ing and participants. During the last two agenda items, participants
should be held to the minimum -- perhaps only the briefer and the
principal members of the NSC. There is to be no wide circulation
of the fact that the last agenda item has been added to the meeting.
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE/EYES ONLY
DECLASSIFIED/RELEASED ON & 4/16/02
by NARA on the recommendation of the NSC
under provisions of E.O. 12958
R7lx
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
NSC
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE
September 23, 1970
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
Henry A. Kissinger
SUBJECT: This Morning's NSC Meeting on Jordan
I have been informed that State has prepared a draft response to
the Israeli "note verbale. 11 They have done this without giving us
an opportunity to carefully assess its implications. I therefore
recommend that at this morning's meeting of principals we confine
ourselves to the general approach that should be taken with respect
to the Israeli note and that you instruct State to pass their draft
response to the Washington Special Actions Group for more thor-
ough and coordinated staffing.
I will probably promptly convene the WSAG and provide you on a priority
basis with a detailed inter-departmental assessment of the State
draft with the view toward insuring that no precipitous action is
taken until all aspects of this crucial issue have been thoroughly
vetted.
4/16/02
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE
DECLASSIFIED/REASEDSCHION DECLASSIFIED/REASEDINGSIO DECLASSIFIED/REASED CANON of the R76x NSC
under provisions of E.O.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
HAK:AMH:ilp:9/23/70
Sensitive
NSC
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE/EYES ONLY
September 23, 1970
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
Henry A. Kissinger
SUBJECT: NSC Meeting, September 23, 1970
The regular agenda for the meeting includes:
-- The situation in Jordan.
-- Cuba.
I have provided a separate meeting book for each subject.
-- The Jordan paper is in the Red book; the Cuba paper is in
the Blue book.
I recommend that youstructure the meeting by discussing the Jordan
situation (Red book) first--this discussion would be essentially in the
nature of an updating of the situation and a discussion of the Israeli
response to our answers to their questions.
I recommend that the discussion begin with a briefing by Mr. Helms.
I suggest also that you ask Admiral Moorer to brief on our current
military readiness. Then you might want to turn to the Secretary of
State.
At the conclusion of the discussion on Jordan, I recommend that you
turn to the subject of Cuba. This discussion also would begin with a
briefing by Mr. Helms. Following the briefing, I suggest that you
ask each of the participants for their interpretation of the situation.
If you wish, I will sum up the discussion after everyone has spoken,
on the basis of the memo I am attaching to the Blue book for your
use only.
I recommend that you do not make any decision at the meeting on our
position on the Cuba problem until you have had time to read again the
memorandum I have given you (in the Blue book).
DECLASSIFIED/RELEASED ON 4/16/02
by NARA on the recommendation of the NSC
ДОР SECRET / SENSITIVE/FYES Reproduced at the Richard Nixon ONLY Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
under provisions of E.O. 12958
R7G
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE/EYES ONLY
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM.
Henry A. Kissinger 1K
SUBJECT
NSC Meeting, September 23, 1970
The regular agenda for the meeting includes
- - The situation in Jordan.
- Cuba.
I have provided a separate meeting book for each subject.
- The Jordan paper is in the Red book, the Cuba paper is
in the Blue book.
I recommend that you structure the meeting by discussing
first the Jordan situation (red book). for about 30 minutes - this
stay
discussion would be essentially in the nature of an updating of the
situation and a discussion of the Israeli response to our answers
to their questions.
I recommend that the discussion begin with a briefing by
Mr. Helms. I suggest also that you ask Admiral Moorer to brief
on our current military readiness Following the troductory
briefings, I would summarize the issues as a prelude to general
discussion by the participants.
you
then,
At the conclusion of the discussion on Jordan, I recommend
many
any
that you turn to the subject of Cuba This discussion also would
then
begin with a briefing by Mr Helms Following the briefing, I
suggest you ask each of the participants for their interpretation of
State
the situation. If you wish, I will sum up the discussion after
Saway
& for your use only,
everyone th line has hank spoken an in haves my in mem am Marling
I recommend that you do not make any decision at the meeting
on our position on the Cuba problem until you have had time to read
carefully again the memorandum I have given you (in the blue book)
and we have had time to discuss it further.
TOP SECRETSE ato the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE/EYES ONLY
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
Henry A. Kissinger
SUBJECT. NSC Meeting, September 23, 1970
The regular agenda for the meeting includes
-- The situation in Jordan.
DECLASSIFIED/RELEASED ON 4/16/02
by NARA on the recommendation of the NSC
-- Cuba.
under provisions of E.O. 12958
R7Cx
I have provided a separate meeting book for each subject.
-- The Jordan paper is in the Red book, the Cuba paper is
in the Blue book.
I recommend that you structure the meeting by discussing
first the Jordan situation (red book) for about 30 minutes -- this
discussion would be essentially in the nature of an updating of the
situation and a discussion of the Israeli response to our answers
to their questions.
I recommend that the discussion begin with a briefing by
Mr. Helms. I suggest also that you ask Admiral Moorer to brief
on our current military readiness Following the introductory
briefings, I would summarize the issues as a prelude to general
discussion by the participants.
At the conclusion of the discussion on Jordan, I recommend
that you turn to the subject of Cuba. This discussion also would
begin with a briefing by Mr. Helms Following the briefing, I
suggest you ask each of the participants for their interpretation of
the situation. If you wish, I will sum up the discussion after
everyone has spoken.
I recommend that you do not make any decision at the meeting
on our position on the Cuba problem until you have had time to read
carefully again the memorandum I have given you (in the blue book)
and we have had time to discuss it further.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE/EYES ONLY
MEMO TO O PRES.
NIXON PRESIDENTIAL MATERIALS PROJECT
DOCUMENT CONTROL RECORD
ITEM REMOVED FROM THIS FILE FOLDER
A RESTRICTED DOCUMENT OR CASE FILE HAS BEEN REMOVED FROM
THIS FILE FOLDER. FOR A DESCRIPTION OF THE ITEM REMOVED
AND THE REASON FOR ITS REMOVAL, CONSULT DOCUMENT ENTRY
NUMBER
ON EITHER THE DOCUMENT WITHDRAWAL RECORD
(GSA FORM 7279 OR NA FORM 1421) OR NARA WITHDRAWAL SI EET
(GSA FORM 7122) LOCATED IN THE FRONT OF THIS FILE FOLDER
A sanitized copy substituted for an original item which
contains information restricted under the Privacy Act
NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION
NLN Form 101 (revised 6-85)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
NIXON PRESIDENTIAL MATERIALS PROJECT
DOCUMENT CONTROL RECORD
ITEM REMOVED FROM THIS FILE FOLDER
A RESTRICTED DOCUMENT OR CASE FILE HAS BEEN REMOVED FROM
THIS FILE FOLDER. FOR A DESCRIPTION OF THE ITEM REMOVED
AND THE REASON FOR ITS REMOVAL, CONSULT DOCUMENT ENTRY
NUMBER
2
ON EITHER THE DOCUMENT WITHDRAWAL RECORD
(GSA FORM 7279 OR NA FORM 1421) OR NARA WITHDRAWAL SHEET
(GSA FORM 7122) LOCATED IN THE FRONT OF THIS FILE FOLDER.
A sanitized copy substituted for an original item which
contains information restricted under the Privacy Act
NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION
NLN Form 101 revised 6-85)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
ISRAELI NOTE
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
SNOLLOW
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
SECRET/NODIS
TALKING POINTS FOR BRIEFING SELECTED MEMBERS OF CONGRESS
-- Since our peace initiative was launched in June, the
Palestinian guerrillas and those Arab Governments, including
Syria, opposed to a settlement with Israel have sought to
destroy our initiative.
--- The situation came to a head in Jordan when King Hussein,
who along with Nasser had accepted the US initiative, sought
to assert control over the fedayeen "state within a state"
in Jordan.
-- By September 19 the King was slowly gaining the upper hand
Iraq, although it has a large number of troops in Jordan and is
pro-fedayeen, has remained passive; the UAR has avoided choosi
sides; and the Soviets have limited themselves to exhortations
for an end to the civil strife and against outside intervention
--- Beginning late September 19 a new situation has been create
by a massive invasion of Jordan from Syria (300 tanks plus
artillery and infantry). The invading forces have established
themselves in northern Jordan where the fedayeen have beèn
strong.
--- At stake is the regime of King Hussein, a moderate Arab
leader friendly to the United States and prepared if he can
to make peace with Israel. If he falls, : the prospects are for
radicalization and possible partition of Jordan among elements
hostile to Israel and the United States If Hussein falls,
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon CLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be deelassified.
SECRET/NODIS
2
there will remain little hope for an Arab/Israeli settle-
ment in the foreseeable future.
-- On September 20 we urged the Soviets to prevail upon
the Syrians to withdraw from Jordan, warning that if they
did not there was danger that the conflict would be broadened.
and affirming our own decision to avoid this. The Soviets
have been totally unresponsive.
--- In these circumstances we have been consulting with other
governments, including the British, the French and the
Israelis.
-- We have been informed that Israel has decided to move
militarily against the Syrian forces in northern Jordan in
view of the threat which would be posed to its security by
a radical regime and a large Syrian military force on its
eastern border.
--- We view sympathetically this Israeli position to defend
its national interests. We will be helpful in quietly pro-
viding Israel materiel assistance, while seeking minimal
public association with this Israeli action in order to pro-
tect to the extent possible our interests in the Arab world.
-- We see our principal responsibility as keeping the Soviets
from intervening. We are informing the Soviets that we have
no plans or our own to intervene, and are warning them against
intervening. We are making clear that the problem results
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified
SECRET/NODIS
3
from Syrian aggression and that the solution lies in Syrian
withdrawal from Jordan. We will of course also support
withdrawal of Israeli troops once the military occupation operation
is completed should the Israelis feel that they must go
in on the ground as well as in the air.
-- As for possible actions we might take, we are making
contingency plans should it become necessary to evacuate
US nationals from Jordan. If, contrary to our expectations,
the situation should require a larger direct US role, we
will consult the Congress in advance.
SECRET/NODIS
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
II
SECRET/NODIS
We have just learned that Israeli armed forces have commenced
action against Syrian military forces which had invaded Jordan.
This invasion by Syria, we were aware, would be considered
by Israel as a threat to Israel's security, and we have been
working and will continue to work intensively in diplomatic
channels to bring about Syrian withdrawal.
We wish to note that Syria has long rejected a just settlement
of the Arab-Israel dispute on the basis supported by the
overwhelming majority of the world community, the UN Security
Council Resolution 242 of November 1967. More recently Syria,
unlike the UAR, Jordan and Israel rejected our peace initiative
based on that resolution. The military action of Syria has
not only posed a threat to the security of both Jordan and
Israel, but has placed in further jeopardy the slender hopes
the people of the area and men of good will everywhere had
placed in the initiative based on the November 1967 resolution.
We look to the early withdrawal of all troops from Jordan not
there at the request of the Jordan government so that those
countries of the area which want peace can press ahead in
their efforts to make it. We have no intention of embarking
on other than diplomatic steps in order to end the fighting
unless powers. outside the area become involved.
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CUBA C U B A
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22 September 1970
DCI BRIEFING FOR
23 SEPTEMBER NSC
SOVIET NAVAL ACTIVITY IN CUBA
(Locator Map, Chart of Cienfuegos Bay, and Photo)
I. Mr. President, the Soviets are developing a
facility at Cienfuegos--on the south coast of
Cuba--to support their naval operations in the
Caribbean and the Atlantic. There is clear
evidence of this in the port improvements and
construction activity we have observed during
the past month, and the work has proceded to
a point making it possible that Soviet naval
units--including nuclear-powered submarines--
may soon be operating regularly from Cienfuegos.
A.
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1. Other port improvements include the in-
stallation of three anti-aircraft sites,
and a new long-range communications
facility is under construction on a
promontory north of Cayo Alcatraz, an
island in the eastern portion of the bay.
2. At this facility, holes for a large an-
tenna array have been dug some time
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since August 15.
3.
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B. On Cayo Alcatraz, new barracks and recreation
facilities have been built, probably for Soviet
naval personnel.
-2-
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TOP SECRET
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B. Ships of a Soviet naval task force-the
third to visit Cuban waters in the past 14
months--are still at Cienfuegos, and their
activities provide further indications that
the Soviets intend to make more permanent
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use of the port.
1. One of the seven Soviet ships which reached
Cienfuegos on September 9 and 10 was an
Alligator-class amphibious landing ship,
which brought to Cuba two 84 - foot barges.
2.
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3. A Soviet cruiser and destroyer, both armed
with guided missiles, left Cienfuegos on
September 15, in company with a merchant tanker,
but the other ships of the task force--the
landing ship, the submarine tender, and two
salvage ships--are still in the harbor.
+ LeNA
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II. No Soviet submarines have been detected with this
task force, but the first Soviet squadron to operate
in Cuban waters in July, 1969, included a nuclear-
powered N-class attack submarine and two F-class
diesel units.
A. A second task force which visited Cienfuegos
last May included an E-Two class nuclear
cruise missile submarine and two more diesel
types.
B. We have been receiving and checking out reports
of Soviet submarines and submarine bases in
-including underground submarine pens--
since the Soviets first began moving into
the island early in 1962, but none of these
reports could be substantiated until that first
task force visit in July of 1969.
C. During the 1962 missile crisis, we knew that
several Soviet diesel submarines were headed
for Cuba. We cannot judge whether the USSR
actually intended to establish a submarine
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force in Cuba at that time,
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III. There has already been some review of the U.S. -Soviet
negotiations during and after the 1962 crisis, to
determine whether any of the understandings reached
at that time would have a bearing on the latest
developments.
A. There was, of course, no formal bilateral
agreement putting an end to the crisis,
because President Kennedy conditioned a
no-invasion pledge on adequate inspection
procedures to verify the removal of offensive
weapons and guard against their re-introduction.
1. This, the Cubans and the Soviets never
accepted.
B. The understanding between President Kennedy
and Chairman Khrushchev made no reference to
submarines.
1.
The Soviets now would no doubt contend--
and correctly--that they made no under-
takings except to remove the missiles
11)
and the bombers.
C. Unilaterally, however, the U.S. Government
surrounded the settlement with statements
which went much farther than this. The
President's public statements and formal
communications at that time refer explicitly
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to the unacceptability of the presence in
Cuba of any offensive weapons capable of
striking targets in the United States, without
distinction as to delivery systems or whether
they are nuclear or conventional.
1.
To cite a specific example, President
Kennedy said in a press conference on
September 13, 1962: "If Cuba should
become an offensive military base of
significant capacity for the Soviet Union,
then this country will do whatever must be
done to protect its own security and that
of its allies. "
2. Secretary of State Dean Rusk told a press
S
conference on April 23, 1963: "President
Kennedy has made it utterly clear that we
would not accept a re-introduction into
Cuba of weapons which could strike at its
neighbors, including the United States. "
IV. The current Soviet naval activity in Cuba coincides
with a general warming trend in Cuban-Soviet rela-
tions, and with recent statements by Fidel Castro
to the effect that Cuba would welcome closer
military ties with the Soviet Union.
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A. The Cienfuegos project probably was discussed
when Soviet Defense Minister Grechko was in
Cuba last November, and again when Raul Castro
visited the Soviet Union in April of this year.
V. The only full-fledged submarine base the Soviets
ever established on foreign soil was the one in
Albania in the late 1950's, before the Albanians
split with Moscow.
A. The Soviet Navy has demonstrated in Alexandria,
Egypt, however, that it can support submarine
operations from friendly ports without estab-
lishing actual bases overseas.
1. Soviet diesel submarines now operate in
C
the Mediterranean on six-month patrols,
thanks to a three-week stop in Alexandria
midway in the deployment.
2. The distinction between support facilities
and an outright naval base is important to
the Soviets because of their long-standing
propaganda against so-called "imperialist
and colonial exploitation" " of overseas
bases.
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B. It is possible that the Soviets intend to use
Cienfuegos primarily as a harbor, making little
use of shore facilities. With the ships they
now have in position there, they can make minor
repairs and provide limited service to submarines
of any type.
1. The capabilities of the support ships--
together with the facilities now available
at Cienfuegos- such as pier space, mooring
E-
buoys, fuel storage, barracks, and recreation--
11,
can substantially extend the range and duration
of Soviet submarines patroling in the Atlantic
-
and the Caribbean.
VI. To be specific, a. Cuban support facility will save
Soviet submarines about-2,500 miles of transit
cruising to and from potential patrol areas off
the east coast of the United States, compared to
operations from the Northern Fleet bases near Mur-
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mansk.
A.
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1.
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B. Similarly, cruise missile and torpedo attack
submarines could increase their time on-station
by operating from Cienfuegos.
1. These submarines might also take advantage
of the longer patrols to carry on surveil-
lance and other intelligence operations
along the U.S. east coast.
C. The existence of a Cuban support facility would
also give the Soviets the option- in the event
of a crisis--of prepositioning submarines and
their support ships outside the areas where
American anti-submarine warfare coverage is
most effective.
1. In this context, the Soviets have shown
considerable interest in seaborne support
of submarine operations in the equatorial
waters of the Atlantic near Cape Verde.
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2. In preparation for such mid-ocean resupply
and maintenance, the Soviets have acquired
more than seven years of merchant marine
experience in supporting their fishing
fleets off Newfoundland from a base in
Havana Bay.
3. It is also worth noting that Soviet sub-
marines operating from Cienfuegos could
patrol the Gulf of Mexico without having
to enter through one of the narrow passages
into the Caribbean from the Atlantic
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D. On the negative side, of course, Cienfuegos
is relatively vulnerable to close surveillance
by the United States, and equally vulnerable
to attack in time of war.
VII. If the Soviets intend to develop Cienfuegos into
a permanent base for the support of ballistic
missile submarines--similar to our installations
at Holy Loch and Rota--they will need additional
facilities which are not there now.
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A. A ballistic missile submarine requires repair
shops and storage for nuclear weapons, as well
as special missile loading equipment.
1. Certain repairs for ballistic missile
submarines also require specialized
missile support ships, or missile
handling facilities ashore.
B. As yet, we have detected no preparations at
Cienfuegos for facilities such as these.
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MEMO TO PRES.
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MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
(non-log)
WASHINGTON
September 22, 1970
TOP SECRET/SENSITIVE/EYES ONLY
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
Henry A. Kissinger
SUBJECT: Soviet Naval Facility in Cuba
I.
The Current Situation
A. The Soviet Facilities
Photographic intelligence indicates the USSR is constructing a
naval support base, apparently for submarines, in Cienfuegos Bay,
Cuba. Definite identification of this activity was first made from
U-2 photography taken September 16.
The facilities at present consist of a Soviet submarine tender moored
to four heavy buoys in the bay. Two Soviet submarine support barges,
a landing ship, a heavy salvage vessel, and a rescue vessel are in the
harbor. Other ships that had been there-- a tanker and two missile
anti- submarine warfare (ASW) ships--have departed. Construction
on Cayo Alcatraz, an island in the bay, consists of two single story
barracks, sports area (soccer field, basketball and tennis courts),
an offshore wharf and a swimming area. Three AAA sites and a
communications antenna array are also in the harbor area.
None of this construction or naval activity was in the area on August 15,
the last prior date on which U-2 photography of the bay was available.
All of this was thus accomplished in the intervening four-week period,
suggesting that it was done on a crash basis.
The installation is similar to what we have in Holy Loch, and is of
semi-permanent nature. It would appear at this point to have the
capability of servicing submarines, including nuclear subs, and of
providing rest and recreation facilities for naval crews as well as
permanent support personnel. No other naval support capabilities
are evident at this point.
DECLASSIFIED/RELEASED ON 4/16/02
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under provisions of E.O. 12958
RHx
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B. The Background
Circumstantially, this construction appears to be part of a series of
events involving Soviet-Cuban military relations which have stretched
over the last year:
-- In July 1969 a Soviet naval group, including a nuclear submarine,
visited Cuba for two weeks.
-- The Soviet Minister of Defense visited Cuba for eight days from
November 12-19, 1969, the first visit by a Soviet Defense Minister
to the Western Hemisphere.
- - Raul Castro, the Cuban Minister of the Armed Forces, visited the
USSR for one month from April 4 to approximately May 13.
- - On April 22 and again on August 23 Castro made public remarks
welcoming close military ties with the Soviets.
-- Three flights of Two TU-95 Bear surveillance/reconnaissance air-
craft were made to Cuba on April 18, April 25 and May 13.
-- A Soviet naval task force paid a two-week visit May 14 to Cienfuegos,
Two units called at Havana subsequently for a ceremonial visit.
-- On August 4, in a note for you, the Soviets complained of new exile
activities and asked if the 1962 understanding was valid, we replied
that it was.
-- The current ships now in Cienfuegos were first noticed moving to
that area on August 28.
II. MILITARY SIGNIFICANCE
There is a wide spectrum of views regarding the military significance of
this development. The JCS believe that the military impact would be
significant equating, in the case of submarines, because of increased on-
station time, to approximately one-third of the size of the Soviet Ballistic
Missile Submarine (SLBM) force. Additional advantages they cite include:
-- The establishment of SLBM patrol stations in the Gulf of Mexico,
-- The option of keeping all missile submarines (SSBN) in port at Cienfuegos
and either launch from port or deploy rapidly as the situation dictates,
-- The lessening of personnel hardship and the concommitant increase of
SSBN crew effectiveness by significantly decreasing at-sea time.
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II. Military Significance (cont inued)
The JCS further believe that this action fits into an overall Soviet pattern
which indicates increasing Soviet hostility toward the U.S. and a willing-
ness to take greater risks in pursuing their objectives. In support of
this contention they note, among other Soviet actions, the following:
-- the continued construction of strategic missiles and SSBNs during
SALT,
- - dramatic increases in Soviet naval forces and operations in the
Mediterranean and Indian Ocean,
-- virtual Soviet control of UAR on defense and the challenge to the US
peace initiative by violation of the standstill provision with a massive
buildup of missiles along the Suez Canal,
-- the Soviet fleet visits and flights of TU-95/Bear D reconnaissance
aircraft to Cuba, and
-- improvements in Soviet military capabilities across-the-board while
ostensibly cooperating in a number of diplomatic moves.
I share the JCS's concern with Soviet intentions. I also share their con-
cern over the increasing Soviet military capabilities vis-a-vis the U.S.
and this is a matter which we are carefully analyzing. However, I believe
the development of the port of Cienfuegos into a base capable of supporting
nuclear submarines would add only marginally to the total Soviet capability
for attacking the US with nuclear weapons. The fact of the matter is that
there are always some Soviet subs off our East Coast with the capability to
launch missiles against most targets in the U.S. If they want, the Soviets
can increase ths number at any time by simply increasing their force levels.
Having a base at Cienfuegos makes it easier to achieve such an objective
but at considerably higher risks considering past U.S. reactions to Soviet
military activities in Cuba. Unlike 1962, the Soviets have a massive land
base missile capability which continues to grow.
If my view that the increase in military capabilities of the Cienfuegos base
would be only marginal is correct, then the Soviet action becomes even
more puzzling Why run such high risks for such low returns in increased
military capability? This strongly suggests that this Soviet move is perhaps
more politically-motivated than militarily.
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III. SOVIET INTENTIONS
There are several basic questions:
-- Why, at this time, have the Soviets embarked on a venture that they
should know has a low flashpoint in terms of American sensitivity?
-- Why, beforehand, did the Soviets seek to reaffirm the 1962 post
missile crisis understanding on the flimsy pretext of the threat to
Cuba?
Having reaffirmed the essentials of the 1962 understanding, why did
the Soviets almost immediately proceed to violate the spirit if not
the precise letter of that understanding?
- Finally, how does the move into Cuba relate, if at all, to the larger
posture of Soviet behavior, especially in the Middle East?
There are several possible explanations:
1. It could be that this move in Cuba is simply to show the flag, perhaps
to impress Latin America generally, having done that, the venture
will be terminated, in other words, there would be no longer-term
implications or consequences intended.
The main problem with this interpretation is that establishing a semi-
permanent facility goes well beyond showing the flag. No Soviet leader
could imagine that such a move could be passed over by an American
administration.
2. It could be a move in the SALT context, to establish a presence to be
bargained away for the removal of US forward bases which the Soviets
have pressed for in SALT.
The problem with this argument is that the prospective SALT agreement
currently on the table is one that, in itself, is quite attractive to the
USSR. To raise the sensitive issues of Cuba risks upsetting SALT, at
a minimum, it would establish a far more belligerent atmosphere for
negotiations. If the Soviets did accept a trade-off in the end, it would
once again demonstrate to Castro and Latin Americans generally, that
the Soviets exploited Cuba for their own strategic purposes.
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III. Soviet Intentions -- possible explanations (continued)
3 A deliberate confrontation. If the above two explanations are implau-
sible, we must assume that the Soviets are well aware of the crisis
potential of their action It is possible that the Soviets some time ago
looked ahead and saw the Middle East escalating to a dangerous point.
They could have reasoned that it was to their strategic advantage to
widen the arena of potential conflict with the US, in part to put pres-
sures on us from at least two points.
-- They could foresee that these two crisès would come to a head in a
pre-election period, when the US might be under some internal
constraints
-- They lied to us asin1962 to create an "understanding" for the record
beforehand, later to be used against us in some distorted fashion.
- - In this scenario, the Soviets, typically, have not thought through
their tactics of a double cricis, but in their arrogance, will brazen
it through.
It could be argued that for some years, now, as their strategic power
has grown, the Soviet leaders have wanted to even the score from the
humiliation of 1962.
A double crisis of this magnitude, however, has always been an intriguing
theory but a dangerous strategy. No one can foresee the consequences
of inter-actions between two areas of contention. There is not only the
danger of uncalculated escalation but the significant risk of a double
defeat.
Moreover, Cuba would seem the last place the Soviets would want to
invoke in a Middle East crisis. Cuba is, after all, still an area where
we have immense tactical advantage.
4. Soviet expansionism. This interpretation fits the Cuba move into the
pattern of the projection of Soviet power to various points around the
globe, and expansionism symbolized primarily by a naval presence.
Under this theory the Soviets have been in the process of testing us for
a reaction, and having estimated that we were relatively complacent,
have decided to take a further step, following their earlier naval visits
to Cuba and flights of bomber-reconnaissance aircraft.
-- The primary purpose of the Cuban move is not to create another
confrontation, but to establish step-by-step the Soviet right to
establish a naval presence in the area, much as they have done
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in the Mediterranean, the Indian Ocean, the Persian Gulf (not to
mention the now-regular on-station patrolling of Y Class sub-
marines within range of the East Coast)
-- The Soviet actions are demonstrative and political for their own,
not Cuban objectives, to show that the balance of power is now
such that we can no longer effectively block Soviet power even
in our own sphere of influence.
-- The Soviets may have reasoned that it would be prudent to reaffirm
the basic 1962 understanding, as a test of the limit of our permissive-
ness.
-- The Soviets may have concluded that the Middle East crisis inhibited
any forceful US reaction, especially in a pre-election period.
-- In this interpretation, however, there is room for tactical retreats
when the Soviets judge that the temperature is rising above that of
tolerable level.
My own view is that this explanation, a test of expansionism, is
probably the right one. In the last six months the Soviets could have
concluded they could move forward without major risks as long as they
did it piecemeal. If they are successful, however, as the news leaks
out, the Soviets can demonstrate to much of the world that the corre-
lation of forces has shifted significantly since their defeat in Cuba
almost exactly eight years ago. In short, this is a calculated but
highly significant political challenge.
The fact that on two separate occasions the Soviets have deliberately
deceived us may be an important symptom of the mood of the Soviet
leaders, and an index of their assessment of us. It suggests an ominous
contempt and a judgment that we are not likely to react quickly or vigor-
ously to Soviet challenges. Why they should hold such a view, if they do,
is never easy to understand. It could relate to what they may perceive
as our excessive eagerness in SALT and MBFR or perhaps their view
of the domestic effects of Vietnam, or their distorted views of our
social-economic "crisis".
In any case, the Soviets have been moving aggressively, first inthe
Middle East, and now in Cuba. They are likely to continue to do so
until they receive clear and unmistakable warning signals.
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IV. THE CUBAN ANGLE
Why did Cuba agree to lend its territory for this purpose? What does
Castro get out of it?
Conceivably Castro may have asked for such a facility to obtain a more
demonstrative show of support, or the base decision could have been the
result of mutual initiative based on mutually perceived advantages How-
ever, a more plausible thesis is that this was a Soviet initiative. The
Soviets clearly have the leverage to obtain Cuban cooperation--either by
blackmail in threatening to stop essential economic support or by bribes
in the form of more economic and military aid. This would explain a
number of otherwise puzzling reports we have received over the past
year or so. For example, there have been increasing reports of Soviet
attempts to increase their control and influence within the Cuban regime.
There have been reports of Castro's uneasiness at this, and of his alleged
comments about Soviet "coldbloodedness and ruthlessness". Failure of
Castro's highly touted effort to harvest ten million tons of sugar is a heavy
blow which damaged his charisma and control. The Soviets could well
have felt that they could pressure him without being as concerned about
his sensitivity as they have been in the past. In any event, they appear
to have more influence and authority in Cuba now than at any time in
recent years.
Whatever the case, the Cubans do receive. in return for use of their
territory -Soviet military presence with its implicit promise of Soviet
support and protection. They could conceivably use an expanded Soviet
naval presence in the area to cover their clandestine subversive move-
ments. They presumably have received expanded economic and military
aid.
V. MEANING IN LATIN AMERICA
Existence of a Soviet base and Soviet naval power in the Caribbean is likely
to be seen by Latin America as a sign of US weakness, especially if seen
in conjunction with the recent Chilean elections. It would strengthen Soviet
efforts to increase their influence in the region. It would encourage indigenous
radical left elements while discouraging their opponents It may tempt many
of these American nations to become neutral vis-a-vis US or to turn to the
Soviets to hedge their bets.
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VI. ALLIED ACTIVITIES
Most of our allies have little taste for a major confrontation with the
USSR, especially in an area quite remote from Europe, and over a
situation that they may not perceive as a serious strategic threat.
We could expect, as in 1962, little support and considerable advice
to restrain. our responses.
The main Europeans have a vested interest in the beginnings of
detente. In the longer term, however, the Europeans and our other
Allies could conclude that Soviet success in Cuba was an important
index of the balance of power. At the same time, the Soviets also
have a vested interest in the new German treaty and may also be in-
hibited from a deliberate confrontation with us.
VII. OPTIONS
If as I have suggested this is a serious political major challenge, then we have
no choice but torespond. In my view, our/options are:
1. Pursue a purely diplomatic effort to get the Soviets out. We would tell
them that we know of their activity and remind them of our 1962 under-
standings which we expect them to respect and wait for their reply.
The advantages of this course are that the chance of immediate
confrontation is minimized and we might be ableto strike a bargain
which would get them to leave, thus solving the immediate problem.
If this strategy succeeds and the Russians leave in response to an
offset to which we agree, Castro may even see himself as a pawn
in the USSR game and be less likely to play in the future.
-- The disadvantages are that if we bargain to get their withdrawal
the Soviets may see this kind of action as an easy route to follow
for other concessions they want in the future. If they are testing
us they may be willing to bargain yet engage in prolonged bargain-
ing. Moreover, our low-key reaction may prompt them to go
ahead on this project and even to make further waves in the Hemisphere
or elsewhere With the passage of time during our talks, we may end
up facing Soviet submarines and weapons in Cuba -- a result similar
to that in 1962.
2. Pursue a diplomatic course with Castro We would tell him that we
cannot permit this kind of Soviet base in Cuba and that we expect him
to get it out.
-- The advantages would be similar to those above but would include
also the avoidance of the need to strike a bargain with the Russians
and delay further the time of confrontation. If Castro believes we
are Reproduced at the Mard DECLASSIEN than the Russians.
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It is Russian interests which are primarily at stake.
-- The disadvantages are that we might have to strike some bargain
with Castro which would be no less easy for us than striking one
with the Soviets. Moreover, if the Soviets induced or pressured
Castro into standing firm, the chances of a fait accompli would
be great and we would face it without yet having made our position
clear to the Soviets They could take our delay in approaching
them as a sign that we are unwilling to push them hard.
3. Move decisively diplomatically, making clear at the outset we are
prepared to move to confrontation. We would tell the Russians
directly and at a high level that we consider their action intolerable,
that we expect them to remove the facility without delay and that we
expect a prompt reply If a satisfactory reply is not forthcoming we
consider the entire 1962 understanding invalid. As a follow-up, we
could call off SALT and go to the OAS as we did in 1962 -- either
before or simultaneously with our approach to the Soviets. Some
military steps--e.g., increased surveillance, sea patrols off shore,
deployment of additional tactical air to the Southeast US - would
signal our resolve and willingness to move to confrontation.
-- The advantages of this course are that our resolve would be clear
to the Soviets from the outset, but they could still move out without
losing face (if we had not gone to the OAS). We would have made
clear that we would not bargain for their withdrawal.
-- The disadvantages are that if they are testing us, they may still
not belie our determination short of an ultimatum. We will have
taken more time and will still have to confront them. If they really
want a base, as if they are seeking some concession from us, they
may be willing to sacrifice SALT and accept confrontation as a means
of getting a concession for withdrawal. If we went to the OAS and
were unsuccessful in getting Soviet withdrawal we would be losing
twice.
4. Confront the Soviets immediately. We would give them an ultimatum
and take immediate military measures to emphasize our intention to
prevent their use or retention of the facility. If they did not respond
we would publicly demand their withdrawal and within a short time, if
they did not do so, take military action against the base.
The advantages of this course of action are that our intentions would
be unambiguous and the consequences clear to the Soviets from the
outset It would minimize the likelihood that the base would become
operational and heavily defended It would be easier for the Soviets
to withdraw now when their investment is relatively small than it might
be later with a more developed facility.
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-- The disadvantages are that a crisis could be precipitated early
during a period when our forces are heavily oriented toward the
Middle East. A public ultimatum gives the Soviets no graceful
way out and we will have played our last card and foreclosed
other options.
In my view the slow diplomatic approach has serious risks. It may
seem safer but most likely it would result in a gradually escalating
crisis leading ultimately to confrontation. At the same time, moving
immediately to military confrontation may be need'lessly risky until
we have probed to see what the Soviets intentions really are. But
whatever our initial course, we must be prepared to move toward
confrontation if this is the price of Soviet withdrawal.
I recommend that you hear out all of the views on this subject but
that you do not make a decision at today's meeting.
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RN TALKING POINTS
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THE PRESIDENT'S TALKING POINTS
NSC MEETING - CUBA
September 23, 1970
The purpose of this meeting is to get an assessment of the
significance of the Soviet naval facility in Cuba, the issues this raises
for the United States and the range of choices open to us. The meeting
is not intended to result in a decision -- this will require considerably
more study and analysis. ]
1. I want to discuss now the Soviet naval facility in Cuba.
First I would like to have Director Helms report on what we know and
his assessment of this Soviet move. Then I would like each of you to
give me his interpretation.
2. [Ask Mr Helms to brief on the situation and give his
assessment. ]
3. [Ask each participant in turn for his interpretation. ]
4. [Ask Dr. Kissinger to summarize. ]
5. I will not make any decision today. We need to consider our
course carefully and should meet again on this question.
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by NARA on the recommendation of the NSC
under provisions of E.O. 12958
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Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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