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OCR Page 1 of 5As a result of this Soviet failure, the Soviet Union is now
in the difficult position of seeking means to avoid their clear
responsibility for walking away from both the START and INF
negotiations. However, no matter what they now choose to do, the
legacy of their actions will continue to haunt them and the mantle
of responsibility will sit heavy on their shoulders. let
Given this situation, I believe that the United States should
stay firmly on the high road that it has traveled thus far in
pursuit of meaningful, equitable, verifiable arms control
involving significant reductions in nuclear arsenals. This means
that we will not compromise our principles by chasing expedient
agreement. We will not entertain proposals which involve
preemptive concessions to attempt to entice the Soviets back into
negotiations before they sincerely wish to sit with us and solve
problems. And, we will not reward Soviet intransigence, thus
turning their policy failure into victory and dissipating the
strength we have accumulated due to the principled, yet flexible
stance that we have taken over the last three years. LET
On the other hand, maintaining the high road does mean that,
while we avoid the pitfalls cited above, we will continue
vigorously to conduct a sincere, positive effort to reach
agreement with the Soviet Union. While encouraging the Soviets to
return to the START and INF tables in Geneva, we will remain ready
to talk at any time and in any place without preconditions. We
will take every appropriate opportunity to explain patiently the
virtue of our sound, flexible positions in both START and INF. We
will use every appropriate avenue to explore ways of finding
appropriate ways to bridge the distance between the requirements
of our principled positions and the legitimate concerns of the
Soviet Union. We will remain prepared to discuss means of trading
areas of U.S. advantage of concern to the Soviet Union for areas
of Soviet advantage of concern to the United States and our
Allies. And, we will make full use of time during which we wait
for a positive Soviet response to fully prepare ourselves to
exploit opportunities that may present themselves for making
progress towards meaningful agreements that meet our criteria.
1st
Toward this goal, the Senior Arms Control Policy Group
(SACPG) will complete, on a priority basis, its current efforts
toward identifying and evaluating for me the full range of
potential U.S. options in the START and INF areas under likely
alternative scenarios. This work should address options which
flesh out and enhance our current position. However, it should
also identify the key differences between the U.S. and Soviet
positions, and identify options that could, under certain
conditions, bridge those differences. I do not intend nor will I
permit us to repeat the mistakes made by previous arms control
agreements. However, if elements of previous agreements put in
the right context meet our needs, we should not ignore them.
Finally, the SACPG work should also address likely Soviet
initiatives and prepare us to appropriately respond to them.
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